{"id":73,"date":"2026-07-06T15:43:56","date_gmt":"2026-07-06T19:43:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pressbooks.library.torontomu.ca\/agencyforfoodsecurityinbrazil\/chapter\/__unknown__-3\/"},"modified":"2026-08-30T19:40:11","modified_gmt":"2026-08-30T23:40:11","slug":"__unknown__-3","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/pressbooks.library.torontomu.ca\/agencyforfoodsecurityinbrazil\/chapter\/__unknown__-3\/","title":{"raw":"Chapter 2 - Exercise in Democracy: Social Participation in Public Policies for Food Security in Brazil","rendered":"Chapter 2 – Exercise in Democracy: Social Participation in Public Policies for Food Security in Brazil"},"content":{"raw":"
\r\n

<\/a>Andhressa Fagundes*, Clara Cec\u00edlia Ribeiro de S\u00e1, Tatiana Canuto Silva, Fl\u00e1via Fabrina Santos, Elisabetta Recine<\/p>\r\n

*Corresponding author: afagundes16@gmail.com<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n

<\/a>1. <\/strong>Introduction<\/strong><\/h2>\r\n

In Brazil, social participation (also referred to as popular participation or social control) is a constitutional right in policymaking in many areas, such as health and social assistance. (Pinheiro, 2009). It combines the principles of participatory democracy and representative democracy, ensuring the population's involvement in the drafting, implementation, and monitoring of public policies in the three spheres of government: municipal, state, and federal (Mereles, 2016). Social participation is one of the pillars of Brazilian democracy (Andreassa, 2021), and it builds on the assumption that the Brazilian state recognizes that popular participation contributes to improving the performance of public administration (FNDE, 2023).<\/p>\r\n

The Brazilian Constitution highlights the importance of social participation based on the understanding that society has multiple interests and needs and that the potential for solving problems is more significant with fairer, more participatory, and democratic decisions (Miwa & Ventura, 2020). Article 198 of Brazil's Federal Constitution of 1988 mentions the provision for \"community participation in health-related actions and services\". Article 204 mentions the population's participation in formulating policies and controlling social assistance actions at all levels; and Article 29 mentions municipalities' attributions, recommending the cooperation of representative associations in municipal planning (Brasil, 1988).<\/p>\r\n

Although it is a right guaranteed by the Constitution, the effectiveness of social participation often depends on the political will of the governments in power. In Brazil, there have been periods when dialogue between the state and society has been interrupted, with negative consequences for the most vulnerable groups (see Rocha et al., 2026, in this volume). Thus, civil society's involvement in public policy can be limited, in part, by government initiatives, which may or may not create the conditions for its realization. The political history in the country shows that, although constitutional, social participation is not always guaranteed (FNDE, 2023).<\/p>\r\n

The focus of this chapter is the dynamic of social participation in public policies for Food Security in Brazil: from post-democratization institutionalization, through periods of threat and setback, to moments of resistance and the pursuit of reconstruction led by the force of civil society. It is possible to visualize the trajectory of social participation and understand how its institutionalization, based on the 1988 Constitution, was tested and resisted periods of political dismantling. The chapter also focuses on highlighting that Brazilian democracy is not a static system, but a continuous process of construction and reconstruction, in which social participation acts as a driving force.<\/p>\r\n

This chapter provides an overview of the forms and functioning of social participation in policy-making in Brazil (Section II) and analyzes the institutionalization of social participation in food and nutrition security policy after the 1988 Constitution (Section III). We consider how this institutionalization served as the basis for much resistance during periods when social participation was undermined, as well as the basis for the reconstruction of spaces for social participation since 2023 under the new administration of President Lula. The Conclusion (Section IV) is a brief reflection on the \u201clessons learned\u201d along this trajectory.<\/p>\r\n\r\n

2. Institutionalization of Social Participation in Brazil<\/strong><\/h2>\r\n

Social participation in policy-making in Brazil first came to prominence in the area of health, promoted by the sanitation movement in the mid-1970s. Social movements fighting for civil and political rights in the country under a military dictatorship gave priority to health rights (Kujawa, 2022). This movement included various interest groups such as academic researchers, health professionals, and regular users of the health system.<\/p>\r\n

The 8th National Health Conference, held in 1986, was an important political and social milestone in the development of the principles of social participation in policy-making in Brazil. This conference demonstrated the urgent need for significant reform of the Brazilian public health system, supporting the creation of the Unified Health System (Sistema \u00danico de Sa\u00fade - SUS) as a constitutional right and reinforcing the importance of social participation in this debate (Carvalho, 2014).<\/p>\r\n

The 1988 Constitution established the SUS and the obligation of municipal, state, and federal governments to create institutional spaces for social participation in the development, implementation, and monitoring of public policies. After that, new legislation for specific policies incorporated civil society participation based on the concept of \u201cactive citizenship\u201d (Gohn, 2019). It is believed that social participation in public management brings about a qualitative leap in actions, with the design of public policies, which better express the diversity of needs and ways of addressing problems and gain legitimacy in their implementation (Andreassa, 2021). The institutionalization of spaces for social participation was consolidated mostly in the form of \u201cCouncils\u201d and \u201cConferences\" in Law No. 8,142 of 1990 (Andreassa, 2021; Avritzer & Souza, 2013; Brasil, 1990; Moura, 2010; Valla, 2000).<\/p>\r\n\r\n

2.1<\/em> Councils<\/em><\/h3>\r\n

Councils are institutionalized spaces for dialogue between organized civil society and government representatives. As council members, ordinary citizens can play an active role in shaping public policy, influencing improvements in laws, programs, and actions that directly impact their lives. Brazil has councils in different areas, such as education, health, the environment, social assistance, and food and nutritional security (FNS). In the Brazilian public policy system, there must be consistency and complementarity between the roles and responsibilities of councils at different levels of government: municipal, state, and federal (Gurgel & Justen, 2013; Pires et al., 2024).<\/p>\r\n

Councils can be \u201cconsultative\/advisory\u201d or \u201cdeliberative.\u201d Consultative councils offer guidance and suggestions to government bodies. Deliberative councils have the power to make decisions, guide, and transform debates into actions, determining the occurrence of public initiatives (Pires et al., 2024; Kujawa, 2022).<\/p>\r\n

Councils are composed of representatives from the state and civil society who discuss the direction and development of public policies. They provide greater transparency to the state's actions and impact the distribution of public resources, resulting in less waste and greater efficiency in the services provided, while taking into account the particularities and experiences of civil society. Councils debate and make political decisions, intervening in the implementation of public policies, questioning their functioning, and proposing changes and improvements (Almeida & Emmendoerfer, 2024). Council members do not receive extra remuneration for that activity.<\/p>\r\n

The different councils work through meetings that follow a basic operational structure illustrated in Figure 1. It is recommended that a council meeting be held in a place that is easily accessible to the participants involved, with the date, time, and agenda announced in advance. Meetings are considered permanent spaces for debating public policy and are, for the most part, open to attendance by the general public as listeners. Council meetings follow a structure defined in the council's internal regulations to ensure that decision-making processes are ethical, legal, democratic, and transparent (Mereles, 2016).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_143\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"890\"]\"A Figure 1. The general structure of council meetings (developed by the authors).[\/caption]\r\n

2.2 <\/em>Conferences<\/em><\/h3>\r\n

<\/a>Conferences are convened by the councils every four years, but may be convened at shorter intervals if necessary. They represent an opportunity to broaden debate and dialogue, in which elected delegates, respecting the public sphere to which they belong (municipal, state, or federal), propose ideas, defend needs and interests, and negotiate to achieve, in the best possible way, the will of the community.<\/p>\r\n

Conferences evaluate public policies and improve their guidelines and actions through broad consultation with the population. They bring together different actors, such as experts, civil society organizations, citizens, and government officials, to define and reinforce political commitments. They evaluate issues, monitor plans\/actions, identify priorities, assess future needs, and develop proposals (Carvalho, 2014; Lemos, 2018). Preparatory meetings, known as pre-conferences, help align the main demands of civil society. Delegates discuss the conference theme, so they must understand the demands of the population they represent (farmers, indigenous peoples, etc.) and the challenges and deliberations of previous conferences.<\/p>\r\n

