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13:22:21]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[ocad-scriptforvoiceover-v14]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[inherit]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>717</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[attachment]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:attachment_url><![CDATA[http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14.pdf]]></wp:attachment_url><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_attached_file]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14.pdf]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 2: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/assignment-2-human-rights-advocacy-short-essay/</link><pubDate>Sat, 20 Nov 2021 01:08:06 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=367</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Assignment 2: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</strong></h2>
Based on the ideas you have learned from the readings/media, write a 500-750 word essay on human rights advocacy:

(1) What is a human rights issue, campaign, or activist you are interested in?

(2) How did you (and others) become aware of it? In short, how did the issue, campaign, or activist become popular (e.g., you heard about it in class, you heard about it from friends/family, read/watched a news story, etc.)?

(3) What is preventing this issue, campaign, or activist from being even better known?

<em>Note</em>: Your choice of human rights issue, campaign, or activist will ideally be used for two later assignments in this course. As such, try to ensure you choose a person/topic you are genuinely interested in.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>367</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 20:08:06]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-20 01:08:06]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-10 12:29:42]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-10 17:29:42]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-2-human-rights-advocacy-short-essay]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>35</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Short written post)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/assignment-1-introduction-to-the-class-and-human-rights-advocacy-discussion-board-post/</link><pubDate>Sat, 20 Nov 2021 01:08:43 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=369</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Short written post)</h2>
<span>[h5p id="57"] </span>

&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>369</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 20:08:43]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-20 01:08:43]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 09:37:10]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-14 14:37:10]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-1-introduction-to-the-class-and-human-rights-advocacy-discussion-board-post]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 3: Information vs. Disinformation (Short written post)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/assignment-3-information-vs-mis-disinformation-discussion-board-post/</link><pubDate>Sat, 20 Nov 2021 01:10:31 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=372</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Assignment 3: Information vs. Disinformation (Short written post)</h2>
<span>[h5p id="58"]</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>372</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 20:10:31]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-20 01:10:31]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-10 12:30:01]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-10 17:30:01]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-3-information-vs-mis-disinformation-discussion-board-post]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>37</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 4: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/assignment-4-artistic-project-draft-midterm-project/</link><pubDate>Sat, 20 Nov 2021 01:13:53 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=375</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Assignment 4: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)</strong></h2>
Based on the short essay you wrote in Assignment #2, create a <strong><em>Midterm Project</em></strong>. This Midterm Project will build toward your <strong><em>Final Project</em></strong>.

<strong>(1) Artistic Project</strong>:

Your Artistic Project will be a piece of visual art that advocates for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist (e.g., a protest poster, a sign for a protest, a campaign ad, etc.).

Create a visual mockup as your Artistic Project, draw an image, shoot it with your phone, and upload a .jpeg photo as your Assignment 4. Alternatively, sign up for a free account at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version of your mockup and upload a .jpeg that you create with Canva.

To help you brainstorm ideas for your visual content, you might want to think about the following issues:
<ul>
 	<li>Which specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist would you like to address?</li>
 	<li>Which format of visual art are you choosing (e.g., a protest poster, a sign for a protest, a campaign ad, etc.)?</li>
 	<li>What will your piece of art depict?</li>
</ul>
<strong>(2) Social Media Advocacy Campaign</strong>:

Your Social Media Advocacy Campaign will be a description of how you will use <strong><em>one</em></strong> major social media platform (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.) to advocate for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist.

Describe your preliminary ideas for your Final Project Social Media Advocacy Campaign in 500-750 words. Issues you might want to address include:
<ul>
 	<li>Which specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist would you like to campaign for?</li>
 	<li>Which <strong><em>one</em></strong> social media platform will you use (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.)</li>
 	<li>Why is this platform appropriate for your campaign?</li>
 	<li>Which messages will your Social Media Advocacy Campaign be communicating?</li>
</ul>
For your Social Media Advocacy Campaign, feel free to include examples of social media posts that would assist with your campaign (e.g., tweets, descriptions of Facebook groups, descriptions of TikTok or YouTube videos, etc.).]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>375</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 20:13:53]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-20 01:13:53]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-10 12:32:19]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-10 17:32:19]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-4-artistic-project-draft-midterm-project]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>39</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 5: Political Art/Online Advocacy (Short written post)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/assignment-5-political-art-and-visual-propaganda-discussion-board-post/</link><pubDate>Sat, 20 Nov 2021 01:15:25 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=378</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Assignment 5: Political Art/Online Advocacy (Short written post)</h2>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">[h5p id="59"]</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>378</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 20:15:25]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-20 01:15:25]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-10 12:32:38]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-10 17:32:38]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-5-political-art-and-visual-propaganda-discussion-board-post]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>41</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 6: Artistic Advocacy/Social Media Advocacy Campaign (Final Project)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/assignment-6-human-rights-artistic-advocacy-final-project/</link><pubDate>Sat, 20 Nov 2021 01:16:11 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=381</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Assignment 6: Artistic Advocacy/Social Media Advocacy Campaign (Final Project)</strong></h2>
Based on the <strong><em>Midterm Project</em></strong> you created in Assignment #4, create an Artistic Project or a Social Media Advocacy Campaign for Assignment #6 – your <strong><em>Final Project</em></strong>.

Create an Artistic Project that advocates on behalf of a human rights issue, campaign, or activist. Alternatively, create a Social Media Advocacy Campaign that advocates for a human rights issue, campaign, or activist.

<strong>(1) Artistic Project</strong>:

Your Artistic Project will be a piece of visual art that advocates for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist (e.g., a protest poster, a sign for a protest, a campaign ad, etc.). Take the content that you created in your Assignment #4 <em>Midterm Project</em> rough draft and further refine it for your <em>Final Project</em>.

If you are creating a visual project as your Artistic Project, draw an image, shoot it with your phone, and upload a .jpeg photo as your Assignment 6. Alternatively, sign up for a free account at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version of your Artistic Project and upload a .jpeg that you create with Canva.

<strong>(2) Social Media Advocacy Campaign</strong>:

Your Social Media Advocacy Campaign will be a description of how you will use <strong><em>two</em></strong> major social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.) to advocate for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist. Take the preliminary ideas that you brainstormed/outlined in your Assignment #4 <em>Midterm Project</em> rough draft and further refine them for your <em>Final Project</em>.

Describe your final ideas for your Final Project Social Media Advocacy Campaign in 1,000-1,250 words. Issues you might want to address include:
<ul>
 	<li>Which specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist would you like to campaign for?</li>
 	<li>Which <strong><em>two</em></strong> social media platforms will you use (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.)</li>
 	<li>Why are these two platforms appropriate for your campaign?</li>
 	<li>Which messages are your Social Media Advocacy Campaign communicating?</li>
</ul>
For your Social Media Advocacy Campaign, feel free to include examples of social media posts that would assist with your campaign (e.g., tweets, descriptions of Facebook groups, descriptions of TikTok or YouTube videos, etc.).]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>381</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 20:16:11]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-20 01:16:11]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 11:06:35]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-14 16:06:35]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-6-human-rights-artistic-advocacy-final-project]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>43</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1.Extra Media]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/extra-media/</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 15:41:37 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=476</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Extra Media: Module #1-Introduction to Law</h2>
Krook, J. (2017, August 14). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/is-law-a-social-science-lessons-from-a-canadian-law-school-81753" style="color: #0000ff">Is law a social science? Lessons from a Canadian law school</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

MacLean, J., &amp; Froc, K. A., (2021, July 26). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/notwithstanding-the-notwithstanding-clause-the-charter-is-everyones-business-163143" style="color: #0000ff">Notwithstanding the notwithstanding clause, the Charter is everyone’s business</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

NBC News. (Apr 26, 2016). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g2CewziXoDg" style="color: #0000ff"><em>The fight For women's rights | Flashback | NBC News</em></a></span> [Video]. NBC News/YouTube.<span> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> (2:16)</span>

TED-Ed. (2015, October 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nDgIVseTkuE" style="color: #0000ff"><em>What are the universal human rights? - Benedetta Berti</em></a></span> [Video]. TED-Ed/YouTube<em>. </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nDgIVseTkuE" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span> (4:46)

Townsend, J., Bunten, A., Iorns, C., &amp; Borrows, L. (2021, June 3). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117" style="color: #0000ff">Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>476</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 10:41:37]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 15:41:37]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:30:12]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:30:12]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[extra-media]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2.Extra Media]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/2-extra-media/</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 15:43:20 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=480</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Extra Media: Module #2-Democracy/Tech</h2>
Australian Human Rights Commission. (2018, August 27). <em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Eu6G5YrBt4" style="color: #0000ff">What is Democracy</a></span>?</em> [Video]. Australian Human Rights Commission/YouTube.  (1:37)

Benjamin, G. (2019, November 27).  <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/tim-berners-lee-web-inventors-plan-to-save-the-internet-is-admirable-but-doomed-to-fail-127840" style="color: #0000ff">Tim Berners-Lee: Web inventor’s plan to save the internet is admirable, but doomed to fail</a></span>. <span style="color: #000000"><em>The Conversation</em>. </span>

Big Think. (2018, October 9). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fWy-B4Y-DfY" style="color: #0000ff"><em>How to build an authoritarian regime — and how to stop one | Timothy Snyder | Big Think</em></a></span> [Video]. Big Think/YouTube. (10:01)

Big Think. (2018, July 6). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R2YM5_o6PRo" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Is democracy really the best form of government? | Steven Pinker | Big Think</em></a></span> [Video]. Big Think/YouTube.  (2:35)

<span style="color: #000000">Gaventa, J. (2021, November 17). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749" style="color: #0000ff">Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>. </span>

Social Science Research / University of Amsterdam. (2018, September 12). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n1tXjJobjfs" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Understanding what authoritarianism is | University of Amsterdam | Political Science Department</em></a></span> [Video]. Social Science Research / University of Amsterdam/YouTube.  (3:05)]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>480</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 10:43:20]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 15:43:20]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:30:28]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:30:28]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[2-extra-media]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>35</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3.Extra Media]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/3-extra-media/</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 15:43:50 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=482</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Extra Media: Module #3-(Dis)information</h2>
Amanpour and Company. (2020, February 20). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2-zvJPxJ8Hk" style="color: #0000ff"><em>The Spread of Disinformation and the 2020 Election | Amanpour and Company</em></a></span> [Video]. Amanpour and Company/ YouTube. (18:04)

BBC News. (2020, May 4). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UAy6PI5UtSU" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Fake News Generator: Who starts viral misinformation? - BBC News</em></a></span> [Video]. BBC News/YouTube. (2:44)

BBC Radio 4. (2015, April 17). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0A6UKoMcE10" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Rene Descartes - “I think, therefore I am”</em></a></span> [Video]. BBC Radio 4/YouTube. (1:16)

D'Olimpio, L. (2016., July 26.). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-do-you-know-youre-not-living-in-a-computer-simulation-60704" style="color: #0000ff">How do you know you’re not living in a computer simulation?</a></span> <em>The Conversation</em>.