Municipal councilors participate in municipal conferences, and a few are elected as delegates representing the municipality at state conferences. From the state conferences, some delegates will also be selected to participate in national conferences. At each stage, conference programs should set aside time to elect delegates for the next stages. Delegates elected to the national conference must have been active in the previous stages, representing local demands. This process begins at the local level, i.e., in the municipality, and goes up to the national level. The link between these levels follows the so-called \u201cprinciple of ascendancy\u201d (Figure 2).<\/p>\r\n

Conferences in Brazil, as much as or even more than other forms of civil society participation\u2014including participatory budgeting\u2014have great potential for fostering democratic practices and creating alternative spaces for representation. The State is responsible for convening and funding councils and conferences; however, it is important to note that, despite this, the outcomes of these conferences are not controlled by the State (Maluf & Nascimento, 2009; Pinto, 2009). Funding challenges, however, remain in practice, given that the budget for many conferences spreads out across various ministries, with different priorities (Nascimento, 2012).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_144\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"936\"]\"Chart Figure 2. Principle of ascendancy for participation in conferences.\u00a0 D<\/em>eveloped by the authors.[\/caption]\r\n

<\/a>3. Social Participation in Food and Nutrition Security Policy: Institutionalization, Setbacks and Resistance<\/strong><\/h2>\r\n

In Brazil, Food and Nutrition Security (FNS) is defined as \u201cthe realization of everyone's right to regular and permanent access to quality food, in sufficient quantity, without compromising access to other essential needs, based on health-promoting dietary practices that respect cultural diversity and are environmentally, culturally, economically and socially sustainable\u201d (Casa Civil, 2006). Following the Brazilian Constitution, policymaking in this area provides for the inclusion of social participation, from the planning to the execution, monitoring, and evaluation of public policies (Casa Civil, 2006; Oliveira, 2017). Participatory governance in FNS encourages the sharing of experiences and knowledge, helps synthesize collective reflections that direct responses to food crises, and promotes the guarantee of the Human Right to Adequate Food (HRAF) and Food Sovereignty of the population (Burity, 2022).<\/p>\r\n

The basic structure developed for the participation of civil society in policymaking through Councils and Conferences (described in section II) is also present in the area of Food and Nutrition Security. Here we describe the advances and setbacks in the consolidation of this structure (summarized in Figure 3), which culminates with the creation of a National System for Food and Nutrition Security (SISAN) in Brazil.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_145\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"968\"]\"An Figure 3. Milestones in institutionalizing social participation in Food and Nutrition Security policymaking in Brazil.\u00a0 <\/em>Adapted from Casa Civil, (2006).[\/caption]\r\n

3.1 CONSEA\u2019s Trajectory<\/h3>\r\n

<\/a>Prior to the creation of the National Council for Food and Nutrition Security (CONSEA), the First National Conference on Food and Nutrition held in 1986 was a landmark in raising awareness of FNS issues in the country (Abrandh, 2013). That conference highlighted the importance of the Human Right to Adequate Food and reinforced the need of integrating issues related to inadequate nutrition, such as malnutrition, overweight, obesity, and chronic non-communicable diseases. In the 1980s and the 1990s, these issues were not yet widely debated, but they gained momentum and became the focus of many conversations since then (Moraes et al., 2021a).<\/p>\r\n

In 1993, under the leadership of Herbert (Betinho) de Souza and his very successful and popular movement (A\u00e7\u00e3o da Cidadania Contra a Fome e a Mis\u00e9ria e pela Vida<\/em> - Citizenship Action Against Hunger and Poverty and for Life), the National Council for Food and Nutrition Security (CONSEA) was created. CONSEA was the first institutionalized space for government-civil society interaction for debating FNS issues at a national level. CONSEA is a collegiate body with an advisory and deliberative nature that seeks to promote FNS in the country, ensuring the population's Right to Adequate Food. CONSEA is directly linked to the Presidency of the Republic as an immediate advisory body, influencing in the formulation of FNS policies and in the definition of strategies to guarantee the Right to Adequate Food (Casa Civil, 2006).<\/p>\r\n

CONSEA's work seeks to expand social participation and promote intersectoral action, especially in Health, Education, Social Development, and Family Farming (Oliveira, 2017; Faria et al., 2009; Moraes et al., 2021b). Social participation is achieved mainly by appointing \u2154 of council members from civil society and \u2153 from state representatives, requiring the council chair to be a civil society representative. In the selection of council members, attention is paid to diversity in terms of gender, ethnicity, religion, and geographic region of participants, seeking broad representation (Machado et al., 2024; Pinheiro, 2009). In 2025, CONSEA had 80 councilors, including full and alternate members.<\/p>\r\n

Since its conception, there were two periods under which CONSEA did not function: from 1995 and 2003, and from 2019 to 2023. CONSEA was first abolished in 1995, during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who did not see the value of FNS as a separate area of social policy (Abrandh, 2013). At the time, despite CONSEA\u2019s abolition, civil society intensified its activism in food security through the Brazilian Forum for Food and Nutrition Security and Sovereignty (FBSSAN) in the following years. The Forum served as a central reference for social mobilization, advocating for the FNS agenda, and promoting the development of laws, guidelines, and policies in this area. FBSSAN also fought for the return of CONSEA and the creation of other spaces for civil society\u2019s participation in monitoring and evaluation of public policies. This activism resulted in the reactivation of CONSEA in 2003 (under President Luis In\u00e1cio Lula da Silva) in a more structured and institutionalized way (Abrandh, 2013; Freitas, 2021; Oliveira, 2017). As part of a great public policy effort, CONSEA contributed to having the country out of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Hunger Map in 2014.<\/p>\r\n

In 2019, on the first day of President Bolsonaro\u2019s administration, CONSEA was abolished a second time, through a presidential decree (Castro, 2019; Oliveira et al., 2022; Recine et al., 2020). This dissolution resulted in a significant loss of institutionalized space for debate and the fight for the right to adequate food in the country, drastically reducing social participation in FNS-related policy issues in the following four years. The Bolsonaro government neglected or completely dismantled many FNS policies and programs. As a result, there was an increase in food insecurity and hunger, further aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Brazil had returned to the Hunger Map (Rede Penssan, 2022).<\/p>\r\n

Once again, civil society resisted and mobilized. In 2019, civil society convened the People's Conference on Food and Nutrition Security and Sovereignty, which had the participation of many of the organizations that were previously composing CONSEA. The main goal of the People\u2019s Conference was to build up resistance and develop strategies aimed at protecting FNS public policies (Nagib, 2020). The Conference also served as an opportunity for collective reflection on the importance of more robust institutionalization for full and continuous social participation in policy-making as envisioned in the Federal Constitution. In a context where social participation was officially undermined (under the Bolsonaro government), the important role of FNS activists became clear. FNS activists were there to strengthen social participation, contribute to the creation of spaces for articulation on the issue, and promote the development of skills through technical training and the dissemination of knowledge in different instances and territories (Ribeiro & B\u00f3gus, 2021).<\/p>\r\n

Many councils at state and municipal levels maintained their activities and supported public protests and actions such as the Banqueta\u00e7o<\/em> (\u201cBig Banquet\u201d), <\/em>a civil society mobilization for the free distribution of meals prepared with food produced by family farming, raising awareness in society about the importance of real food and social participation. The Banqueta\u00e7o<\/em> events, which took place in public spaces all over the country, brought together producers, farmers, cooks, nutritionists, chefs, social movements, agronomists, activists, and FNS scholars (D\u00f3ria & Azevedo, 2019). Banqueta\u00e7o<\/em> also appeared at strategic moments and commemorative dates, such as World Food Day.<\/p>\r\n

CONSEA returned once again in 2023 with the election of President Lula, reaffirming the federal government\u2019s commitment to ending hunger in Brazil. That same year, the 6th<\/sup> National Conference on Food and Nutrition Security was held, with the theme \"Eradicating hunger and guaranteeing rights with real food, democracy, and equity\". The Conference highlighted the importance of the commitment to mobilizing society, defending democracy, confronting hunger, and guaranteeing the Right to Adequate Food for all (CONSEA, 2023).<\/p>\r\n

In his inauguration speech in 2023, President Lula emphasized that the main mission of his new term was, once again, to remove Brazil from the Hunger Map. The first year of the new government was dedicated to the recovery of essential programs, which had been previously undermined, such as the Family Grant Program (Bolsa Fam\u00edlia<\/em>), the National School Food Program (PNAE<\/em>), and the Food Acquisition Program (PAA<\/em>). The Brazil without Hunger Plan<\/em>, coordinated by the Ministry of Development and Social Assistance, Family, and Fight against Hunger, reflected the new government efforts in advancing FNS public policies. Its main goal was to remove the country from the Hunger Map by 2030 and to ensure the human right to adequate food (MDS, 2024). The resumption of structural and emergency policies to combat hunger resulted in Brazil's exit from the Hunger Map ahead of the target year, in 2025.<\/p>\r\n\r\n

3.2 <\/em>SISAN \u2013 the National System for Food and Nutrition Security<\/em><\/h3>\r\n

Between 2003 and 2016, the fight against hunger and malnutrition gained centrality in the Brazilian federal government's political agenda. Civil society had an essential role in public policies during that period (Burity, 2022; Casa Civil, 2006; Maluf et al., 2021). The coordinated strategy of policies and programs and the implementation of participatory governance contributed to Brazil leaving the FAO\u2019s Hunger Map in 2014, and being recognized worldwide as an example for the set of programs and policies that produced this concrete result (Castro, 2019).<\/p>\r\n

<\/a>CONSEA significantly contributed to the development of new programs (such as the Food Acquisition Program \u2013 PAA in 2003, as part of the Lula\u2019s government Zero Hunger strategy), and the improvement of old ones (such as the redesign of the School Food Program \u2013 PNAE in 2009). Its main accomplishments to date, however, have been leading the successful campaign to add the Right to Adequate Food to the Constitution in 2010 and, before that, the approval of the Law on Food and Nutrition Security (LOSAN) of 2006.<\/p>\r\n

LOSAN launched the creation of a National System for Food and Nutrition Security (SISAN), further institutionalizing the participation of civil society in the governance of FNS at all levels of government (Casa Civil, 2006; Oliveira, 2017). It established three institutional components for SISAN at the national level: (1) the National Council for Food and Nutritional Security (CONSEA), (2) the Conferences on Food and Nutrition Security (CNSAN); and (3) the Inter-ministerial Chamber for Food and Nutrition Security (CAISAN). The law also establishes that these bodies - Councils, Conferences, and Chambers - be set up similarly at the state and municipal levels (Martins et al., 2023; Oliveira, 2017; Vasconcellos & Moura, 2018).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_146\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"850\"]\"Table-like Figure 4.<\/em> Components of the National System for Food and Nutrition Security \u2013 SISAN. Adapted from Casa Civil, 2006.\u00a0[\/caption]\r\n

<\/a>Four years after LOSAN\u2019s approval, a Constitutional Amendment included food as a social right in Article 6 of the Federal Constitution. This was a fundamental development, as it institutionalized food as a constitutional human right and, consequently, strengthened food and nutrition security measures (Casa Civil, 1988; Senado Federal, 2010). In the same year (2010), the government launched the National Food and Nutrition Security Policy (PNSAN), defining the guidelines for drawing up Food and Nutrition Security Plans (PlanSAN) (Casa Civil, 2010; Oliveira, 2017). The formulation and consolidation of all these components were only possible with the creation of legal structures, instruments, and mechanisms for social participation, made possible by the strengthening of Councils and Conferences over the years (Maluf et al., 2021).<\/p>\r\n

SISAN is a public, intersectoral, and participatory system that coordinates the three levels of government, different sectors, and organized civil society. It coordinates the interaction of these various sectors that facilitate access to adequate food, in addition to monitoring and evaluating the implementation and execution of FNS policies. Each component of SISAN has its own objective, but responsibilities are shared and complementary with the others, namely (Casa Civil, 2006):<\/p>\r\n

CONSEA (National Council for Food and Nutritional Security): body responsible for the articulation between the government and civil society. It mobilizes civil society in the process of social participation.<\/p>\r\n

CNSAN (Conferences on Food and Nutrition Security): space that brings civil society and government sectors together to debate and establish guidelines and priorities for the FNS agenda.<\/p>\r\n

<\/a>CAISAN (Inter-ministerial Chamber for Food and Nutrition Security): an advisory board that articulates and integrates actions of different federal ministries related to the FNS area. Its main objective is to coordinate the implementation of the National Policy and the FNS Plan, and prepare and monitor the Plan with goals, sources of resources, and monitoring and evaluation instruments (Brazil, 2024a; 2006).<\/p>\r\n

National Conferences aim to monitor progress, discuss emerging needs, and assess previously established public policies. Over the years, they have adopted different angles of eradicating hunger, promoting the human right to adequate food, and organizing the FNS agenda as a State policy (Table 1). The policy governing national conferences ensures the participation of various actors and guarantees quotas for the representation of segments in situations of greater vulnerability. The organizing committee defines the number of participants and the distribution of vacancies among delegates, guests, and observers, according to legislation and the available budget. Delegates have the right to speak and vote, while guests and observers are guaranteed the right to speak but cannot vote.<\/p>\r\n

Table 1. National Conferences on Food and Nutrition Security held in Brazil, 1994-2024<\/em><\/p>\r\n\r\n

\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
Edition<\/strong><\/th>\r\nYear<\/strong><\/th>\r\nLocation<\/strong><\/th>\r\nThemes<\/strong><\/th>\r\nTotal Participants<\/strong><\/th>\r\nTotal approved proposals<\/strong><\/th>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/thead>\r\n
1\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\r\n1994<\/td>\r\nBras\u00edlia (DF)<\/td>\r\nHunger: a national issue<\/td>\r\n-<\/td>\r\n117<\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
2\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\r\n2004<\/td>\r\nOlinda (PE)<\/td>\r\nThe construction of the National Policy for Food and Nutrition Security<\/td>\r\n1.400<\/td>\r\n153<\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
3\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\r\n2007<\/td>\r\nFortaleza (CE)<\/td>\r\nFor Sustainable Development, with Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security<\/td>\r\n2100<\/td>\r\n145<\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
4\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\r\n2011<\/td>\r\nSalvador (BA)<\/td>\r\nAdequate and Healthy Food: Everyone is right<\/td>\r\n1.996<\/td>\r\n166<\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
5\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\r\n2015<\/td>\r\nBras\u00edlia (DF)<\/td>\r\nReal food in the countryside and the city: for rights and food sovereignty<\/td>\r\n2.107<\/td>\r\n384<\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
6\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\r\n2023<\/td>\r\nBras\u00edlia (DF)<\/td>\r\nEradicating hunger and guaranteeing rights with real food, democracy, and equity<\/td>\r\n2.187<\/td>\r\n248<\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\nSource: Update from Ramos et al. (2022).\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n

<\/a>When convening the CNSAN, the national CONSEA publishes the agenda to be followed throughout the country: (i) local stage; (ii) period of municipal conferences; (iii) period of conferences in the states; and (iv) National Conference, which will bring together all the proposals. In addition to the calendars of the stages, CONSEA publishes the criteria for the election of delegates, the objectives, and the agendas of the thematic axes, and structures for the debate on food and nutrition sovereignty and security, as well as for sustainable, supportive and fair socioeconomic development. Each state is responsible for monitoring the process of overseeing regional and\/or municipal stages. For the conference's deliberations to be legitimate, the composition of delegates must be according to the representation of the segments on the councils (2\/3 from civil society and 1\/3 from the government). Specific regulations define the number of representatives. Civil society representatives are chosen by their peers, and managers from the respective sector\/government agency appoint government representatives.<\/p>\r\n

While SISAN guarantees institutional spaces for social participation in FNS policymaking through Councils and Conferences, a constant challenge is the relative low interest of civil society members to participate in those spaces (Almeida & Emmendoerfer, 2024; Balieiro & Macedo, 2022; Castro, 2019; Maluf et al., 2014). Some of the reasons for this include the heavy agenda of council members (Miwa & Ventura, 2020), but also the very lack of information about such opportunities and what they involve. A number of government-sponsored campaigns (Figure 5) attempts to encourage the participation of civil society.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_147\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"860\"]\"Table-like Figure 5. Examples of government campaigns to encourage Social Participation in Brazil.\u00a0<\/em>[\/caption]\r\n