Kwon, K. H. (2021, November 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054" style="color: #0000ff">Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>482</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 10:43:50]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 15:43:50]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:30:45]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:30:45]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[3-extra-media]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>37</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4.Extra Media]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/4-extra-media/</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 15:44:42 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=484</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Extra Media: Module #4-Digital Advocacy</h2>
Channel 4 News. (2020, June 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YG8GjlLbbvs" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Black Lives Matter explained: The history of a movement</em></a></span> [Video]. Channel 4 News/YouTube.  (15:13)

History. (2021, February 18). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0UOTLqmRr2U" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Civil Rights Turning Points in Every Decade | History by The Decade</em></a></span> [Video]. History/YouTube. (8:47)

Ismail, F. (2019, December 30). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next-128745" style="color: #0000ff">Protest has helped define the first two decades of the 21st century – here’s what’s next</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

Miller, J. (2018, March 30). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/langston-hughes-hidden-influence-on-mlk-91736" style="color: #0000ff">Langston Hughes’ hidden influence on MLK</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

Vox. (2020, August 26). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ScU2oWfWReg" style="color: #0000ff"><em>When voting rights didn't protect all women</em></a></span> [Video]. Vox/YouTube. (8:28)]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>484</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 10:44:42]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 15:44:42]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:31:02]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:31:02]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[4-extra-media]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>39</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5.Extra Media]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/5-extra-media/</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 15:45:04 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=486</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Extra Media: Module #5-Art/Social Media</h2>
AsiaPacificForum. (2015, September 24). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_w7Sz5gtZaM" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Case study: Using social media for human rights education</em> [Video]. AsiaPacificForum/YouTube</a></span>.  (3:06)

CBS Mornings. (2020, September 3). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h--UorDsxL4" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Amid the racial justice movement, artists wield their art as a tool for change</em></a></span> [Video]. CBS Mornings/YouTube. (7:00)

Cobb, R. (2021, July 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city-162991" style="color: #0000ff">Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

Freeman, A. (2017, August 30). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/milk-a-symbol-of-neo-nazi-hate-83292" style="color: #0000ff">Milk, a symbol of neo-Nazi hate</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

Gasoi, L. (2021, April 12). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/nft-performance-art-corporations-could-capitalize-on-protest-157557" style="color: #0000ff">NFT performance art: Corporations could capitalize on protest</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

Hou, J. (2020, January 17). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/lennon-walls-herald-a-sticky-note-revolution-in-hong-kong-129740" style="color: #0000ff">‘Lennon Walls’ herald a sticky-note revolution in Hong Kong</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

McNamara, C. (2019, May 2). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-lgbtq-people-are-resisting-bolsonaros-brazil-through-art-115072" style="color: #0000ff">How LGBTQ people are resisting Bolsonaro’s Brazil through art</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

The Art Assignment. (2016, December 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfXad3HVox4" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Cases for Political Art | The Art Assignment | PBS Digital Studios</em></a></span> [Video]. CBS Mornings/YouTube. (12:54)

The Museum of Modern Art. (2017, January 13). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=whyXxfmCbTA" style="color: #0000ff"><em>How artists respond to political crises | Modern Art &amp; Ideas</em></a></span> [Video]. The Museum of Modern Art/YouTube. (4:49)

UC Berkeley. (2017, June 30). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5fQTJ_86IEs" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Fighting human rights violations through social media</em></a></span> [Video]. UC Berkeley/YouTube. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5fQTJ_86IEs" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span> (2:32)]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>486</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 10:45:04]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 15:45:04]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:31:23]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:31:23]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[5-extra-media]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>41</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[6.Extra Media]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/6-extra-media/</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 15:45:39 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=488</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Extra Media: Module #6-Presentations &amp; Predictions</h2>
DW News. (2021, June 4). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TmlBkW6ANsQ" style="color: #0000ff"><em>The future of modern warfare: How technology is transforming conflict | DW Analysis</em></a></span> [Video]. DW News/YouTube. (46:38)

Gentelet, K., &amp; Mizrahi, S. K. (2021, September 26). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-concrete-protections-from-artificial-intelligence-threatening-human-rights-168174" style="color: #0000ff">We need concrete protections from artificial intelligence threatening human rights</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

Gorman, A. (2016, October 7). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568" style="color: #0000ff">To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

Jamie Clay. (2016, June 26). <em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkUwXenBokU" style="color: #0000ff">Future Shock Documentary</a></span> (1972)</em> [Video]. Jamie Clay/YouTube. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkUwXenBokU" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span> (42:48)

Krishnamurthy, V. (2021, March 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/planned-social-media-regulations-set-a-dangerous-precedent-155844" style="color: #0000ff">Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

MSNBC. (2021, July 13). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nGanLUnjoPI" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Carl Sagan Predicted The Mess 2021 Would Be 25 years Ago</em></a></span> [Video]. MSNBC/YouTube. (4:13)

mywebcowtube. (2016, June 2). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0pcoC2l7ToI" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Marshall McLuhan 1965 - The Future of Man in the Electric Age</em></a></span> [Video]. mywebcowtube/YouTube. (16:11)

Tech Insider. (2017, March 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AuVHftBiDVw" style="color: #0000ff"><em>7 amazing technologies we'll see by 2030</em></a></span> [Video]. Tech Insider/YouTube. (2:52)]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>488</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 10:45:39]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 15:45:39]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:31:57]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:31:57]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[6-extra-media]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>43</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1a. "Seventy years of international human rights" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-short-introductory-article/</link><pubDate>Sat, 27 Nov 2021 01:24:19 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=588</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">"<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446" style="color: #0000ff">Seventy years of international human rights</a></span></span>"</strong></h1>
International human rights have a relatively short history as compared to law as a whole. For example, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights only celebrated its 70th anniversary back in 2018.

Despite this being only a short period, international human rights have truly had a global influence.

Unfortunately, as much as human rights are justifiably celebrated in some circles, others believe the opposite.

In her article, "Seventy years of international human rights," author Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann chronicles the brief history of human rights across the world as well as its opposition.

By seeing multiple sides regarding the international human rights debate, ideally we can develop these right to be even more reflective of the diverse values and attitudes of people across the world.

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<h2><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446" style="color: #0000ff">Seventy years of international human rights</a></span></span></strong></h2>
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Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, <em>The Conversation, </em><span style="color: #0000ff"></span><time datetime="2018-12-11T00:06:35Z">December 10, 2018, 7:06pm EST</time>

<span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em">It’s the 70th anniversary of the</span><span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/index.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Universal Declaration of Human Rights</span>,</a><span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em">which was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly on Dec. 10, 1948. Since then an enormous body of international human rights law has been developed.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Some people think that human rights should not be universal. And some critics believe that</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9781509513536&amp;subject_id=8" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">human rights are an example of Western cultural imperialism</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. They claim that non-Western countries did not participate in drafting the Universal Declaration. Yet non-Western countries have been involved since the earliest stages in drawing up human rights documents.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">However, all countries can be quite hypocritical when it comes to applying the laws they agree to.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Other critics argue that human rights promote selfish individualism. Instead of caring for the family or community, people only care for their own rights. But in countries like Canada where human rights are,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-genocide-the-case-of-the-ahiarmiut-107272" style="color: #0000ff">for the most part, legally respected</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, citizens follow these laws because they do have a sense of community and care for each other. Housing advocates, food bank workers and millions of volunteers help make human rights “work” on the ground.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yet others claim that as China and other non-democratic countries become more powerful, human rights will be less important internationally. It is true that such countries do work to undermine many human rights, at home and at the UN. But that makes human rights more relevant, not less. We all need protection against abusive governments.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Human rights are still relevant and new rights are evolving.</span>
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<h2>Signs of progress</h2>
One sign of progress is in LGBTQ rights. This topic is difficult to discuss internationally, because some places, especially but not only Russia and countries in Africa and the Middle East, still have laws that prohibit homosexuality. Some religious groups, in the Western world as elsewhere, are also homophobic. We don’t yet have an international declaration on LGBTQ rights, but the UN is paying more attention to them.
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In the last 20 years,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9781509513536&amp;subject_id=8" style="color: #0000ff">much attention has been paid to “collective” human rights</a></span>. These are rights than belong to groups of people and that one individual can’t exercise if others can’t also exercise them.

Indigenous rights are collective rights. Indigenous ways of life, languages, religions, cultures and land bases are threatened. In 2007 the UN passed UNDRIP, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Canada voted against the Declaration, but<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-genocide-the-case-of-the-ahiarmiut-107272"><span style="color: #0000ff">later reversed its position</span></a>. By 2016 the government declared its full support for UNDRIP.
<h2>Clean environment is a right</h2>
A collective right that affects everyone everywhere is the right to a clean and healthy environment. This includes the right to protection against climate changes that undermine our livelihoods and well-being.

Another collective right is the right to peace. Viewed narrowly, this is the right not to live in a state of war. In 2018, many people still live in war-torn countries, especially countries in the Middle East and parts of Africa. Others, in the Ukraine, live in fear of war. And we all live in fear of nuclear war.

Both climate change and war create huge refugee populations. By 2050, it’s thought, there will be 200 million “climate refugees” fleeing rising sea levels. Add to that the refugees who are fleeing large-scale crime, like the migrant “caravan” currently trying to enter the United States.
<h2>Economic human rights</h2>
The UN recently agreed on a Global Compact for Migration, setting out voluntary principles meant to save lives and ensure successful migrant integration into new countries without unduly burdening social infrastructure such as health care. But the real challenge is to ensure people don’t have to leave home at all.

One way to ensure more people can live in their homes is to develop economies. The right to economic development is a collective right. Development activists usually try to reduce both poverty and inequality. There’s been an enormous reduction in world poverty over the last 25 years, even as inequality has been growing in most countries.

This means it’s easier to fulfil what is known as economic human rights, such as rights to health, education and housing. Very little of this change results from foreign aid; most is a result of the spread of market economies.

Many people in many countries have benefited from globalization, though others, such as industrial workers in Canada and the U.S., have lost their jobs. This is one of the reasons for the spread of anti-immigrant, xenophobic sentiments in the Western world.

Unless we can figure out a way to control these sentiments and reduce the need for people to flee their own countries because of war, crime, economic challenges and climate change, we are facing an uneasy human rights future.

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446" style="color: #0000ff">Seventy years of international human rights</a></span></span>"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong>: <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/universal-declaration-of-human-rights-14985" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Universal Declaration of Human Rights</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Howard-Hassmann, R. E. (2018, December 10). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446" style="color: #0000ff">Seventy years of international human rights</a></span>. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The Conversation</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span>

</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>588</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 20:24:19]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-27 01:24:19]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 18:55:21]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-14 23:55:21]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-short-introductory-article]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2b. "Why universities must defend democracy" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-short-introductory-article/</link><pubDate>Sat, 27 Nov 2021 01:27:02 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=592</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><span style="color: #000000">Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff">Why universities must defend democracy</a></span>"</span></h1>
Western countries like Canada and the U.S. have benefitted greatly from their democratic roots.

However, democracy is not static. It shifts and changes, becoming increasingly democratic or less so. For example, when universal voting is jeopardized, everyone's ability to vote potentially becomes imperiled and weakening democracy's foothold.

In "Why universities must defend democracy," author Henry Giroux reflects on some of the illiberal tendencies that have arisen in the U.S. in the wake of the Trump presidency.

When one country with a long-standing and robust democracy becomes threatened, friends of democracy across the globe should also be concerned.

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<h1><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff">Why universities must defend democracy</a></span></span></h1>
Henry Giroux, <em>The Conversation</em>, <time datetime="2017-09-06T23:06:14Z">September 6, 2017, </time><time datetime="2017-09-06T23:06:14Z"></time><em><time datetime="2017-09-06T23:06:14Z">7</time></em><time datetime="2018-12-11T00:06:35Z">:06pm EST</time>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The march in Charlottesville, Va., earlier this summer by white supremacists, neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists illuminated the growing danger of authoritarian movements both in the United States and across the globe.</span>
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It’s signalling a danger that mimics the increasingly forgotten horrors of the 1930s.

Neo-Nazis in the United States, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-trump-emboldening-right-wing-extremism-in-canada-82635"><span style="color: #0000ff">possibly those worldwide</span></a>, appear especially emboldened because they’ve found a comfortable, if not supportive, place at the highest levels of the U.S. government.

President Donald Trump’s administration has included white supremacist sympathizers like Steve Bannon, Jeff Sessions and Stephen Miller. All three embrace elements of the nefarious racist ideology that was on full display in Charlottesville.

Trump’s refusal to denounce their Nazi slogans and violence in strong political and ethical terms <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/opinion/trump-charlottesville-hate-stormer.html?ref=opinion&amp;_r=1"><span style="color: #0000ff">has suggested his own complicity with such movements</span>.</a>

It should surprise no one that David Duke, a former imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, told the media in the midst of the violence in Charlottesville that white supremacists were “going <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://example.com/http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/346326-david-duke-charlottesville-protests-about-fulfilling-promises" style="color: #0000ff">to fulfil the promises of Donald Trump</a></span>… to take our country back.”
<h2>‘God bless him’</h2>
Nor should it surprise anyone that Trump’s silence delighted the far right.

The Daily Stormer, a white supremacist website, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2017/08/13/one-group-loved-trumps-remarks-about-charlottesville-white-supremacists/?utm_term=.7574d26286ef" style="color: #0000ff">even had this to say</a></span>: “No condemnation at all. When asked to condemn, he just walked out of the room. Really, really good. God bless him.”

It appears that the presence of Nazi and Confederate flags celebrating a horrendous history of millions lost to the Holocaust and slavery, of lynchings and church bombings, and the assassinations of Black civil rights leaders like Medgar Evans and Martin Luther King, Jr., did little to move Trump.

Charlottesville has resurrected elements of a past that resulted in some of the worst crimes in human history. The ideology, values and institutions of a liberal democracy are once again under assault by those who don’t believe in equality, justice and democracy.

All of these alarming developments raise serious questions about the role of higher education in a democracy.

What role, if not responsibility, do universities have in the face of a new wave of authoritarianism?