<\/a>4. Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\r\n

<\/a>Brazil has a long history of mobilization of civil society in policy-making. Following the 1988 Constitution, many mechanisms for social participation in developing, implementing, and monitoring diverse policies in health and social assistance were developed. In the area of Food and Nutrition Security, a major landmark was the creation of the National Council for Food and Nutrition Security (CONSEA) in 1993. Institutionalized spaces for social participation, such as Councils and Conferences, and the construction of a National System for Food and Nutrition Security (SISAN) are concrete examples of how the democracy envisioned in the Constitution have become functional.<\/p>\r\n

<\/a>However, the participation of civil society in policy-making and the very progress of FNS programs have not followed a smooth pathway. On the contrary, the history of Brazil shows the need for constant vigilance and hard work to fight setbacks, maintain gains, and build for further improvements. CONSEA has been abolished twice since its creation, successful FNS programs have been undermined, and Brazil went back to the Hunger Map just a few years after the great accomplishment of getting out of it. Nothing can be taken for granted, even when social participation is celebrated in the country\u2019s Constitution. Still, after the return of CONSEA in 2023 and a government more committed to food and nutrition security, Brazil has once again managed to escape the Hunger Map.<\/p>\r\n

<\/a>A lesson learned has been that the type of democracy envisioned in the 1988 Constitution requires much resistance against forces challenging it, constant reconstruction, and continuous incentives for popular participation. The participation and mobilization of civil society are needed when institutionalized spaces are available, but are especially important in times when FNS policies and programs are undermined and formal spaces for participation are threatened or destroyed. Policies such as SISAN encourage and enable social participation in policymaking, therefore strengthening civil society. In turn, a strong civil society is needed to continuously defend its gains in democratic participation.<\/p>\r\n\r\n

R<\/strong>eferences<\/strong><\/h2>\r\n

Abrandh (Associa\u00e7\u00e3o Brasileira pela Nutri\u00e7\u00e3o e Direitos Humanos). (2013). Direito humano \u00e0 alimenta\u00e7\u00e3o adequada e o Sistema Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar<\/em>. Abrandh.<\/p>\r\n

Andreassa, L. (2021). O que \u00e9 cidadania e o que falta no Brasil?<\/em><\/a> Politize.<\/p>\r\n

Almeida, T. C. & Emmendoerfer, M. L. (2024). Conex\u00f5es entre a intera\u00e7\u00e3o de atores em conselhos gestores e a coprodu\u00e7\u00e3o de servi\u00e7os p\u00fablicos. Revista Estudos Institucionais<\/em>, 10<\/em>(3), 948\u2013970.<\/p>\r\n

Aranha. A. (Org.) (2010). Fome Zero: Uma Hist\u00f3ria Brasileira. Bras\u00edlia\/DF: Minist\u00e9rio do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate \u00e0 Fome<\/em>, Assessoria Fome Zero, (1).<\/p>\r\n

Avritzer, L. & Souza, C. H. L. (2013). Confer\u00eancias nacionais: Atores, din\u00e2micas participativas e efetividade<\/em>. Ipea.<\/p>\r\n

Balieiro, E. O. B. & Macedo, R. M. (2022). Gest\u00e3o participativa democr\u00e1tica, impasses, conquistas e desafios: Uma an\u00e1lise realizada no munic\u00edpio de Espinosa\/MG. Barbar\u00f3i<\/em>, 61<\/em>, 34\u201352.<\/p>\r\n

Brasil. (1990). Lei n\u00ba 8.142, de 28 de dezembro de 1990.<\/em> <\/a>Disp\u00f5e sobre a participa\u00e7\u00e3o da comunidade na gest\u00e3o do Sistema \u00danico de Sa\u00fade (SUS) e sobre as transfer\u00eancias intergovernamentais de recursos financeiros na \u00e1rea da sa\u00fade e d\u00e1 outras provid\u00eancias.<\/p>\r\n

Burity, V. (2022). Fortalecimento da participa\u00e7\u00e3o social na constru\u00e7\u00e3o de pol\u00edticas para a alimenta\u00e7\u00e3o \u00e9 tema de semin\u00e1rio internacional \u2013 FIAN Brasil<\/em>.<\/a><\/p>\r\n

Carvalho, G. D. C. M. D. (2014). Participa\u00e7\u00e3o da comunidade na sa\u00fade<\/em>. Campinas: Saberes.<\/p>\r\n

Casa Civil. (1988). Constitui\u00e7\u00e3o da Rep\u00fablica Federativa do Brasil de 1988<\/em><\/a>. Brasil.<\/p>\r\n

Casa Civil. (2006). Lei n\u00ba 11.346, de 15 de setembro de 2006<\/em>.<\/a> Cria o Sistema Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional (Sisan) com vistas a assegurar o Direito Humano \u00e0 Alimenta\u00e7\u00e3o Adequada e outras provid\u00eancias. Di\u00e1rio Oficial da Uni\u00e3o.<\/p>\r\n

Casa Civil. (2010). Decreto n\u00ba 7.272, de 25 de agosto de 2010<\/em>.<\/a> Brasil.<\/p>\r\n

Castro, I. R. R. (2019). A extin\u00e7\u00e3o do Conselho Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional e a agenda de alimenta\u00e7\u00e3o e nutri\u00e7\u00e3o.<\/a> Cadernos de Sa\u00fade P\u00fablica, 35.<\/em><\/p>\r\n

CONSEA - Conselho Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional (2023). Relat\u00f3rio final: 6\u00aa Confer\u00eancia de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional \u2013 Erradicar a fome e garantir direitos com comida de verdade, democracia e equidade<\/em>.<\/a> [PDF] Bras\u00edlia.<\/p>\r\n

D\u00f3ria, C. A. & Azevedo, E. (2019, mar\u00e7o 19). Banqueta\u00e7o: ativismo alimentar e novas formas de express\u00e3o pol\u00edtica.<\/a> Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil<\/em>.<\/p>\r\n

Faria, C. F., Silva, V. P.,& Lins, I. L. (2009). Confer\u00eancias de pol\u00edticas p\u00fablicas: um sistema integrado de participa\u00e7\u00e3o e delibera\u00e7\u00e3o? Revista Brasileira de Ci\u00eancia Pol\u00edtica<\/em>, (2), 125\u2013143.<\/p>\r\n

FAO, FIDA, UNICEF, PMA, & OMS. (2025). The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2025 \u2013 Addressing high food price inflation for food security and nutrition.<\/em><\/a> Rome.<\/p>\r\n

FNDE - Fundo Nacional de Desenvolvimento da Educa\u00e7\u00e3o (FNDE). (2023). Participa\u00e7\u00e3o social<\/em>.<\/a><\/p>\r\n

Freitas, G. C. (2021). Nada a temer sen\u00e3o o correr da luta: a trajet\u00f3ria do F\u00f3rum Brasileiro de Soberania e Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional (FBSSAN)<\/em> (Tese de doutorado). Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro.<\/p>\r\n

Gohn, M. da G. (2019). Teorias sobre a participa\u00e7\u00e3o social: desafios para a compreens\u00e3o das desigualdades sociais. Caderno CRH, 32<\/em>, 63\u201381.<\/p>\r\n

Gurgel, C. & Justen, A. (2013). Controle social e pol\u00edticas p\u00fablicas: a experi\u00eancia dos Conselhos Gestores. Revista de Administra\u00e7\u00e3o P\u00fablica, 47<\/em>, 357\u2013378.<\/p>\r\n

Kujawa, H. A. (2022). Vozes, olhares e sentidos da participa\u00e7\u00e3o social no SUS<\/a><\/em>. Editora Rede Unida.<\/p>\r\n

Lemos, R. A. (2018). Confer\u00eancias Nacionais de Sa\u00fade e a constru\u00e7\u00e3o do Sistema \u00danico de Sa\u00fade \u2013 SUS: uma revis\u00e3o.<\/a> Revista de APS, 21<\/em>(4)<\/p>\r\n

Machado, M. L., Gabriel, C. G. & Vasconcelos, F. A. G. (2024). Findings of evaluative research on the Brazilian Food and Nutritional Security System: A scoping review from 2006 to 2022.<\/a> Revista de Nutri\u00e7\u00e3o, 37.<\/em><\/p>\r\n

Maluf, R., Nascimento, R. C. (2009) Constru\u00e7\u00e3o do Sistema e da Pol\u00edtica Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional: a experi\u00eancia brasileira. Bras\u00edlia: FAO; IICA; Consea.<\/p>\r\n