What purpose should education serve when rigorous knowledge is replaced by opinions, the truth is labelled “fake news” by the president of the United States and his devotees, unbridled self-interest replaces the social good and language operates in the service of fear, violence and a culture of cruelty?
<h2>Universities must hold up democratic ideals</h2>
Surely, institutions of higher education cannot limit their role to training at a time when democracy is under assault around the world.

Colleges and universities must define themselves anew as a public good, a protective space for the promotion of democratic ideals, of the social imagination, civic values and a critically engaged citizenship.

Renowned education professor Jon Nixon <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.timeshighereducation.com/features/hannah-arendt-thinking-versus-evil/2018664.article" style="color: #0000ff">argues that education</a></span> must be developed as “a protected space within which to think against the grain of received opinion: a space to question and challenge, to imagine the world from different standpoints and perspectives, to reflect upon ourselves in relation to others and, in so doing, to understand what it means to assume responsibility.”

Given the ongoing attack on civic literacy, truth, historical memory and justice, surely it’s all the more imperative for colleges and universities to teach students to do more than master work-based skills.

Instead, we must educate them to become intelligent, compassionate, critically engaged adults fully aware of the fact that without informed citizens, there is no democracy.

There’s much more at stake here than protecting and opening the boundaries of free speech. There is the more crucial necessity to deepen and expand the formative cultures and public spheres that make democracy possible.

Educators cannot forget that the struggle over democracy is about much more than the struggle over economic resources and power. It’s also about language, agency, desire, identity and imagining a future without injustice.
<h2>Return to authoritarianism not far-fetched</h2>
As the historian Timothy Snyder <a href="https://www.democracynow.org/2017/5/30/on_tyranny_yale_historian_timothy_snyder"><span style="color: #0000ff">has observed</span></a>, it’s crucial to remember that the success of authoritarian regimes in Germany and other places succeeded, in part, because they were not stopped in the early stages of their development.

The events in Charlottesville provide a glimpse of authoritarianism on the rise and shine a spotlight upon the forces that are trying usher in a new and dangerous era, both in the United States and worldwide.

While it may seem far-fetched to assume American-style totalitarianism will soon become the norm in the United States, a return to authoritarianism is clearly no longer the stuff of fantasy or hysterical paranoia.

That’s especially since its core elements of hatred, exclusion, racism and white supremacy have been incorporated into both the highest echelons of political power and throughout the mainstream right-wing media, especially Fox News and Breitbart.

The authoritarian drama unfolding in the United States includes <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theherald.com.au/story/4468728/use-of-force-and-restraints-against-immigration-detainees-doubles-in-nine-months/?cs=7" style="color: #0000ff">the use of state force against immigrants</a></span>, right-wing populist violence against mosques and synagogues and attacks on Muslims, young Blacks and others who do not fit into the vile script of white nationalism.

Charlottesville was just part of a larger trend of domestic terrorism and homegrown fascism that is on the upswing in the United States.

Trump’s administration, after all, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thinkprogress.org/trump-is-setting-us-free-white-supremacists-celebrate-reports-that-trump-will-dial-down-scrutiny-136039e12fad/" style="color: #0000ff">has announced</a> </span>it will no longer “investigate white nationalists, who have been responsible for a large share of violent hate crimes in the Unites States.”

Trump has also <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/08/28/politics/police-military-gear-ban-lifted/index.html" style="color: #0000ff">lifted restrictions imposed by the Obama administration</a> </span>in order to provide local police departments with military surplus equipment such as armed vehicles, bullet-proof vests and grenade launchers.

These actions accelerate Trump’s law-and-order agenda, escalate racial tensions in cities that are often treated like combat zones and reinforce a warrior mentality among police officers.

Equally telling is Trump’s <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/08/25/politics/sheriff-joe-arpaio-donald-trump-pardon/index.html"><span style="color: #0000ff">presidential pardon of Joe Arpaio</span></a>, the notorious white supremacist and disgraced former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona. Not only did Arpaio engage in racial profiling, despite being ordered by the court to desist, he also had a notorious reputation for abusing prisoners in his Tent City, which he once called “a concentration camp.”
<h2>A nod to domestic terrorism</h2>
There is more at work here than Trump’s endorsement of white nationalism; he’s also sending a clear message of support for a culture of violence that both legitimizes and gives meaning to acts of domestic terrorism.

What’s more, there’s a clear contempt for the rule of law. And there’s also an endorsement not just for racist ideology, but for institutional racism and consequently the primacy of the <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/study-finds-huge-racial-disparity-in-americas-prisons-2016-6"><span style="color: #0000ff">race-based incarceration state</span>.</a>

In his various comments, tweets and policies, Trump has made clear that he does not see himself as the leader of the country, but as the head of a right-wing movement fuelled by rage, isolation, social atomization and communal disintegration, galvanized by a culture of fear and bigotry. He preys upon a populist hatred of democracy.

At the moment we’re seeing a looming collapse of civic culture.

A healthy democracy always struggles to preserve its ideals, values and practices. When taken for granted, justice dies, social responsibility becomes a burden and the seeds of authoritarianism flourish.

We may be in the midst of dark times, but resistance is no longer an option but a necessity.

And educators have a particular responsibility to address this growing assault on democracy. Any other option is an act of complicity, and a negation of what it means for education to matter in a democratic society.

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<p style="text-align: left"><strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff">Why universities must defend democracy</a></span></span>"</strong>:</p>

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<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/universities-267" style="color: #0000ff">Universities</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/higher-education-269" style="color: #0000ff">Higher education</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/education-274"><span style="color: #0000ff">Education</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/holocaust-2172" style="color: #0000ff">Holocaust</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/slavery-4624" style="color: #0000ff">Slavery</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/donald-trump-10206" style="color: #0000ff">Donald Trump</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/anti-semitism-11864"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anti-Semitism</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/authoritarianism-13868" style="color: #0000ff">Authoritarianism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/college-15813" style="color: #0000ff">College</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/white-supremacy-18028" style="color: #0000ff">White supremacy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/resistance-31665" style="color: #0000ff">resistance</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/steve-bannon-33486" style="color: #0000ff">Steve Bannon</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/neo-nazis-42106" style="color: #0000ff">Neo-Nazis</a></span></li>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: <span style="color: #000000">Giroux, H. (2017, September 6). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff">Why universities must defend democracy</a></span>. <em>The Conversation. </em></span>

</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>592</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 20:27:02]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-27 01:27:02]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:06:28]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:06:28]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[why-universities-must-defend-democracy-short-introductory-article]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>35</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3a. "Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-short-introductory-article/</link><pubDate>Sat, 27 Nov 2021 01:49:15 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=602</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div>
<h1><span style="color: #000000">Introduction to the article </span><strong>"<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff">Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake new</a></span>"</strong></h1>
Disinformation is a complex issue. During the digital age, we consume more information from more sources than ever before.

But issues that once seemed simple and straightforward can become blurry when we read about them from so many angles via so many online platforms.

Entertainment and news continue to blend. New sites pop up all the time. Opinion pieces abound on the internet. Who has time to fact check all these sources?

Who knows which way is up any more?

In their article, "Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news," authors Sze-Fung Lee and Benjamin C. M. Fung advocate for a new way to stem disinformation–inoculating people, information-wise of course.

As we continue to face newer and more sophisticated forms of disinformation, having one more tool in the proverbial information toolbelt cannot hurt.

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<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff">Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake new</a></span></strong></h2>
Sze-Fung Lee and Benjamin C. M. Fung,<span> </span><em>The Conversation</em>, November 1, 2021 5:54pm EDT

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/1984-09-01/dezinformatsia-active-measures-soviet-strategy-new-lies-old" style="color: #0000ff">Russian intervention in the 2016 U.S. presidential election</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">showed how disinformation could disrupt a democratic process. And due to the current reach of social media, the risk of fake news being disseminated is greater than ever.</span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/sites/default/files/publications/cse-cyber-threat-assessment-e.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Foreign intervention in the Canadian federal election</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">was relatively insignificant compared to the U.S. presidential election, but the potential ramifications of fake news in Canada still require extra awareness and effort to counter it in the long run.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada needs a broad strategy that combines approaches from national and international governments, private companies like Google and Facebook and third-party entities like</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://disinfowatch.org/about/" style="color: #0000ff">the fact-checking organization DisinfoWatch</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>
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<h2>Inoculating the public</h2>
Emerging during the Second World War,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://items.ssrc.org/from-our-archives/experiments-on-mass-communication/" style="color: #0000ff">inoculation theory concentrated on political persuasion and propaganda campaigns</a></span>. When U.S. soldiers in the Far East faced the danger of being brainwashed if captured, psychologist William McGuire developed a different focus: to “inoculate” people to resist being “brainwashed.”

McGuire referred to this as a “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.researchgate.net/figure/A-vaccine-for-brainwash-McGuire-1970_fig2_343511911" style="color: #0000ff">vaccine for brainwash</a></span>” that would boost the population’s resilience to disinformation and decrease their susceptibility to fake news.

Inoculation reduces<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12602" style="color: #0000ff">the effectiveness of disinformation</a></span>. Education and training in critical thinking for the public is acutely important, especially for adolescents, whose perspectives and skills like objective reasoning and analysis are starting to develop.

As the risk of electoral intervention increases, Canada has been allocating a tremendous amount of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-disinformation.html" style="color: #0000ff">resources to combat possible occurrences</a></span>. Content on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/3757094/not-fake-news-classroom-program-aims-to-enhance-news-literacy-among-younger-canadians/" style="color: #0000ff">how to identify fake news has even been added to school curricula</a></span>.

Federal initiatives, like the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-disinformation.html" style="color: #0000ff">Digital Citizen Initiative and Digital Citizen Research Program</a></span>, also work to strengthen the public’s resistance to persuasion by disinformation.
<h2>Fragmented approaches</h2>
Canada does not have one specific unit, department or institution that focuses on fighting disinformation. In addition to police and military departments, there are several branches of government that deal with disinformation and cybersecurity.

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) often publishes<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/csis-scrs/documents/publications/disinformation_post-report_eng.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">reports regarding disinformation as a security challenge</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/csis-warns-of-increasingly-sophisticated-state-sponsored-activity-targeting-elections-1.5519606" style="color: #0000ff">warns of state-sponsored disinformation campaigns, especially during elections</a></span>.

Meanwhile, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cse-cst.gc.ca/en" style="color: #0000ff">Communication Security Establishment (CSE)</a></span>, also a national security and intelligence organization, focuses on cyberthreats, foreign-based terrorism and other espionage. Its<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/sites/default/files/publications/cse-cyber-threat-assessment-e.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">July 2021 report</a></span><span> </span>examines the extent of cyberthreats to Canada’s democratic process.

The Competition Bureau Canada also<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.competitionbureau.gc.ca/eic/site/cb-bc.nsf/eng/h_04525.html" style="color: #0000ff">addresses fake news related to COVID-19 and businesses</a></span>, while<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.antifraudcentre-centreantifraude.ca/index-eng.htm" style="color: #0000ff">the Canadian Anti-Fraud Centre engages with suspected criminal activities</a></span>.

Canada lacks an integrated institution that oversees all cybersecurity intelligence and analysis, planning and executing efforts to counter disinformation.
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<h2>Open communication</h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/en/guidance/cybercrime-0" style="color: #0000ff">Cybercrime is intensifying</a></span><span> </span>and relations between countries (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/20/us/politics/six-months-into-bidens-tenure-us-china-relations-continue-to-deteriorate.html" style="color: #0000ff">such as the U.S. and China</a></span>) are worsening. Instances of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2969&amp;context=ils" style="color: #0000ff">foreign involvement in political campaigns</a></span><span> </span>have been documented.

In this new era of cyberthreats to national security, it will be necessary for governments to communicate openly and share information as authoritarian regimes attempt to undermine their opponents.

A department within the Canadian government with the authority to enforce a whole-of-government approach would be unquestionably vital for Canada’s liberal democratic future.

Internationally, the Canadian government should take more specific actions that align with our allies and like-minded democracies to “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/democratic-institutions/news/2020/05/government-of-canada-leading-globally-to-promote-cybersecurity-and-counter-disinformation-online.html" style="color: #0000ff">strengthen our capacity to prevent malign interference by foreign actors aimed at undermining electoral processes through malicious cyber activities</a></span>.”

This could start by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/ntnl-scrt/fv-cntry-mnstrl-en.aspx" style="color: #0000ff">establishing an integrated system within the Five Eyes alliance</a></span><span> </span>that includes the exchange of sensitive information to combat disinformation and, in the future, further extended to more democracies.