Maluf, R. S., Santarelli, M. & Prado, V. (2014). A coopera\u00e7\u00e3o brasileira em seguran\u00e7a alimentar e nutricional: determinantes e desafios presentes na constru\u00e7\u00e3o da agenda internacional<\/em> [The Brazilian cooperation in food and nutritional security: determinants and challenges presents in the building of the international agenda]. Ceresan - Texto para Discuss\u00e3o<\/em>, (3).<\/p>\r\n

Maluf, R. S., Zimmermann, S. A. & Jomalinis, E. (2021). Emerg\u00eancia e evolu\u00e7\u00e3o da Pol\u00edtica Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional no Brasil (2003\u20132015).<\/a> Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura<\/em>, 29(3), 517\u2013544.<\/p>\r\n

Martins, M. C., Ferreira, M. A. S. & Silva, L. F. (2023). Brazilian National Food and Nutritional Security System: What are the similarities in the decentralization process?<\/a> Cadernos de Sa\u00fade P\u00fablica<\/em>, 39.<\/p>\r\n

Mereles, C. (2016). Fatos importantes sobre conselhos municipais.<\/a> Politize.<\/p>\r\n

MDS - Minist\u00e9rio do Desenvolvimento e Assist\u00eancia Social, Fam\u00edlia e Combate \u00e0 Fome. (2024). Retomada das pol\u00edticas sociais interrompe trajet\u00f3ria de aumento da fome<\/em>.<\/a><\/p>\r\n

Miwa, M. & Ventura, C. O. (2020). (Des)engajamento social na modernidade l\u00edquida: sobre participa\u00e7\u00e3o social em sa\u00fade.<\/a> Sa\u00fade em Debate<\/em>, 44, 123\u2013135.<\/p>\r\n

Moraes, V. D., Machado, C. V. & Magalh\u00e3es, R. (2021a). Governance and intersectoral coordination of public policies: the Intersectoral Chamber for Food and Nutritional Security.<\/a> Sa\u00fade em Debate<\/em>, 45, 575\u2013589.<\/p>\r\n

Moraes, V. D., Machado, C. V. & Magalh\u00e3es, R. (2021b). O Conselho Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional: din\u00e2mica de atua\u00e7\u00e3o e agenda (2006\u20132016).<\/a> Ci\u00eancia & Sa\u00fade Coletiva<\/em>, 26, 6175\u20136187.<\/p>\r\n

Moura, A. (2010). Democracia, participa\u00e7\u00e3o e controle social nos conselhos municipais de educa\u00e7\u00e3o<\/em> (Disserta\u00e7\u00e3o de mestrado). Universidade Federal da Para\u00edba, Jo\u00e3o Pessoa.<\/p>\r\n

Nagib, G. (2020). O espa\u00e7o da agricultura urbana como ativismo: alternativas e contradi\u00e7\u00f5es em Paris e S\u00e3o Paulo<\/em> <\/a>(Tese de doutorado). Universidade de S\u00e3o Paulo, S\u00e3o Paulo.<\/p>\r\n

Nascimento, R. C. D. O. (2012). O papel do CONSEA na constru\u00e7\u00e3o da Pol\u00edtica e do Sistema Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional <\/em>[Tese de doutorado]. Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro.<\/p>\r\n

Oliveira, A. R. (2017). A Lei Org\u00e2nica de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional (LOSAN) 2006: relatos, fatos hist\u00f3ricos e processo de elabora\u00e7\u00e3o.<\/a> Tempus \u2013 Actas de Sa\u00fade Coletiva<\/em>, 11(4), 59\u201375.<\/p>\r\n

Oliveira, A. da S. B. de, Lima, E. C. & Santos, R.P. (2022). Monitoramento e avalia\u00e7\u00e3o da seguran\u00e7a alimentar e nutricional: um olhar sobre as publica\u00e7\u00f5es oficiais.<\/a> Ci\u00eancia & Sa\u00fade Coletiva<\/em>, 27, 631\u2013640.<\/p>\r\n

Pinheiro, A. R. (2009). An\u00e1lise hist\u00f3rica do processo de formula\u00e7\u00e3o da Pol\u00edtica Nacional de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional (2003\u20132006): atores, ideias, interesses e institui\u00e7\u00f5es na constru\u00e7\u00e3o de consenso pol\u00edtico<\/em> [Tese de doutorado]. Universidade de Bras\u00edlia, Bras\u00edlia.<\/p>\r\n

Pires, E., \u00c1vila, H. D., & Nascimento, J. (2024). Conselhos gestores e pol\u00edticas p\u00fablicas: notas preliminares de desafios te\u00f3ricos e anal\u00edticos.<\/a> Servi\u00e7o Social & Sociedade<\/em>, 147(2).<\/p>\r\n

Pinto, C. R. J. (2009). As Confer\u00eancias Nacionais no Brasil: uma experi\u00eancia de esfera p\u00fablica de m\u00e9dio alcance? Revista Interse\u00e7\u00f5es (UERJ), Rio de Janeiro, 2, 195-214.<\/p>\r\n

Ramos, F. P., Sousa, S. S. & Santos, S. M. C. D. (2022). A experi\u00eancia brasileira na realiza\u00e7\u00e3o de Confer\u00eancias Nacionais de Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional.<\/a> Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar e Nutricional<\/em>, 29.<\/p>\r\n

Recine, E., Fagundes, A. A., Silva, B. L., Garcia, G. S., Ribeiro, R. C. L., Gabriel, C. G. (2020). Reflections on the extinction of the National Council for Food and Nutrition Security and the confrontation of Covid-19 in Brazil<\/a>. Revista de Nutri\u00e7\u00e3o<\/em>. 33.<\/p>\r\n

Rede PENSSAN \u2013 Rede Brasileira de Pesquisa em Soberania e Seguran\u00e7a Alimentar. (2022). II Inqu\u00e9rito Nacional sobre Inseguran\u00e7a Alimentar no Contexto da Pandemia da Covid-19 no Brasil<\/em>.<\/a> S\u00e3o Paulo.<\/p>\r\n

Ribeiro, S. M., & B\u00f3gus, C. M. (2021). Participa\u00e7\u00e3o e ativismo do grupo de interesse da seguran\u00e7a alimentar e nutricional em S\u00e3o Paulo\/SP.<\/a> Revista Planejamento e Pol\u00edticas P\u00fablicas<\/em>, 57, 119\u2013148.<\/p>\r\n

Rocha, C., Bezerra, M., Pequeno, N., Pinheiro, A., Lima, S., & Lyra, C. (2026). Moving Forward in Guaranteeing the Right to Food: Timeline on Food Security Policy in Brazil. In Rocha, C. & Moraes, A. (Eds), Agency for Food Security in Brazil: Social Mobilization, Participation, and Public Policies<\/em>. Toronto: TMU Pressbooks.<\/p>\r\n

Senado Federal. (2010). Emenda Constitucional n\u00ba 64, que altera o art. 6\u00ba da Constitui\u00e7\u00e3o Federal, para introduzir a alimenta\u00e7\u00e3o como direito social<\/em>.<\/a> Brasil. Di\u00e1rio do Senado Federal, 2.<\/p>\r\n

Valla, V. V. (Org.). (2000). Educa\u00e7\u00e3o e participa\u00e7\u00e3o popular: revendo o debate em torno da participa\u00e7\u00e3o popular: ampliando sua concep\u00e7\u00e3o em uma nova conjuntura<\/em>. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Editora Fiocruz.<\/p>\r\n

Vasconcellos, A. B. P. de A. & Moura, L. B. A. (2018). Seguran\u00e7a alimentar e nutricional: uma an\u00e1lise da situa\u00e7\u00e3o da descentraliza\u00e7\u00e3o de sua pol\u00edtica p\u00fablica nacional.<\/a> Cadernos de Sa\u00fade P\u00fablica<\/em>, 34.<\/p>\r\n

<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"

\n

<\/a>Andhressa Fagundes*, Clara Cec\u00edlia Ribeiro de S\u00e1, Tatiana Canuto Silva, Fl\u00e1via Fabrina Santos, Elisabetta Recine<\/p>\n