There is, unfortunately, no single solution for fighting disinformation. Multidisciplinary approaches by international and national governments, private companies and other organizations are all vital to improve the resilience of national security and protect our democratic society from information warfare.

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff">Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake new</a></span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong>:
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 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/privacy-111" style="color: #0000ff">Privacy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/security-416" style="color: #0000ff">Security</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/cybersecurity-535" style="color: #0000ff">Cybersecurity</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/intelligence-753" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">Intelligence</span></a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/information-warfare-22130" style="color: #0000ff">Information warfare</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/fake-news-33438" style="color: #0000ff">Fake news</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/inoculation-theory-38669" style="color: #0000ff">Inoculation theory</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/infowars-54473" style="color: #0000ff">Infowars</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/cyber-threats-77428" style="color: #0000ff">Cyber threats</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/listen-to-this-article-107777" style="color: #0000ff">Listen to this article</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Lee, S-F., &amp; Fung, B. C. M. (2021, November 1). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff">Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake new</a></span>s. <em>The Conversation</em>.

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Conflicts have multiple sides  There are normally reasonable arguments to both support, and protest against, a complex issue.

Due to the number of people it empowers, social media has a tendency to make public issues take strange and circuitous paths.

In his article, "Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media," author David Glance discusses the often oppositional ways that social media can treat whatever it is focusing on. In this article, Glance discusses the fight against Joseph Kony, leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army guerilla group.

Although the Kony controversy occurred back in 2012, social media's influence on public issues is extremely relevant both today and tomorrow.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925" style="color: #0000ff">Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media</a></span></h2>
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David Glance, <em>The Conversation</em>, March 19, 2012 3:12pm EDT

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">There have been enough social media disasters of late to make one thing clear: manipulating sentiment through social networks is next to impossible.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The McDonald’s</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://socialmediatoday.com/david-amerland/434385/abject-lessons-learnt-mcdonald-s-social-media-disaster" style="color: #0000ff">#McDStories campaign</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">in January was supposed to allow the public to share fond memories of eating at McDonald’s. Instead, responses quickly became abusive and negative.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Qantas famously made the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/qantasluxury-a-qantas-social-media-disaster-in-pyjamas-4421" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">same mistake</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">with their ill-fated #QantasLuxury campaign in November of last year.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">At first glance, the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&amp;v=Y4MnpzG5Sqc" style="color: #0000ff">Kony 2012</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">film seemed an undeniable</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/patricia-vanderbilt/kony-2012_b_1344050.html" style="color: #0000ff">social media success</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Purporting to raise awareness about the use of children in the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/08/joseph-kony-lords-resistance-army" style="color: #0000ff">Lord’s Resistance Army</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">guerilla group, the film agitated for the hunting-down and arrest of the group’s leader, Joseph Kony.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The film and its director, Jason Russell, were blatant in their intention to use social media to propel the campaign.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://blog.socialflow.com/post/7120244932/data-viz-kony2012-see-how-invisible-networks-helped-a-campaign-capture-the-worlds-attention" style="color: #0000ff">Analysis</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">of Twitter and YouTube traffic showed how</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.invisiblechildren.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Invisible Children</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, the charity behind the Kony 2012 video, used its existing social networks to initiate and drive the viral growth of attention to the video.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The obsession of media and marketing with “virality” is something Arianna Huffington – co-founder of the Huffington Post – has</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-huffington/social-media_b_1333499.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">commented on</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. While not mentioning the Kony video explicitly, Huffington suggested that when something attains “viral” status, this can signify a positive or negative outcome. But more often than not, it signifies both.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">This is exactly what happened in the case of the Kony 2012 video.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For every</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/blogpost/post/kony-2012-campaign-gets-support-of-obama-others/2012/03/08/gIQArnHkzR_blog.html" style="color: #0000ff">celebrity that endorsed the film</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">there seemed to be someone</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://thestar.com.my/lifestyle/story.asp?file=/2012/3/19/lifefocus/10901832&amp;sec=lifefocus" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">publishing criticism</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. These criticisms have been unpacked</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://www.ethanzuckerman.com/blog/2012/03/08/unpacking-kony-2012/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">elsewhere</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, including on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/in-defence-of-the-bandwagon-kony-2012-makers-should-check-their-facts-but-so-should-critics-5773" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">The Conversation</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Criticism of the campaign would have been alright but the campaign did as much to turn the spotlight on Invisible Children as it did on the problem of the children in Uganda. The charity and director were forced to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.invisiblechildren.com/critiques.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">defend</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">not only the film but their operations and past record.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Most damning of all were the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/ugandaspeaks/" style="color: #0000ff">criticisms of Invisible Children being made by Ugandans</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and by former “invisible children” themselves.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Kony 2012</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://invisiblechildrenstore.myshopify.com/products/konybracelet" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">bracelets</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://invisiblechildrenstore.myshopify.com/collections/bracelet-stories" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">T-shirts</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">became the signifiers of a US Christian organisation that didn’t even have the support of the people they were allegedly trying to help. Ugandan Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi even created</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-03-18/uganda-responds-to-kony-2012-video/3896476" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">his own video</span></a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to refute allegations made in the Kony 2012 video.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">In the video Mbabazi invited the celebrities who promoted the Kony 2012 video – including Rihanna, Bill Gates and Kim Kardashian – to come to Uganda and see the situation for themselves.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">All of this would have been bad enough … but it got worse.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Late last week Kony 2012 director Jason Russell</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/16/kony-2012-campaigner-detained" style="color: #0000ff">was arrested</a> i</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">n San Diego after police received reports of a man running through the streets and traffic naked, vandalising cars and “masturbating”.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Invisible Children CEO Ben Keesey issued</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://invisiblechildrenblog.wordpress.com/2012/03/16/statement-from-ceo-ben-keesey/" style="color: #0000ff">a statement</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">claiming Russell had been admitted to hospital suffering from exhaustion, dehydration and malnutrition. Unfortunately,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.tmz.com/2012/03/18/jason-russell-video-naked-meltdown-kony/#.T2XYSXj0Wec" style="color: #0000ff">a video</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">has been released seemingly showing Russell in the midst of a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2012/03/sharing-public-breakdowns-what-we-can-learn-from-jason-russell/254659/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">psychotic episode</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">of some sort.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Although there have been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2012/03/sharing-public-breakdowns-what-we-can-learn-from-jason-russell/254659/" style="color: #0000ff">statements of compassion</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">about Russell’s condition, members of the twittersphere have not been as kind. A new hashtag, #Horny2012, was created with tweets ridiculing him, Invisible Children and the film.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">The tragedy of all this is what started out as a probably well-intentioned plan has ended with:</span>

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<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody">
<ul>
 	<li>the central message of the film getting lost</li>
 	<li>a charity losing its credibility, and</li>
 	<li>a man suffering a breakdown and having a personal incident “go viral”.</li>
</ul>
Worse still, Russell made his five-year-old son, Gavin Danger, the centrepiece of the film. Ironically, in a pale reflection of the Invisible Children themselves, Danger was made to take part in something he would have had no say in; something he will now have to deal with for the rest of his life.

This whole debacle serves to remind us we are still barely coming to terms with the nature of what it means to be massively connected on a global scale.

As we saw in attempts to spread the Kony 2012 film, grossly oversimplifying the way social networks function is always going to lead to unpredictable results; results that are often damaging.

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<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925" style="color: #0000ff">Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media</a></span>"</strong>:

<span>[h5p id="45"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="46"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="47"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="48"]</span>

<hr />

<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></div>
<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/marketing-13" style="color: #0000ff">Marketing</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/social-media-109" style="color: #0000ff">Social media</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/twitter-927" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</span></a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/kony-2012-2506" style="color: #0000ff">Kony 2012</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Glance, D. (2012, March 19). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925" style="color: #0000ff">Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>613</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 21:10:20]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-27 02:10:20]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:33:23]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:33:23]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-short-supplementary-article]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>39</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5a. "Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-short-supplementary-article/</link><pubDate>Sat, 27 Nov 2021 02:24:37 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=620</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564" style="color: #0000ff">Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account</a></span>"</h1>
Journalism is a difficult job. Holding the powerful to account requires courage, intelligence, and perseverance. Also, protecting sources during difficult times can imperil journalists. They can be threatened with imprisonment.

These difficulties become even harder in authoritarian regimes.

In his article, "Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account," author Tom Smith chronicles the difficulties Ressa faces as she reports on President Rodrigo Duterte.

Journalism has been justifiably criticized for its errors, omissions, and biases. However, courageous journalists like Ressa should be celebrated.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564" style="color: #0000ff">Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account</a></span></h2>
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<p class="content-authors-group">Tom Smith, <em>The Conversation</em>, October 8, 2021, 10:51am EDT</p>

</section>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The importance of journalists who take considerable risks to bring people the truth in countries where this involves going up against authoritarian governments has been recognised by the Nobel committee’s decision to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/philippines-rodrigo-dutertes-dictatorship-sinks-to-new-depths-with-closure-of-main-broadcaster-138025" style="color: #0000ff">award the 2021 peace prize</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to Maria Ressa of the Philippines and Dmitry Muratov of Russia.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In announcing the award, the Nobel committee called the pair “representatives of all journalists who stand up for this ideal”. They said Ressa had used her online news organisation, Rappler, to “expose abuse of power, use of violence and growing authoritarianism in her native country, the Philippines”.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rappler, which grew out of a Facebook page launched in 2012 and has become one of the Philippines’ most credible independent news services, has been targeted by President Rodrigo Duterte since his election in 2016. His 2017 state of the union speech alleged that Rappler was in foreign ownership, which would be contrary to the constitution. He also said it peddled “fake news”.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Government investigations followed and, by 2018, Ressa and Rappler were inundated with charges of cybercrime, tax evasion and as much intimidation as the Duterte government could muster.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This harassment took place against a backdrop of presidentially sanctioned murder in the form of Duterte’s “war on drugs” (which the</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://theconversation.com/rodrigo-duterte-why-the-iccs-investigation-will-not-guarantee-a-fairer-or-safer-philippines-163089" style="color: #0000ff">International Criminal Court is now investigating</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">) which led to the deaths of over 20,000 people, including journalists around the country. Ressa was not cowed by intimidation and threats. Time magazine named her one of its Person of the Year winners in 2018 alongside other journalists facing oppression around the world.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When she was arrested for the first time, in 2019 at the age of 56, the country’s most prominent journalist was made to spend a night behind bars, a low point for civil society in the Philippines. Ressa and her Rappler colleagues continue to work under the threat of imprisonment.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It remains to be seen if the award of the Nobel peace prize will shield Ressa and Rappler from further targeting, and whether the election, scheduled for May 2022, will bring any relief from government harassment and threats.</span></p>

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<h2>Thorn in Duterte’s side</h2>
Long before Duterte was elected, Ressa was an established figure in Filipino public life. She had been the face of CNN in the Philippines as its bureau chief from 1987-1995 and then as an investigative reporter for CNN, where she focused on terrorism in the aftermath of 9/11 across southeast Asia.

In 2004, she joined major Philippines-based media company ABS-CBN and for six years helped grow it into the major news network in the country (its broadcast operations were<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/philippines-rodrigo-dutertes-dictatorship-sinks-to-new-depths-with-closure-of-main-broadcaster-138025" style="color: #0000ff">shut down by Duterte in 2020</a></span>). It is with great credit to Ressa that her influence is so strong across the news media landscape in the Philippines where younger journalists continue to follow her advice and example.

This is not the first time Maria Ressa has won a major international award. She received the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ndi.org/our-stories/2017-democracy-dinner-explores-global-threat-disinformation" style="color: #0000ff">2017 Democracy Award</a></span>, the 2018<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.icfj.org/maria-ressa-accepts-2018-knight-international-journalism-award#:%7E:text=Maria%20Ressa%20Accepts%20the%202018,Award%20%7C%20International%20Center%20for%20Journalists" style="color: #0000ff">Knight International Journalism Award</a></span><span> </span>and, also in 2018, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.blog.wan-ifra.org/articles/2018/05/31/2018-golden-pen-of-freedom-awarded-to-maria-ressa-of-the-philippines" style="color: #0000ff">World Association of Newspapers’s Golden Pen of Freedom Award</a></span><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.goodnewspilipinas.com/maria-ressa-wins-2018-gwen-ifill-press-freedom-award-in-new-york/" style="color: #0000ff">Committee to Protect Journalists’ Gwen Ifill Press Freedom Award</a></span>. Her trials over recent years have regularly garnered public attention and condemnation from across the world from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/madeleine/status/1095787071862640648?lang=en" style="color: #0000ff">leading figures</a></span><span> </span>and<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://rsf.org/en/news/dismay-over-philippine-journalist-maria-ressas-prison-sentence" style="color: #0000ff">organisations</a></span>.
<h2>Peace Prize premium?</h2>
Despite this, the Duterte government has continued to stifle dissent and attack less prominent journalists in the more remote provinces of the Philippines who continue to investigate corruption and violence under the direct threat of violence and intimidation. Hopefully the Nobel prize will put pressure on presidential candidates in the 2022 election to speak on the issue of press freedom and make it a campaign issue. The award also means that foreign governments calibrating new relations with the next administration have a symbol to rally around.

In 2019, I was a delegate at the UK and Canadian governments’<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/topical-events/global-conference-for-media-freedom-london-2019" style="color: #0000ff">Global Conference for Media Freedom</a> </span>in London. I had the opportunity to briefly meet Maria and her lawyer Amal Clooney. There were a lot of strong sentiments and good words expressed that day from government officials as they listened to stories like those from the Philippines.

The whole event rung hollow when, toward the end of the day, news broke of the murder of radio news anchor<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cpj.org/data/people/eduardo-dizon/" style="color: #0000ff">Eduardo Dizon</a></span>, a journalist with Brigada News FM in Kidapawan City in the southern Philippines. But by handing this award to brave journalists like Ressa and Muratov, the Nobel committee is proclaiming the value, not only of their work, but of all journalists who take risks to hold power to account.

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564" style="color: #0000ff">Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account</a></span>"</strong>:

<span>[h5p id="49"]</span>

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<span>[h5p id="51"]</span>

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>
<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/democracy-619" style="color: #0000ff">Democracy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-prize-1570" style="color: #0000ff">Nobel Prize</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/philippines-5828" style="color: #0000ff">Philippines</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/press-freedom-6805" style="color: #0000ff">Press freedom</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-laureates-7713" style="color: #0000ff">Nobel Laureates</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/maria-ressa-40266" style="color: #0000ff">Maria Ressa</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-prize-2021-111047" style="color: #0000ff">Nobel Prize 2021</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/dmitry-muratov-111222" style="color: #0000ff">Dmitry Muratov</a></span></li>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Smith, T. (2021, October 8). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564" style="color: #0000ff">Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>620</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 21:24:37]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-27 02:24:37]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:49:35]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:49:35]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-short-supplementary-article]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>41</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[6b. "Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-short-introductory-article/</link><pubDate>Sat, 27 Nov 2021 02:55:26 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=633</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623" style="color: #0000ff">Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better</a></span>"</h1>
Ever since the discovery of basic tools like axes and chisels, our lives have been deeply impacted by technology.

Depending on its use, technology can either help or harm our lives.

In his article, "Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better," author Brendan Markey-Towler discusses how sharp criticism of technologies can ultimately make them better and more useful.

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<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623" style="color: #0000ff">Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better</a></span></h2>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Brendan Markey-Towler, <em>The Conversation</em>, June 21, 2018 2:48pm EDT  </span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">That new technologies could actually be bad for us, by sapping our attention or ruining our memories, is an argument that goes back to</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/literally-psyched/on-writing-memory-and-forgetting-socrates-and-hemingway-take-on-zeigarnik/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">Socrates</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">. It’s tempting to summarily</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.dictionary.com/browse/luddism" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">dismiss these concerns</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">, but such tech-doomsaying is actually an important part of economic discovery.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Our</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/2564954?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">societies are organised by rules</span></a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, embedded in our collective knowledge, about the proper way to behave and interact with each other. These rules are worked out over a long, often bitter process of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-institutional-economics/article/competition-and-evolution-of-ideas-in-the-public-sphere-a-new-foundation-for-institutional-theory/8EA12170A9F35AF6E6AC293F58EBE80B" style="color: #0000ff">debate and competition between rival ideas about society</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Some of the most important rules we need to discover are about how to use technology and, just as importantly, how</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">not</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to use it</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">One recent example of tech-doomsaying is a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nKd2QVrQVIM&amp;feature=youtu.be" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">viral video</span></a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">featuring Denzel Washington, Simon Sinek, Joe Rogan and others discussing social media and smartphones. We spend no time with real people any more, the video goes, as we desperately seek the next “like” and “comment”.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This video joins a long and proud history stretching back through Neil Postman (who wrote the brilliant</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/74034.Amusing_Ourselves_to_Death" style="color: #0000ff">Amusing Ourselves to Death</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">), Alvin and Heidi Toffler (of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/466537.Future_Shock" style="color: #0000ff">Future Shock</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">fame) to John Kenneth Galbraith in</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/41589.The_Affluent_Society?from_search=true" style="color: #0000ff">The Affluent Society</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It also joins a veritable cacophony warning about the perils of everything from</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-30290540" style="color: #0000ff">artificial intelligence</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@kaistinchcombe/decentralized-and-trustless-crypto-paradise-is-actually-a-medieval-hellhole-c1ca122efdec" style="color: #0000ff">blockchains</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/mar/13/imf-christine-lagarde-calls-bitcoin-crackdown-cryptocurrencies" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">cryptocurrencies</span></a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Institutional economics helps us understand, counter-intuitively, why this doomsaying actually helps make new technologies better.</span>
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<h2>Working out the rules</h2>
The great institutional economist<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://academic.oup.com/cje/article/39/4/1053/1734579" style="color: #0000ff">Clarence Ayres wrote</a> </span>about how technology becomes incorporated into our lives in a way that is roughly equivalent to the way tribal societies use totems to interact with each other.

In tribal societies, a whole system of rules is developed and kept by the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shamanism" style="color: #0000ff">shamans</a></span>” about what totems mean and how they are to be used in everyday life.

Similarly, a whole system of rules needs to be developed by tech gurus experimenting with new technologies and teaching people about how, when and why to use them in everyday life.

<span style="font-size: 1em">New technologies don’t simply get incorporated immediately into everyday life, as</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1475-4932.1956.tb00434.x" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">traditional economic models assume</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">. They don’t come with an instruction manual outlining what they can be used for, nor a set of regulations about how they are to be used.</span>

We have to learn and develop rules ourselves about how, when and why to use new technologies. This requires that we talk to each other and share our experiences and thoughts.

As we talk to each other and share ideas about new technology, a<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-institutional-economics/article/competition-and-evolution-of-ideas-in-the-public-sphere-a-new-foundation-for-institutional-theory/8EA12170A9F35AF6E6AC293F58EBE80B" style="color: #0000ff">competition between ideas</a></span><span> </span>develops. From this we discover, as a society, new knowledge about how, when and why we should use new technologies in our everyday lives.
<h2>Hype<span> </span><em>and</em><span> </span>doomsaying help us discover</h2>
My colleague Jason Potts<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2934675" style="color: #0000ff">has written</a> </span>about one side of this process, whereby “hype” about a new technology helps us to discover what it can and should be used for.

But there is another, easily forgotten side of this process whereby doomsaying about a new technology moderates our enthusiasm and promotes caution. We need to discover what a new technology<span> </span><em>cannot</em><span> </span>do and what it<span> </span><em>should not</em><span> </span>be used for.

Every inventor is both a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prometheus" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">Prometheus</span></a> </span>stealing fire from the gods, and a<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pandora" style="color: #0000ff">Pandora</a> </span>unwittingly releasing a swarm of potential evils on the world. The competition of ideas between hype and doomsaying allows us to discover helpful rules which deal with both.

Nuclear technology provides an excellent example of this. Many arguments have been made about its astonishing potential as an efficient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ta3z3pGK0vU" style="color: #0000ff">energy source</a></span>, as a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100370950" style="color: #0000ff">mining technology</a> </span>and as a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eMzdKT0WdRM" style="color: #0000ff">source of propulsion</a></span>, among other things. But we all know about its dangers too –<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Chernobyl-disaster" style="color: #0000ff">Chernobyl</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fukushima-seven-years-later-case-closed-93448" style="color: #0000ff">Fukushima</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-40097000" style="color: #0000ff">Three Mile Island</a></span>, and the areas of the Earth that will be radioactive for tens of thousands of years as a result of nuclear fallout.

Over time, despite often bitter disputes, we have discovered a substantial body of knowledge about how, when and why we should nuclear technology.

<span style="font-size: 1em">The debate about social media and smartphones is much the same. There are a range of arguments about the spectacular potential for this technology to give ordinary people a technology to communicate on a scale previously reserved for only the very powerful and very rich.</span>

But there are also counterarguments about its addictiveness, its effect on our attention span, and its enabling of the very powerful and very rich to manipulate us.

Over time, despite what will often be a fierce dispute between these competing ideas, we can expect to discover a substantial body of knowledge about how best to use social media.

So, institutional economics shows us that tech-doomsayers help make technology better. Technology doesn’t come with a ready-made rulebook for how to use it. We have to discover this in a process of trial, error and argument. And for this the doomsayer is just as vital as the visionary.

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623" style="color: #0000ff">Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better</a></span>"</strong>:

<span>[h5p id="53"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="54"]</span>

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 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/economics-488" style="color: #0000ff">Economics</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/norms-55541" style="color: #0000ff">Norms</a></span></li>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Markey-Towler, B. (2018, June 21). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623" style="color: #0000ff">Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

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<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: 1. Introduction to Law</span></strong></h2>
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<strong><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceovers-v14.pdf">OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14</a></strong>
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<h2><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Learning Objectives:</strong></h2>
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 	<li>Recall how law emerged to govern and structure society</li>
 	<li>Explain the history of, and rationale for, the legal <em>person</em></li>
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This module will help learners explore the basics of law as well as the rise of human rights and legal personhood. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an understanding of the basics of law as a means to shape society.</span>

<strong>Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Short written post)</strong>
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 	<li>Write a short post that introduces you as well as your interest in human rights.</li>
</ul>
</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>717</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-29 07:59:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-29 12:59:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:27:41]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:27:41]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Cover-Misinformation-WithTitles,Logo-v1]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/front-matter/social-media-democracy-international-human-rights/cover-misinformation-withtitleslogo-v1/</link><pubDate>Thu, 07 Apr 2022 15:57:44 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2022/03/Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1607</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2022-04-07 11:57:44]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2022-04-07 15:57:44]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-04-07 11:59:09]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-04-07 15:59:09]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[cover-misinformation-withtitleslogo-v1]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[inherit]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>1575</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[attachment]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:attachment_url><![CDATA[http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2022/03/Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png]]></wp:attachment_url><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_attached_file]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[2022/03/Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_attachment_metadata]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[a:5:{s:5:"width";i:2550;s:6:"height";i:3300;s:4:"file";s:50:"2022/03/Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png";s:5:"sizes";a:9:{s:6:"medium";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:50:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-232x300.png";s:5:"width";i:232;s:6:"height";i:300;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:5:"large";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:51:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-791x1024.png";s:5:"width";i:791;s:6:"height";i:1024;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:9:"thumbnail";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:50:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-150x150.png";s:5:"width";i:150;s:6:"height";i:150;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:12:"medium_large";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:50:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-768x994.png";s:5:"width";i:768;s:6:"height";i:994;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:9:"1536x1536";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:52:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-1187x1536.png";s:5:"width";i:1187;s:6:"height";i:1536;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:9:"2048x2048";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:52:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-1583x2048.png";s:5:"width";i:1583;s:6:"height";i:2048;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:14:"pb_cover_small";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:48:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-65x84.png";s:5:"width";i:65;s:6:"height";i:84;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:15:"pb_cover_medium";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:50:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-225x291.png";s:5:"width";i:225;s:6:"height";i:291;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:14:"pb_cover_large";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:50:"Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1-350x453.png";s:5:"width";i:350;s:6:"height";i:453;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}}s:10:"image_meta";a:12:{s:8:"aperture";s:1:"0";s:6:"credit";s:0:"";s:6:"camera";s:0:"";s:7:"caption";s:0:"";s:17:"created_timestamp";s:1:"0";s:9:"copyright";s:0:"";s:12:"focal_length";s:1:"0";s:3:"iso";s:1:"0";s:13:"shutter_speed";s:1:"0";s:5:"title";s:0:"";s:11:"orientation";s:1:"0";s:8:"keywords";a:0:{}}}]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_adapted]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_adapted_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_title_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51883412141]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_license]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[cc-by-nc]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_attachment_image_alt]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 1]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=5</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?p=5</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[This is the first chapter in the main body of the text. You can change the text, rename the chapter, add new chapters, and add new parts.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>5</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:53:24]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:53:24]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[open]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="category" nicename="uncategorized"><![CDATA[Standard]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647273204]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Course Description]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=30</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:25:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=30</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Course Description:</strong>

The intersection of the arts, politics, and international activism has inspired creators, informed citizens, and motivated many social movements from democracy’s earliest days.