*Corresponding author: afagundes16@gmail.com<\/a><\/p>\n

<\/a>1. <\/strong>Introduction<\/strong><\/h2>\n

In Brazil, social participation (also referred to as popular participation or social control) is a constitutional right in policymaking in many areas, such as health and social assistance. (Pinheiro, 2009). It combines the principles of participatory democracy and representative democracy, ensuring the population’s involvement in the drafting, implementation, and monitoring of public policies in the three spheres of government: municipal, state, and federal (Mereles, 2016). Social participation is one of the pillars of Brazilian democracy (Andreassa, 2021), and it builds on the assumption that the Brazilian state recognizes that popular participation contributes to improving the performance of public administration (FNDE, 2023).<\/p>\n

The Brazilian Constitution highlights the importance of social participation based on the understanding that society has multiple interests and needs and that the potential for solving problems is more significant with fairer, more participatory, and democratic decisions (Miwa & Ventura, 2020). Article 198 of Brazil’s Federal Constitution of 1988 mentions the provision for “community participation in health-related actions and services”. Article 204 mentions the population’s participation in formulating policies and controlling social assistance actions at all levels; and Article 29 mentions municipalities’ attributions, recommending the cooperation of representative associations in municipal planning (Brasil, 1988).<\/p>\n

Although it is a right guaranteed by the Constitution, the effectiveness of social participation often depends on the political will of the governments in power. In Brazil, there have been periods when dialogue between the state and society has been interrupted, with negative consequences for the most vulnerable groups (see Rocha et al., 2026, in this volume). Thus, civil society’s involvement in public policy can be limited, in part, by government initiatives, which may or may not create the conditions for its realization. The political history in the country shows that, although constitutional, social participation is not always guaranteed (FNDE, 2023).<\/p>\n

The focus of this chapter is the dynamic of social participation in public policies for Food Security in Brazil: from post-democratization institutionalization, through periods of threat and setback, to moments of resistance and the pursuit of reconstruction led by the force of civil society. It is possible to visualize the trajectory of social participation and understand how its institutionalization, based on the 1988 Constitution, was tested and resisted periods of political dismantling. The chapter also focuses on highlighting that Brazilian democracy is not a static system, but a continuous process of construction and reconstruction, in which social participation acts as a driving force.<\/p>\n

This chapter provides an overview of the forms and functioning of social participation in policy-making in Brazil (Section II) and analyzes the institutionalization of social participation in food and nutrition security policy after the 1988 Constitution (Section III). We consider how this institutionalization served as the basis for much resistance during periods when social participation was undermined, as well as the basis for the reconstruction of spaces for social participation since 2023 under the new administration of President Lula. The Conclusion (Section IV) is a brief reflection on the \u201clessons learned\u201d along this trajectory.<\/p>\n

2. Institutionalization of Social Participation in Brazil<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Social participation in policy-making in Brazil first came to prominence in the area of health, promoted by the sanitation movement in the mid-1970s. Social movements fighting for civil and political rights in the country under a military dictatorship gave priority to health rights (Kujawa, 2022). This movement included various interest groups such as academic researchers, health professionals, and regular users of the health system.<\/p>\n

The 8th National Health Conference, held in 1986, was an important political and social milestone in the development of the principles of social participation in policy-making in Brazil. This conference demonstrated the urgent need for significant reform of the Brazilian public health system, supporting the creation of the Unified Health System (Sistema \u00danico de Sa\u00fade – SUS) as a constitutional right and reinforcing the importance of social participation in this debate (Carvalho, 2014).<\/p>\n

The 1988 Constitution established the SUS and the obligation of municipal, state, and federal governments to create institutional spaces for social participation in the development, implementation, and monitoring of public policies. After that, new legislation for specific policies incorporated civil society participation based on the concept of \u201cactive citizenship\u201d (Gohn, 2019). It is believed that social participation in public management brings about a qualitative leap in actions, with the design of public policies, which better express the diversity of needs and ways of addressing problems and gain legitimacy in their implementation (Andreassa, 2021). The institutionalization of spaces for social participation was consolidated mostly in the form of \u201cCouncils\u201d and \u201cConferences” in Law No. 8,142 of 1990 (Andreassa, 2021; Avritzer & Souza, 2013; Brasil, 1990; Moura, 2010; Valla, 2000).<\/p>\n

2.1<\/em> Councils<\/em><\/h3>\n

Councils are institutionalized spaces for dialogue between organized civil society and government representatives. As council members, ordinary citizens can play an active role in shaping public policy, influencing improvements in laws, programs, and actions that directly impact their lives. Brazil has councils in different areas, such as education, health, the environment, social assistance, and food and nutritional security (FNS). In the Brazilian public policy system, there must be consistency and complementarity between the roles and responsibilities of councils at different levels of government: municipal, state, and federal (Gurgel & Justen, 2013; Pires et al., 2024).<\/p>\n

Councils can be \u201cconsultative\/advisory\u201d or \u201cdeliberative.\u201d Consultative councils offer guidance and suggestions to government bodies. Deliberative councils have the power to make decisions, guide, and transform debates into actions, determining the occurrence of public initiatives (Pires et al., 2024; Kujawa, 2022).<\/p>\n

Councils are composed of representatives from the state and civil society who discuss the direction and development of public policies. They provide greater transparency to the state’s actions and impact the distribution of public resources, resulting in less waste and greater efficiency in the services provided, while taking into account the particularities and experiences of civil society. Councils debate and make political decisions, intervening in the implementation of public policies, questioning their functioning, and proposing changes and improvements (Almeida & Emmendoerfer, 2024). Council members do not receive extra remuneration for that activity.<\/p>\n

The different councils work through meetings that follow a basic operational structure illustrated in Figure 1. It is recommended that a council meeting be held in a place that is easily accessible to the participants involved, with the date, time, and agenda announced in advance. Meetings are considered permanent spaces for debating public policy and are, for the most part, open to attendance by the general public as listeners. Council meetings follow a structure defined in the council’s internal regulations to ensure that decision-making processes are ethical, legal, democratic, and transparent (Mereles, 2016).<\/p>\n

\"A
Figure 1. The general structure of council meetings (developed by the authors).<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

2.2 <\/em>Conferences<\/em><\/h3>\n

<\/a>Conferences are convened by the councils every four years, but may be convened at shorter intervals if necessary. They represent an opportunity to broaden debate and dialogue, in which elected delegates, respecting the public sphere to which they belong (municipal, state, or federal), propose ideas, defend needs and interests, and negotiate to achieve, in the best possible way, the will of the community.<\/p>\n

Conferences evaluate public policies and improve their guidelines and actions through broad consultation with the population. They bring together different actors, such as experts, civil society organizations, citizens, and government officials, to define and reinforce political commitments. They evaluate issues, monitor plans\/actions, identify priorities, assess future needs, and develop proposals (Carvalho, 2014; Lemos, 2018). Preparatory meetings, known as pre-conferences, help align the main demands of civil society. Delegates discuss the conference theme, so they must understand the demands of the population they represent (farmers, indigenous peoples, etc.) and the challenges and deliberations of previous conferences.<\/p>\n

Municipal councilors participate in municipal conferences, and a few are elected as delegates representing the municipality at state conferences. From the state conferences, some delegates will also be selected to participate in national conferences. At each stage, conference programs should set aside time to elect delegates for the next stages. Delegates elected to the national conference must have been active in the previous stages, representing local demands. This process begins at the local level, i.e., in the municipality, and goes up to the national level. The link between these levels follows the so-called \u201cprinciple of ascendancy\u201d (Figure 2).<\/p>\n

Conferences in Brazil, as much as or even more than other forms of civil society participation\u2014including participatory budgeting\u2014have great potential for fostering democratic practices and creating alternative spaces for representation. The State is responsible for convening and funding councils and conferences; however, it is important to note that, despite this, the outcomes of these conferences are not controlled by the State (Maluf & Nascimento, 2009; Pinto, 2009). Funding challenges, however, remain in practice, given that the budget for many conferences spreads out across various ministries, with different priorities (Nascimento, 2012).<\/p>\n

\"Chart
Figure 2. Principle of ascendancy for participation in conferences.\u00a0 D<\/em>eveloped by the authors.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

<\/a>3. Social Participation in Food and Nutrition Security Policy: Institutionalization, Setbacks and Resistance<\/strong><\/h2>\n