Social Media, Authoritarianism, and International Human Rights Mobilization investigates these diverse fields and activities. It aims to help students understand and constructively engage with authoritarian regimes’ harassment of human rights campaigners and democracy practitioners. It will also discuss recent online social movements that have captured the world’s imagination, including #ArabSpring, #BlackLivesMatter; #MeToo, and #OccupyWallStreet as well as actors like Anonymous. From this, this course attempts to empower Canadian creators and help citizens fight against rights abuses.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>30</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:25:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:25:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:01:12]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:01:12]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[course-description__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270072]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[course-description]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2.Overview/Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/learning-objectives-2/</link><pubDate>Mon, 29 Nov 2021 18:44:33 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=738</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">
<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: </span></strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">2. Democracy/Tech</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-2.wav"][/audio]

<strong><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14.pdf">OCAD-ScriptForVoiceovers-v14</a></strong>
<h2><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Learning Objectives</strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</strong></h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Recall the origins of democracy and authoritarianism</li>
 	<li>Compare and contrast the concepts of democracy and authoritarianism</li>
 	<li>Explain the technical, communicative, and societal benefits of the internet</li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners explore the similarities and differences between democracy and authoritarianism. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an</span><span style="color: #000000"> understanding of the basics elements of democratic and authoritarian regimes.</span>

<strong>Assignment 2</strong><strong>: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Write a short essay that describes the issue, campaign, or activist you introduced in Assignment 1 in more detail.</li>
</ul>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>738</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-29 13:44:33]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-29 18:44:33]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:27:47]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:27:47]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>35</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3.Overview/Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/learning-objectives-3-add/</link><pubDate>Mon, 29 Nov 2021 18:46:04 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=741</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: </span></strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">3. (Dis)information</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-3.wav"][/audio]
<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">

<strong><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14.pdf">OCAD-ScriptForVoiceovers-v14</a></strong>
<h2>Learning Objectives:</h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Define knowledge, epistemology, data, and information</li>
 	<li>Define/contrast misinformation, disinformation, and fake news</li>
 	<li>Analyze rhetoric as a means of persuasion</li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners explore the basics of information and the ways that it has been (un)intentionally misused. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate a</span><span style="color: #000000">n understanding of the current information ecosystem. </span>

<strong>Assignment 3: Information vs. Disinformation (Short written post)</strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Write a short post that defines/contrasts information with disinformation.</li>
</ul>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>741</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-29 13:46:04]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-29 18:46:04]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:27:53]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:27:53]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives-3-add]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>37</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4.Overview/Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/learning-objectives-4-add/</link><pubDate>Mon, 29 Nov 2021 18:46:54 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=743</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Overview:</strong> <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">4. Digital Advocacy</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-4.wav"][/audio]
<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">

<strong><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14.pdf">OCAD-ScriptForVoiceovers-v14</a></strong>
<h2>Learning Objectives:</h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Identify how human rights were mobilized before the mass penetration of the internet</li>
 	<li>
<p class="p1">Explain social media’s emergence and impact on North American human rights issues</p>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners explore the basics of human rights movements from the past to today. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an understanding of </span><span style="color: #000000">the basics of human rights mobilization using both pre-internet communication tools as well as social media.</span>

<strong>Assignment 4</strong><strong>: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)</strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Create a rough draft of either an Artistic Project or Social Media Campaign that advocates for your issue, campaign, or activist.</li>
</ul>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>743</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-29 13:46:54]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-29 18:46:54]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:27:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:27:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives-4-add]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>39</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5.Overview/Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/learning-objectives-5-add/</link><pubDate>Mon, 29 Nov 2021 18:47:39 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=745</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">
<h2><strong>Overview: </strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">5. Art/Social Media</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-5.wav"][/audio]

<strong><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14.pdf">OCAD-ScriptForVoiceovers-v14</a></strong>
<h2>Learning Objectives:</h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Demonstrate historical uses of art for advocacy (e.g,. political advocacy, human rights advocacy, etc.)</li>
 	<li>
<p class="p1"><span style="font-size: 1em">Identify examples of social media use as a tool against oppression</span></p>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners explore the basics of protest art as a tool to advocate for political and human rights. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an understanding of </span><span style="color: #000000">the basics of protest art.</span>

<strong>Assignment 5: Political Art / Online Advocacy (Short written post)</strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Write a short post that describes and analyzes your favorite piece of Political Art or favorite Online Advocacy campaign.</li>
</ul>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>745</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-29 13:47:39]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-29 18:47:39]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:28:04]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:28:04]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives-5-add]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>41</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[6.Overview/Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/learning-objectives-6-add/</link><pubDate>Mon, 29 Nov 2021 18:48:31 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=747</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">
<h2><strong>Overview: </strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">6. Predictions-Into the Future</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-6.wav"][/audio]

<strong><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-ScriptForVoiceover-v14.pdf">OCAD-ScriptForVoiceovers-v14</a></strong>
<h2>Learning Objectives:</h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Discover thoughts on the future of human rights, social media, and their evolving role in the fight against global oppression</li>
 	<li>
<p class="p1"><span style="font-size: 1em">Create either an Artistic Project or a Social Media Advocacy Campaign as a final project</span></p>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners predict future trends in human rights and social media as well as how they could relate to human rights mobilization. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an understanding of </span><span style="color: #000000">the basic trends that will shape future social media and human rights.</span>

<strong>Assignment 6: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign (Final Project)</strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Based on your Assignment 4 (either your Artistic Project or Social Media Advocacy Campaign <em>Draft Midterm Project</em>) create either an Artistic Project or Social Media Campaign <em>Final Project</em> that advocates for your issue, campaign, or activist.</li>
</ul>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>747</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-29 13:48:31]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-29 18:48:31]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-16 09:28:09]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-16 13:28:09]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives-6-add]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>43</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1c. "Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-2/</link><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2021 20:04:16 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1107</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117" style="color: #0000ff">Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it</a></span>"</h1>
Women were granted legal personhood after a long, arduous struggle.

Corporations have similarly gained legal personhood.

Why would we also want to give <em>nature</em> <span style="color: #000000">this same type of legal status and protection? </span>

In "Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it," authors Justine Townsend, Alexis Bunten, Catherine Iorns, and Lindsay Borrows explore the use of legal personhood as a relatively new way to protect nature.

Perhaps this example could inspire those in the advocacy space to use existing laws in innovative ways to achieve other positive ends.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117" style="color: #0000ff">Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it</a></span></h2>
<span>Justine Townsend, Alexis Bunten, Catherine Iorns, and Lindsay Borrows, </span><em>The Conversation</em>, June 3, 2021 1.07pm EDT

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The Muteshekau Shipu (Magpie River) runs nearly 300 kilometres in Québec’s Côte-Nord region. The river is culturally significant for the Innu and it is popular with white water paddlers and rafters.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Despite efforts to protect the river, Muteshekau Shipu continues to be threatened by potential new</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/12/19/news/emails-reveal-internal-government-dispute-quebec-over-hydro-expansion" style="color: #0000ff">hydroelectric dam development</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. But, in February, the Innu Council of Ekuanitshit and the Minganie Regional County Municipality declared the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/3/this-river-in-canada-now-legal-person" style="color: #0000ff">Muteshekau Shipu (Magpie River)</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/when-a-river-is-a-person-from-ecuador-to-new-zealand-nature-gets-its-day-in-court-79278" style="color: #0000ff">legal person</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, a move that may provide greater certainty for this majestic river’s future.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">While a first in Canada, granting legal personhood to natural entities is part of a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kuFNmH7lVTA&amp;t=642s" style="color: #0000ff">global movement</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to recognize the rights of nature in law. Indigenous communities around the world are leading the way in upholding the rights of sacred and ancestral rivers, forests and mountains. Recognizing the rights of nature is an opportunity to elevate the power of Indigenous Peoples’ laws and worldviews to benefit all peoples.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Extractive values — the belief that natural entities are resources that can be used for human benefit with little regard for their well-being and longevity — are deeply embedded in Canada’s legal and economic systems.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">These values influence the ideologies at the root of our biodiversity and climate crises. These ideologies justify the transformation of rivers, forests and the atmosphere into commodities and private property at our own peril. Recognizing natural entities as legal persons and enshrining their rights in law is a promising legal innovation.</span>
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<h2>Rights of nature</h2>
On<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://files.harmonywithnatureun.org/uploads/upload1070.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Feb. 23</a></span>, the Alliance for the Protection of the Magpie River/Muteshekau Shipu recognized<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://files.harmonywithnatureun.org/uploads/upload1072.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">nine rights</a></span><span> </span>of the river. These include the rights to evolve naturally and be protected, to be free of pollution and to sue.

The members of the Innu Council of Ekuanitshit, part of the alliance, will now be the river’s guardians. This means that those with long-standing relationships to Muteshekau Shipu will be formally entrusted with the river’s care for future generations.

“Designating the river as a legal person was the clearest message we could send,” Chief Jean-Charles Piétacho of the Innu Council of Ekuanitshit told us in an interview. “There will never be dams in this river. The river protects herself, we protect the river, we’re all protected. I think the message is very clear.”
<figure class="align-center "><figcaption><span class="attribution"><span class="source"></span></span></figcaption></figure>
Galvanized by widespread environmental degradation and rising Indigenous rights movements, Indigenous communities around the world are leading the way in upholding the rights of sacred and ancestral rivers. This includes Māori tribal relationships with the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/2017/0007/latest/whole.html#DLM6831461" style="color: #0000ff">Whanganui River</a></span><span> </span>in Aotearoa New Zealand, the role of Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.iucn.org/news/world-commission-environmental-law/201909/tour-save-world-colombia-wins-yellow-jersey-rights-nature" style="color: #0000ff">Atrato River</a></span><span> </span>in Colombia, and the Yurok Tribal Council’s granting legal rights of personhood to the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/yurok-nation-just-established-rights-klamath-river" style="color: #0000ff">Klamath River</a></span><span> </span>through an ordinance in the United States.

The idea that nature is a sentient being isn’t new to Indigenous and other traditional peoples. “The vision of the Innu is that Nature is living. Everything is alive,” said Chief Piétacho.
<h2>Indigenous laws: Relationships and responsibilities</h2>
Recognizing the rights of nature are modern expressions of long-practised Indigenous laws. Indigenous laws are as diverse as Indigenous cultures yet share an understanding that humans are an integral part of the natural world. These laws emphasize respect for all beings and responsibilities to care for lands and waters. Trees, mountains and plants are relatives, not commodities that can be privately owned and exploited.

The rights-of-nature movement may seem radical to some people. It challenges Eurocentric values such as human dominance over the natural world, which is considered largely inanimate. The conservation movement itself is founded on a worldview that sees<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12600" style="color: #0000ff">“wilderness” as something separate</a></span><span> </span>to be protected from humans. The “fortress” conservation movement is ideologically non-commensurate with Indigenous ways of thinking about being a part of nature. This belief was used to justify the forced<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57e007452e69cf9a7af0a033/t/5ab94aca6d2a7338ecb1d05e/1522092766605/PA234-ICE_Report_2018_Mar_22_web.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">relocation of many Indigenous Peoples</a></span><span> </span>from their territories to establish parks and protected areas.

Rights understood through a western, liberal and individualistic lens overlook collective responsibilities to the natural world. “I sincerely think Québec and Canada missed their responsibility; they aren’t protecting the river from development,” said Chief Piétacho.

Bridging western and Indigenous legal systems through a rights-of-nature approach is one tool for encouraging a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1890/1051-0761(2000)010%5B1327:KEIPOT%5D2.0.CO;2" style="color: #0000ff">kincentric view</a></span><span> </span>of the world, which sees humans as “part of an extended ecological family that shares ancestry and origins.”

Indigenous laws mirror and reinforce relational worldviews that view living entities as relatives, not resources. This in turn shapes social conduct that emphasizes respect and responsibility to the natural world. Innovative governance arrangements are one means through which distinct worldviews and associated laws can be woven together.
<h2>Innovative governance models</h2>
Rivers speak but since western laws and institutions are not designed to listen, people must act as intermediaries voicing perspectives on their behalf. Indigenous laws are well positioned to conceptualize the decision-making structures needed to breathe life into legal personhood.

In 2014, Tūhoe iwi (Māori) and the New Zealand government granted legal personhood to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environmentguide.org.nz/regional/te-urewera-act/" style="color: #0000ff">Te Urewera</a></span>, an ancestral forest and former national park. They created a board responsible for making decisions in the best interests of Te Urewera. Tūhoe, as children of Tu Urewera, give expression to her through the board.

In Northern Canada, Łutsël K’é Dene First Nation established Thaidene Nëné as an Indigenous Protected Area under Dene law. It is also protected as a park and conservation area under Canadian and territorial (Northwest Territories) legislation. The management board,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.landoftheancestors.ca/thaidene-neumlneacute-xa769-da769-ya769322t305.html" style="color: #0000ff">Thaidene Nëné Xá Dá Yáłtı</a></span>, is composed of members of Łutsël K’é Dene First Nation, the Government of Canada and the Government of the Northwest Territories. Once appointed, members no longer represent their organizations, they speak for Thaidene Nëné.
<h2>Indigenous-led initiatives</h2>
Examples like Thaidene Nëné are the exception and not the norm in Canada, although this may be changing.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/environment-climate-change/services/nature-legacy/indigenous-leadership-funding.html" style="color: #0000ff">There is a national mandate</a></span><span> </span>to support Indigenous-led conservation initiatives and advance reconciliation. This support combined with Indigenous leadership and accompanying legal innovations present new opportunities for caring for the land and waters.

Many similar Indigenous-led initiatives are currently underway, supported by programs including the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://bioneers.org/indigeneity-program/" style="color: #0000ff">Bioneers Indigeneity Program</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.weareriver.earth/" style="color: #0000ff">RIVER</a></span><span> </span>(Revitalizing Indigenous Values for Earth’s Regeneration), the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://conservation-reconciliation.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Conservation through Reconciliation</a></span><span> </span>partnership,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wcel.org/program/relaw" style="color: #0000ff">RELAW</a></span><span> </span>(Revitalizing Indigenous Law for Land, Air and Water) and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.therightsofnature.org/" style="color: #0000ff">Global Network for the Rights of Nature</a></span>.

The Muteshekau Shipu river declaration — and the legal guardianship role for Innu — is an example governments can learn from. “If the government wants to effectively protect Nature, they should consider this option so protected areas would be protected along with our rights,” said Chief Piétacho.

To create just and liveable futures for all our relatives (human and otherwise), Canadian laws and policies need further innovation. Vesting legal personhood in natural entities is a promising intervention when Indigenous Peoples represent these entities. It elevates the standing of nature for all peoples and respects the laws of Indigenous Peoples.

<em>Georgia Lloyd-Smith, a lawyer with West Coast Environmental Law, co-authored this article. The authors are grateful to Chief Jean-Charles Piétacho for the interview.</em>

</div>

<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<a href="https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it</span></a>"</strong>

[h5p id="60"]

[h5p id="61"]

[h5p id="62"]

[h5p id="63"]

<hr />

<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong>:
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/water-71" style="color: #0000ff">Water</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/rivers-1725" style="color: #0000ff">Rivers</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/whanganui-river-6231" style="color: #0000ff">Whanganui River</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/quebec-9839" style="color: #0000ff">Quebec</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/personhood-13359" style="color: #0000ff">Personhood</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/environmental-protection-36894" style="color: #0000ff">environmental protection</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/environmental-rights-44476"><span style="color: #0000ff">Environmental rights</span></a></li>
</ul>
<span style="color: #000000"><strong>Citation</strong>: </span>Townsend, J., Bunten, A., Iorns, C., &amp; Borrows, L. (2021, June 3). <a href="https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect i</span>t</a>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1107</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-03 15:04:16]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-03 20:04:16]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 18:55:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-14 23:55:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2c. "Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter/</link><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2021 20:09:27 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1109</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><span style="color: #000000">Introduction to the article "</span><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749" style="color: #0000ff">Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter</a></span></span><span style="color: #000000">"</span></h1>
Unfortunately, many think of countries led by authoritarian regimes as being complete monoliths. Dictatorial leadership oppresses its citizens who are left with little freedom.

In "Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter," the author John Gaventa shares five findings to ensure that vibrant democratic spaces can still exist in the face of oppressive governments.

If we are creative in our thoughts and actions, we can make small pockets of democratic engagement even within countries that are the least free.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749" style="color: #0000ff">Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter</a></span></span></h2>
<span style="color: #000000">John Gaventa, <em>The Conversation</em>, November 17, 2021 9:00am EST<span style="color: #0000ff"></span></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Across the world citizens are grappling with the pressing questions of how to defend and renew democracy in the midst of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.v-dem.net/files/25/DR%202021.pdf" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">rising authoritarianism</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">globally. They’re also battling with how to protect the civic spaces</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/CivicSpace/UN_Guidance_Note.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">“within which people express views, assemble, associate and engage in dialogue with one another and with authorities”</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">in the face of this challenge.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Efforts are underway to mobilise governments to make commitments for</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.state.gov/summit-for-democracy/" style="color: #0000ff">democratic renewal</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and reform. The world also expects greater</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ogpsummit.org/" style="color: #0000ff">transparency and accountability</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from those same governments that made pledges at COP26 in Glasgow to protect the future of the planet.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For the last five years, the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/programme-and-centre/action-for-empowerment-and-accountability-a4ea/" style="color: #0000ff">Action for Empowerment and Accountability Research Programme</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">has been exploring the question of what forms of action strengthen citizen empowerment and democratic accountability in increasingly hostile environments. The project is a collaborative international research programme based at the Institute of Development Studies in the UK.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The project drew on research from 22 countries.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/programme-and-centre/action-for-empowerment-and-accountability-a4ea/" style="color: #0000ff">Our research</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">focused largely on Mozambique, Myanmar, Nigeria and Pakistan. All have legacies of conflict, military rule and authoritarianism.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Working with partners in each country, we used multiple qualitative and quantitative research methods to understand how relatively marginalised groups perceived authorities and mobilised to express their claims. This included making use of innovative</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/projects/governance-diaries-of-the-poor/" style="color: #0000ff">‘governance diaries’</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to record when and how these groups interacted with authorities and on which issues.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">With over 200 publications, the research programme provides a unique citizen-eye view on pressing governance issues. Five key findings are particularly important for policymakers and those working towards protecting democratic space and improving accountability.</span>
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<h2>The findings</h2>
First, closing civic space is a critical issue, threatening basic democratic rights. Our work on<span> </span><a href="https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/16602"><span style="color: #0000ff">Navigating civic space</span></a><span> </span>shows that the trend towards closing civic space has accelerated under COVID-19.

Commitments to open governance are important. But they don’t go very far if citizens don’t have the basic freedoms to speak truth to power without fear of reprisal. This means also actively protecting democratic space. That includes joining forces with those defending the rights of those speaking out against corruption and abuses of power.

Second, even in increasingly hostile and authoritarian settings, a rich repertoire of citizen actions are taking place. But, not through the normal, established channels which many have come to expect. Sometimes these claims are expressed in cultural forms rather than engaging directly to authorities. One example is the use of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/publications/shaping-social-change-with-music-in-maputo-mozambique/" style="color: #0000ff">political rap lyrics </a></span><span> </span>in Mozambique.

Other times, they are made through informal channels, through networks or intermediaries, as our work using<span> </span><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/opinions/mediating-between-the-state-and-its-poor-and-marginalised-during-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">‘governance diaries’</span></a><span> </span>with marginalised groups found. And, sometimes protests may arise from a sense of collective moral outrage of citizens who, no matter how vulnerable, have just had enough.

We found this for example in struggles for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://closingspaces.org/navigating-civic-space-in-a-time-of-covid-19-reflections-from-nigeria/" style="color: #0000ff">security and against violence</a></span>, or<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/15649" style="color: #0000ff">against sexual harassment</a></span>, or for access to<span> </span><a href="https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/16822"><span style="color: #0000ff">energy</span></a>.

Donors and governments seeking to support movements for democratic reform need to start with looking for where these sources of civic energy are actually emerging. This, instead of the more traditional channels where they are often thought they ought to be.

Third, women are often leading the way. Our work found women were often in the front lines of protecting civic space and demanding reforms. This is despite patriarchal social norms, threats of violence, or biases of authorities and political parties who do not recognise women as legitimate claim makers.

We saw, for instance, the power of women’s leadership in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/14559" style="color: #0000ff">Bring Back our Girls Movement</a></span><span> </span>against the abduction of girls in Nigeria, or in widespread mobilising against<span> </span><a href="https://bulletin.ids.ac.uk/index.php/idsbo/issue/view/244"><span style="color: #0000ff">sexual harassment</span></a>. We also saw this in struggles for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/15890" style="color: #0000ff">women’s rights in Pakistan</a></span>.

Commitments to action for protecting or expanding democratic space must include commitments to support women as leaders and champions of reform.

Fourth, small steps matter. In fragile, closed and authoritarian settings, donors and other actors need to re-calibrate their definitions and measures of success. Measuring success through examples of full-blown democratic accountability or well-established democratic institutions is perhaps an unrealistic goal when faced with limited civic space, weak institutional channels for engagement and repressive leadership.

<span style="font-size: 1em">The focus instead should be on more intermediary outcomes, which can serve as building blocks for longer term democratic renewal. In our work, these included:</span>
<ul>
 	<li>increased visibility of previously excluded issues and voices;</li>
 	<li>improved access to higher levels of authority by local groups;</li>
 	<li>a strengthened sense of rights and citizenship among the citizenry;</li>
 	<li>greater responsiveness from authorities on certain concrete issues;</li>
 	<li>changing norms, including gender norms, increased expectations and cultures of accountability;</li>
 	<li>greater trust between people and public authorities, as well strengthened solidarity between groups.</li>
</ul>
Outcomes such as these will go a long way to creating the conditions that are possible for larger, more institutionalised democratic reforms.

Finally, our<span> </span><a href="https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/16822"><span style="color: #0000ff">research</span></a><span> </span>shows that citizens across the world see access to energy as more than a necessity for cooking, transport, communications and livelihoods. They also see it as a fundamental right. This has led to widespread protests to try and get their voices heard when it is denied.
<h2>Linking democratic renewal and climate change</h2>
Yet those who consume the least yet need the most are not being listened to. Little attention is made to how to make<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/16916" style="color: #0000ff">energy policy more accountable</a></span><span> </span>or inclusive, especially in repressive and often resource-rich settings.

Building on our research on civic space and the politics of energy, a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/projects/making-space-for-dialogue-on-just-transitions-in-africas-oil-and-gas-producing-regions/" style="color: #0000ff">new project with African partners</a></span><span> </span>will explore the the spaces for inclusive deliberation on what a just transition would look like for the citizens of oil and gas producing regions in sub-Saharan Africa.

So far, our research points to the need to carry the grassroots demands for inclusion on energy policy – which we saw on the streets of Glasgow during the COP26 as well as many countries around the world – into upcoming summits on democracy and open governance.

When the space is created for citizens to truly have a say on their energy futures, especially in often resource-rich but repressive regimes, then perhaps we can perhaps also say that democracy is being renewed.

<em>Two global summits will be taking place in December, with important implications for the state of democracies around the world. On December 9-10, US President Joe Biden will host the virtual<span> </span><a href="https://www.state.gov/summit-for-democracy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Summit for Democracy</span></a><span> </span>for leaders from government, civil society, and the private sector. Then on December 15-17, the government of Korea will host the 10th<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ogpsummit.org/" style="color: #0000ff">Open Government Partnership Summit</a></span>.</em>

</div>

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
Quiz on "<span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749" style="color: #0000ff">Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter</a></span></span>"

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/climate-change-27" style="color: #0000ff">Climate change</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/democracy-619" style="color: #0000ff">Democracy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/governance-680" style="color: #0000ff">Governance</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/pandemic-1134" style="color: #0000ff">Pandemic</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/human-rights-1314" style="color: #0000ff">Human rights</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/free-speech-2522" style="color: #0000ff">Free speech</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/transparency-3175" style="color: #0000ff">Transparency</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/authoritarianism-13868" style="color: #0000ff">Authoritarianism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/patriarchy-14862" style="color: #0000ff">Patriarchy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/democratic-reform-15065" style="color: #0000ff">Democratic reform</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/mozambique-18088" style="color: #0000ff">Mozambique</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/repression-19041" style="color: #0000ff">repression</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/military-rule-20104" style="color: #0000ff">Military rule</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/moral-outrage-25128" style="color: #0000ff">Moral outrage</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/public-accountability-31389" style="color: #0000ff">Public accountability</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/women-and-girls-38471"><span style="color: #0000ff">Women and girls</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/cop26-80762" style="color: #0000ff">COP26</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/covid-19-82431" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19</a></span></li>
</ul>
<span style="color: #000000"><strong>Citation</strong>: Gaventa, J. (2021, November 17). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749" style="color: #0000ff">Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>. </span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1109</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-03 15:09:27]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-03 20:09:27]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:06:31]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:06:31]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>35</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3b. "Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea/</link><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2021 20:31:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1117</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><span style="color: #000000">Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054" style="color: #0000ff">Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea</a></span></span>"</h1>
Many citizens of North America and Europe have a tendency to believe that disinformation is a recent phenomenon that only plagues the west.