In Brazil, Food and Nutrition Security (FNS) is defined as \u201cthe realization of everyone’s right to regular and permanent access to quality food, in sufficient quantity, without compromising access to other essential needs, based on health-promoting dietary practices that respect cultural diversity and are environmentally, culturally, economically and socially sustainable\u201d (Casa Civil, 2006). Following the Brazilian Constitution, policymaking in this area provides for the inclusion of social participation, from the planning to the execution, monitoring, and evaluation of public policies (Casa Civil, 2006; Oliveira, 2017). Participatory governance in FNS encourages the sharing of experiences and knowledge, helps synthesize collective reflections that direct responses to food crises, and promotes the guarantee of the Human Right to Adequate Food (HRAF) and Food Sovereignty of the population (Burity, 2022).<\/p>\n

The basic structure developed for the participation of civil society in policymaking through Councils and Conferences (described in section II) is also present in the area of Food and Nutrition Security. Here we describe the advances and setbacks in the consolidation of this structure (summarized in Figure 3), which culminates with the creation of a National System for Food and Nutrition Security (SISAN) in Brazil.<\/p>\n

\"An
Figure 3. Milestones in institutionalizing social participation in Food and Nutrition Security policymaking in Brazil.\u00a0 <\/em>Adapted from Casa Civil, (2006).<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

3.1 CONSEA\u2019s Trajectory<\/h3>\n

<\/a>Prior to the creation of the National Council for Food and Nutrition Security (CONSEA), the First National Conference on Food and Nutrition held in 1986 was a landmark in raising awareness of FNS issues in the country (Abrandh, 2013). That conference highlighted the importance of the Human Right to Adequate Food and reinforced the need of integrating issues related to inadequate nutrition, such as malnutrition, overweight, obesity, and chronic non-communicable diseases. In the 1980s and the 1990s, these issues were not yet widely debated, but they gained momentum and became the focus of many conversations since then (Moraes et al., 2021a).<\/p>\n

In 1993, under the leadership of Herbert (Betinho) de Souza and his very successful and popular movement (A\u00e7\u00e3o da Cidadania Contra a Fome e a Mis\u00e9ria e pela Vida<\/em> – Citizenship Action Against Hunger and Poverty and for Life), the National Council for Food and Nutrition Security (CONSEA) was created. CONSEA was the first institutionalized space for government-civil society interaction for debating FNS issues at a national level. CONSEA is a collegiate body with an advisory and deliberative nature that seeks to promote FNS in the country, ensuring the population’s Right to Adequate Food. CONSEA is directly linked to the Presidency of the Republic as an immediate advisory body, influencing in the formulation of FNS policies and in the definition of strategies to guarantee the Right to Adequate Food (Casa Civil, 2006).<\/p>\n

CONSEA’s work seeks to expand social participation and promote intersectoral action, especially in Health, Education, Social Development, and Family Farming (Oliveira, 2017; Faria et al., 2009; Moraes et al., 2021b). Social participation is achieved mainly by appointing \u2154 of council members from civil society and \u2153 from state representatives, requiring the council chair to be a civil society representative. In the selection of council members, attention is paid to diversity in terms of gender, ethnicity, religion, and geographic region of participants, seeking broad representation (Machado et al., 2024; Pinheiro, 2009). In 2025, CONSEA had 80 councilors, including full and alternate members.<\/p>\n

Since its conception, there were two periods under which CONSEA did not function: from 1995 and 2003, and from 2019 to 2023. CONSEA was first abolished in 1995, during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who did not see the value of FNS as a separate area of social policy (Abrandh, 2013). At the time, despite CONSEA\u2019s abolition, civil society intensified its activism in food security through the Brazilian Forum for Food and Nutrition Security and Sovereignty (FBSSAN) in the following years. The Forum served as a central reference for social mobilization, advocating for the FNS agenda, and promoting the development of laws, guidelines, and policies in this area. FBSSAN also fought for the return of CONSEA and the creation of other spaces for civil society\u2019s participation in monitoring and evaluation of public policies. This activism resulted in the reactivation of CONSEA in 2003 (under President Luis In\u00e1cio Lula da Silva) in a more structured and institutionalized way (Abrandh, 2013; Freitas, 2021; Oliveira, 2017). As part of a great public policy effort, CONSEA contributed to having the country out of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Hunger Map in 2014.<\/p>\n

In 2019, on the first day of President Bolsonaro\u2019s administration, CONSEA was abolished a second time, through a presidential decree (Castro, 2019; Oliveira et al., 2022; Recine et al., 2020). This dissolution resulted in a significant loss of institutionalized space for debate and the fight for the right to adequate food in the country, drastically reducing social participation in FNS-related policy issues in the following four years. The Bolsonaro government neglected or completely dismantled many FNS policies and programs. As a result, there was an increase in food insecurity and hunger, further aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Brazil had returned to the Hunger Map (Rede Penssan, 2022).<\/p>\n

Once again, civil society resisted and mobilized. In 2019, civil society convened the People’s Conference on Food and Nutrition Security and Sovereignty, which had the participation of many of the organizations that were previously composing CONSEA. The main goal of the People\u2019s Conference was to build up resistance and develop strategies aimed at protecting FNS public policies (Nagib, 2020). The Conference also served as an opportunity for collective reflection on the importance of more robust institutionalization for full and continuous social participation in policy-making as envisioned in the Federal Constitution. In a context where social participation was officially undermined (under the Bolsonaro government), the important role of FNS activists became clear. FNS activists were there to strengthen social participation, contribute to the creation of spaces for articulation on the issue, and promote the development of skills through technical training and the dissemination of knowledge in different instances and territories (Ribeiro & B\u00f3gus, 2021).<\/p>\n

Many councils at state and municipal levels maintained their activities and supported public protests and actions such as the Banqueta\u00e7o<\/em> (\u201cBig Banquet\u201d), <\/em>a civil society mobilization for the free distribution of meals prepared with food produced by family farming, raising awareness in society about the importance of real food and social participation. The Banqueta\u00e7o<\/em> events, which took place in public spaces all over the country, brought together producers, farmers, cooks, nutritionists, chefs, social movements, agronomists, activists, and FNS scholars (D\u00f3ria & Azevedo, 2019). Banqueta\u00e7o<\/em> also appeared at strategic moments and commemorative dates, such as World Food Day.<\/p>\n

CONSEA returned once again in 2023 with the election of President Lula, reaffirming the federal government\u2019s commitment to ending hunger in Brazil. That same year, the 6th<\/sup> National Conference on Food and Nutrition Security was held, with the theme “Eradicating hunger and guaranteeing rights with real food, democracy, and equity”. The Conference highlighted the importance of the commitment to mobilizing society, defending democracy, confronting hunger, and guaranteeing the Right to Adequate Food for all (CONSEA, 2023).<\/p>\n

In his inauguration speech in 2023, President Lula emphasized that the main mission of his new term was, once again, to remove Brazil from the Hunger Map. The first year of the new government was dedicated to the recovery of essential programs, which had been previously undermined, such as the Family Grant Program (Bolsa Fam\u00edlia<\/em>), the National School Food Program (PNAE<\/em>), and the Food Acquisition Program (PAA<\/em>). The Brazil without Hunger Plan<\/em>, coordinated by the Ministry of Development and Social Assistance, Family, and Fight against Hunger, reflected the new government efforts in advancing FNS public policies. Its main goal was to remove the country from the Hunger Map by 2030 and to ensure the human right to adequate food (MDS, 2024). The resumption of structural and emergency policies to combat hunger resulted in Brazil’s exit from the Hunger Map ahead of the target year, in 2025.<\/p>\n

3.2 <\/em>SISAN \u2013 the National System for Food and Nutrition Security<\/em><\/h3>\n

Between 2003 and 2016, the fight against hunger and malnutrition gained centrality in the Brazilian federal government’s political agenda. Civil society had an essential role in public policies during that period (Burity, 2022; Casa Civil, 2006; Maluf et al., 2021). The coordinated strategy of policies and programs and the implementation of participatory governance contributed to Brazil leaving the FAO\u2019s Hunger Map in 2014, and being recognized worldwide as an example for the set of programs and policies that produced this concrete result (Castro, 2019).<\/p>\n

<\/a>CONSEA significantly contributed to the development of new programs (such as the Food Acquisition Program \u2013 PAA in 2003, as part of the Lula\u2019s government Zero Hunger strategy), and the improvement of old ones (such as the redesign of the School Food Program \u2013 PNAE in 2009). Its main accomplishments to date, however, have been leading the successful campaign to add the Right to Adequate Food to the Constitution in 2010 and, before that, the approval of the Law on Food and Nutrition Security (LOSAN) of 2006.<\/p>\n

LOSAN launched the creation of a National System for Food and Nutrition Security (SISAN), further institutionalizing the participation of civil society in the governance of FNS at all levels of government (Casa Civil, 2006; Oliveira, 2017). It established three institutional components for SISAN at the national level: (1) the National Council for Food and Nutritional Security (CONSEA), (2) the Conferences on Food and Nutrition Security (CNSAN); and (3) the Inter-ministerial Chamber for Food and Nutrition Security (CAISAN). The law also establishes that these bodies – Councils, Conferences, and Chambers – be set up similarly at the state and municipal levels (Martins et al., 2023; Oliveira, 2017; Vasconcellos & Moura, 2018).<\/p>\n

\"Table-like
Figure 4.<\/em> Components of the National System for Food and Nutrition Security \u2013 SISAN. Adapted from Casa Civil, 2006.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

<\/a>Four years after LOSAN\u2019s approval, a Constitutional Amendment included food as a social right in Article 6 of the Federal Constitution. This was a fundamental development, as it institutionalized food as a constitutional human right and, consequently, strengthened food and nutrition security measures (Casa Civil, 1988; Senado Federal, 2010). In the same year (2010), the government launched the National Food and Nutrition Security Policy (PNSAN), defining the guidelines for drawing up Food and Nutrition Security Plans (PlanSAN) (Casa Civil, 2010; Oliveira, 2017). The formulation and consolidation of all these components were only possible with the creation of legal structures, instruments, and mechanisms for social participation, made possible by the strengthening of Councils and Conferences over the years (Maluf et al., 2021).<\/p>\n

SISAN is a public, intersectoral, and participatory system that coordinates the three levels of government, different sectors, and organized civil society. It coordinates the interaction of these various sectors that facilitate access to adequate food, in addition to monitoring and evaluating the implementation and execution of FNS policies. Each component of SISAN has its own objective, but responsibilities are shared and complementary with the others, namely (Casa Civil, 2006):<\/p>\n

CONSEA (National Council for Food and Nutritional Security): body responsible for the articulation between the government and civil society. It mobilizes civil society in the process of social participation.<\/p>\n

CNSAN (Conferences on Food and Nutrition Security): space that brings civil society and government sectors together to debate and establish guidelines and priorities for the FNS agenda.<\/p>\n

<\/a>CAISAN (Inter-ministerial Chamber for Food and Nutrition Security): an advisory board that articulates and integrates actions of different federal ministries related to the FNS area. Its main objective is to coordinate the implementation of the National Policy and the FNS Plan, and prepare and monitor the Plan with goals, sources of resources, and monitoring and evaluation instruments (Brazil, 2024a; 2006).<\/p>\n

National Conferences aim to monitor progress, discuss emerging needs, and assess previously established public policies. Over the years, they have adopted different angles of eradicating hunger, promoting the human right to adequate food, and organizing the FNS agenda as a State policy (Table 1). The policy governing national conferences ensures the participation of various actors and guarantees quotas for the representation of segments in situations of greater vulnerability. The organizing committee defines the number of participants and the distribution of vacancies among delegates, guests, and observers, according to legislation and the available budget. Delegates have the right to speak and vote, while guests and observers are guaranteed the right to speak but cannot vote.<\/p>\n

Table 1. National Conferences on Food and Nutrition Security held in Brazil, 1994-2024<\/em><\/p>\n

\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
Edition<\/strong><\/th>\nYear<\/strong><\/th>\nLocation<\/strong><\/th>\nThemes<\/strong><\/th>\nTotal Participants<\/strong><\/th>\nTotal approved proposals<\/strong><\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n
1\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\n1994<\/td>\nBras\u00edlia (DF)<\/td>\nHunger: a national issue<\/td>\n–<\/td>\n117<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
2\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\n2004<\/td>\nOlinda (PE)<\/td>\nThe construction of the National Policy for Food and Nutrition Security<\/td>\n1.400<\/td>\n153<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
3\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\n2007<\/td>\nFortaleza (CE)<\/td>\nFor Sustainable Development, with Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security<\/td>\n2100<\/td>\n145<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
4\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\n2011<\/td>\nSalvador (BA)<\/td>\nAdequate and Healthy Food: Everyone is right<\/td>\n1.996<\/td>\n166<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
5\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\n2015<\/td>\nBras\u00edlia (DF)<\/td>\nReal food in the countryside and the city: for rights and food sovereignty<\/td>\n2.107<\/td>\n384<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
6\u00aa CNSAN<\/td>\n2023<\/td>\nBras\u00edlia (DF)<\/td>\nEradicating hunger and guaranteeing rights with real food, democracy, and equity<\/td>\n2.187<\/td>\n248<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Source: Update from Ramos et al. (2022).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

<\/a>When convening the CNSAN, the national CONSEA publishes the agenda to be followed throughout the country: (i) local stage; (ii) period of municipal conferences; (iii) period of conferences in the states; and (iv) National Conference, which will bring together all the proposals. In addition to the calendars of the stages, CONSEA publishes the criteria for the election of delegates, the objectives, and the agendas of the thematic axes, and structures for the debate on food and nutrition sovereignty and security, as well as for sustainable, supportive and fair socioeconomic development. Each state is responsible for monitoring the process of overseeing regional and\/or municipal stages. For the conference’s deliberations to be legitimate, the composition of delegates must be according to the representation of the segments on the councils (2\/3 from civil society and 1\/3 from the government). Specific regulations define the number of representatives. Civil society representatives are chosen by their peers, and managers from the respective sector\/government agency appoint government representatives.<\/p>\n

While SISAN guarantees institutional spaces for social participation in FNS policymaking through Councils and Conferences, a constant challenge is the relative low interest of civil society members to participate in those spaces (Almeida & Emmendoerfer, 2024; Balieiro & Macedo, 2022; Castro, 2019; Maluf et al., 2014). Some of the reasons for this include the heavy agenda of council members (Miwa & Ventura, 2020), but also the very lack of information about such opportunities and what they involve. A number of government-sponsored campaigns (Figure 5) attempts to encourage the participation of civil society.<\/p>\n

\"Table-like
Figure 5. Examples of government campaigns to encourage Social Participation in Brazil.\u00a0<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

<\/a>4. Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n

<\/a>Brazil has a long history of mobilization of civil society in policy-making. Following the 1988 Constitution, many mechanisms for social participation in developing, implementing, and monitoring diverse policies in health and social assistance were developed. In the area of Food and Nutrition Security, a major landmark was the creation of the National Council for Food and Nutrition Security (CONSEA) in 1993. Institutionalized spaces for social participation, such as Councils and Conferences, and the construction of a National System for Food and Nutrition Security (SISAN) are concrete examples of how the democracy envisioned in the Constitution have become functional.<\/p>\n

<\/a>However, the participation of civil society in policy-making and the very progress of FNS programs have not followed a smooth pathway. On the contrary, the history of Brazil shows the need for constant vigilance and hard work to fight setbacks, maintain gains, and build for further improvements. CONSEA has been abolished twice since its creation, successful FNS programs have been undermined, and Brazil went back to the Hunger Map just a few years after the great accomplishment of getting out of it. Nothing can be taken for granted, even when social participation is celebrated in the country\u2019s Constitution. Still, after the return of CONSEA in 2023 and a government more committed to food and nutrition security, Brazil has once again managed to escape the Hunger Map.<\/p>\n

<\/a>A lesson learned has been that the type of democracy envisioned in the 1988 Constitution requires much resistance against forces challenging it, constant reconstruction, and continuous incentives for popular participation. The participation and mobilization of civil society are needed when institutionalized spaces are available, but are especially important in times when FNS policies and programs are undermined and formal spaces for participation are threatened or destroyed. Policies such as SISAN encourage and enable social participation in policymaking, therefore strengthening civil society. In turn, a strong civil society is needed to continuously defend its gains in democratic participation.<\/p>\n

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