That is simply incorrect.

In her article, "Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea," author K. Hazel Kwon traces the long history of disinformation in South Korea back to 2008 as well as how it has even become its own separate industry.

Unless we know disinformation's historical context, we have less of a chance to capably deal with its negative and unpredictable consequences.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054" style="color: #0000ff">Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea</a></span></h2>
K. Hazel Kwon,<span> </span><em>The Conversation</em>, November 15, 2021 8:11am EST

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Disinformation, the practice of blending real and fake information with the goal of duping a government or influencing public opinion, has its origins in the Soviet Union. But disinformation is no longer the exclusive domain of government intelligence agencies.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Today’s disinformation scene has evolved into a marketplace in which services are contracted, laborers are paid and shameless opinions and fake readers are bought and sold. This industry is emerging around the world. Some of the private-sector players are driven by political motives, some by profit and others by a mix of the two.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Public relations firms have recruited social media influencers in</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/25/world/europe/disinformation-social-media.html" style="color: #0000ff">France and Germany</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to spread falsehoods. Politicians have hired staff to create fake Facebook accounts in</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/apr/13/facebook-honduras-juan-orlando-hernandez-fake-engagement" style="color: #0000ff">Honduras</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. And</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.wired.com/story/opinion-in-kenya-influencers-are-hired-to-spread-disinformation/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kenyan Twitter influencers</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are paid 15 times more than many people make in a day for promoting political hashtags. Researchers at the University of Oxford have tracked government-sponsored disinformation activities in 81 countries and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://demtech.oii.ox.ac.uk/research/posts/industrialized-disinformation/" style="color: #0000ff">private-sector disinformation operations in 48 countries</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">South Korea has been at the forefront of online disinformation. Western societies began to raise concerns about disinformation in 2016, triggered by disinformation related to the 2016 U.S. presidential election and Brexit. But in South Korea, media reported the first formal disinformation operation in 2008. As a researcher who</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=QpNFdIEAAAAJ&amp;hl=en" style="color: #0000ff">studies digital audiences</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, I’ve found that South Korea’s 13-year-long disinformation history demonstrates how technology, economics and culture interact to enable the disinformation industry.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Most importantly, South Korea’s experience offers a lesson for the U.S. and other countries. The ultimate power of disinformation is found more in the ideas and memories that a given society is vulnerable to and how prone it is to fueling the rumor mill than it is in the people perpetrating the disinformation or the techniques they use.</span>
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<h2>From dirty politics to dirty business</h2>
The origin of South Korean disinformation can be traced back to the nation’s National Intelligence Service, which is equivalent to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. The NIS formed teams in 2010<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/aug/04/south-koreas-spy-agency-admits-trying-rig-election-national-intelligence-service-2012" style="color: #0000ff">to interfere in domestic elections</a></span><span> </span>by attacking a political candidate it opposed.

The NIS hired more than 70 full-time workers who managed fake, or so-called<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1145/3308560.3317598" style="color: #0000ff">sock puppet</a></span>, accounts. The agency recruited a group called Team Alpha, which was composed of civilian part-timers who had ideological and financial interests in working for the NIS. By 2012, the scale of the operation had grown to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/lessons-from-south-koreas-approach-to-tackling-disinformation/" style="color: #0000ff">3,500 part-time workers</a></span>.

Since then the private sector has moved into the disinformation business. For example, a shadowy publishing company led by an influential blogger was involved in a high-profile<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20210721000615" style="color: #0000ff">opinion-rigging scandal</a></span><span> </span>between 2016 and 2018. The company’s client was a close political aide of the current president, Moon Jae-in.

In contrast to NIS-driven disinformation campaigns, which use disinformation as a propaganda tool for the government, some of the private-sector players are chameleonlike, changing ideological and topical positions in pursuit of their business interests. These private-sector operations have achieved greater cost effectiveness than government operations by skillfully<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ojs.aaai.org/index.php/ICWSM/article/view/7301" style="color: #0000ff">using bots to amplify fake engagements</a></span>, involving social media entrepreneurs like<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://restofworld.org/2021/elderly-conservatives-in-south-korea-turn-to-youtube-and-conspiracy-theories/" style="color: #0000ff">YouTubers</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://globalvoices.org/2012/11/19/confessions-of-paid-political-trolls-in-south-korea/"><span style="color: #0000ff">outsourcing trolling to cheap laborers</span></a>.
<h2>Narratives that strike a nerve</h2>
In South Korea, Cold War rhetoric has been particularly visible across all types of disinformation operations. The campaigns typically portray the conflict with North Korea and the battle against Communism as being at the center of public discourse in South Korea. In reality, nationwide polls have painted a very different picture. For example, even when North Korea’s nuclear threat was at a peak in 2017,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/27/world/asia/north-korea-south-tensions.html" style="color: #0000ff">fewer than 10 percent of respondents</a></span><span> </span>picked North Korea’s saber-rattling as their priority concern, compared with more than 45 percent who selected economic policy.

Across all types of purveyors and techniques, political disinformation in South Korea has amplified anti-Communist nationalism and denigrated the nation’s dovish diplomacy toward North Korea. My research on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2015.1130157" style="color: #0000ff">South Korean social media rumors</a></span><span> </span>in 2013 showed that the disinformation rhetoric continued on social media even after the formal disinformation campaign ended, which indicates how powerful these themes are. Today I and my research team continue to see references to the same themes.
<h2>The dangers of a disinformation industry</h2>
The disinformation industry is enabled by the three prongs of today’s digital media industry: an attention economy, algorithm and computational technologies and a participatory culture. In online media, the most important currency is audience attention. Metrics such as the number of page views, likes, shares and comments quantify attention, which is then converted into economic and social capital.

Ideally, these metrics should be a product of networked users’ spontaneous and voluntary participation. Disinformation operations more often than not manufacture these metrics by using bots, hiring influencers, paying for crowdsourcing and developing computational tricks to game a platform’s algorithms.

The expansion of the disinformation industry is troubling because it distorts how public opinion is perceived by researchers, the media and the public itself. Historically, democracies have relied on polls to understand public opinion. Despite their limitations, nationwide polls conducted by credible organizations, such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.gallup.com/224855/gallup-poll-work.aspx" style="color: #0000ff">Gallup</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/our-methods/u-s-surveys/u-s-survey-methodology/" style="color: #0000ff">Pew Research</a></span>, follow rigorous methodological standards to represent the distribution of opinions in society in as representative a manner as possible.

Public discourse on social media has emerged as an alternative means of assessing public opinion. Digital audience and web traffic analytic tools are widely available to measure the trends of online discourse. However, people can be misled when purveyors of disinformation manufacturer opinions expressed online and falsely amplify the metrics about the opinions.

Meanwhile, the persistence of anti-Communist nationalist narratives in South Korea shows that disinformation purveyors’ rhetorical choices are not random. To counter the disinformation industry wherever it emerges, governments, media and the public need to understand not just the who and the how, but also the what – a society’s controversial ideologies and collective memories. These are the most valuable currency in the disinformation marketplace.

</div>

<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054" style="color: #0000ff">Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea</a></span>"</strong>

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<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong>:
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/south-korea-2712" style="color: #0000ff">South Korea</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/cold-war-4087" style="color: #0000ff">Cold War</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/public-perception-5121" style="color: #0000ff">Public perception</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/public-opinion-8528" style="color: #0000ff">Public opinion</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/anti-communism-25157"><span style="color: #0000ff">anti-communism</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/moon-jae-in-37395" style="color: #0000ff">Moon Jae-in</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/bots-39927" style="color: #0000ff">Bots</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/disinformation-42353" style="color: #0000ff">Disinformation</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/political-campaigns-75263" style="color: #0000ff">Political campaigns</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/social-media-disinformation-95702" style="color: #0000ff">Social media disinformation</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/disinformation-campaigns-96734" style="color: #0000ff">Disinformation campaigns</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Kwon, K. H. (2021, November 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054" style="color: #0000ff">Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1117</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-03 15:31:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-03 20:31:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:32:24]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:32:24]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>37</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4b. "Protest has helped define the first two decades of the 21st century – here’s what’s next" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next/</link><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2021 20:43:24 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1119</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next-128745" style="color: #0000ff">Protest has helped define the first two decades of the 21st century – here’s what’s next</a></span>"</h1>
Protest is normally motivated by an active citizenry dissatisfied with the status quo. They want change and they want it now, mobilization leads to broader action.

In a dynamic, constantly-changing world, where technology pushes us constantly forward, everything seems to be in flux – including protesting.

In her article, "Protest has helped define the first two decades of the 21st century – here’s what’s next," author Feyzi Ismail gives clues as to how the seemingly simple act of protest might change.

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<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next-128745" style="color: #0000ff">Protest has helped define the first two decades of the 21st century – here’s what’s next</a></span></h2>
Feyzi Ismail, <em>The Conversation</em>, December 30, 2019 3:48am EST

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The first two decades of the 21st century saw the return of mass movements to streets around the world. Partly a product of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.versobooks.com/books/2641-the-extreme-centre" style="color: #0000ff">sinking confidence in mainstream politics</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, mass mobilisation has had a huge impact on both official politics and wider society, and protest has become the form of political expression to which millions of people turn.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">2019 has ended with protests on a global scale, most notably in Latin America, the Middle East and North Africa, Hong Kong and across India, which has recently flared up against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scroll.in/latest/947363/citizenship-act-protests-at-least-three-dead-thousands-detained-as-demonstrations-engulf-country" style="color: #0000ff">Citizenship Amendment Act</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. In some cases protests are</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/chile-protests-escalate-as-widespread-dissatisfaction-shakes-foundations-of-countrys-economic-success-story-125628" style="color: #0000ff">explicitly against neoliberal reforms</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, or against legal changes that threaten civil liberties. In others they are</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newscientist.com/article/2196673-students-join-massive-global-strike-against-climate-change/" style="color: #0000ff">against inaction over the climate crisis</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, now driven by a generation of young people new to politics in dozens of countries.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As we end a turbulent two decades of protest – the subject of much of my own teaching and ongoing research – what will be the shape of protest in the 2020s?</span>
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<h2>What’s changed in the 21st century</h2>
Following moments of open class warfare in the late 1960s and early 1970s, battles against the political and economic order became fragmented, trade unions were attacked, the legacy of the anti-colonial struggles was eroded and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/M/bo3644914.html" style="color: #0000ff">history of the period was recast by the establishment</a></span><span> </span>to undermine its potency. In the post-Cold War era, a new phase of protest finally began to overcome these defeats.

This revival of protest exploded onto the political scene most visibly in Seattle outside the<span> </span><a href="https://www.counterfire.org/articles/analysis/20748-unfinished-business-the-battle-of-seattle-twenty-years-on"><span style="color: #0000ff">World Trade Organization summit in 1999</span></a>. If 1968 was one of the high points of radical struggle in the 20th century, protest in the early 2000s once again began to reflect a general critique of the capitalist system, with solidarity forged across different sections of society.
<figure class="align-center "><figcaption><span class="attribution"><a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/"></a></span></figcaption></figure>
The birth of the anti-globalisation movement in Seattle was followed by extraordinary mobilisations outside gatherings of the global economic elite. Alternative spaces were also created for the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.versobooks.com/books/170-a-movement-of-movements" style="color: #0000ff">global justice movement</a></span><span> </span>to connect, most notably the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0263276404047421" style="color: #0000ff">World Social Forums</a></span><span> </span>(WSFs), starting with Porto Alegre, Brazil in 2001. It was here that questions over what position the anti-globalisation movement should take over the Iraq War, for example, were discussed and debated. Though the WSFs provided an important rallying point for a time, they<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01436590902867003" style="color: #0000ff">ultimately evaded politics</a></span>.

The global anti-war movement led to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.upress.umn.edu/book-division/books/the-world-says-no-to-war" style="color: #0000ff">the biggest co-ordinated demonstrations</a> </span>in the history of protest on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://wearemany.com/" style="color: #0000ff">February 15 2003</a></span>, in which millions of people demonstrated in over 800 cities, creating a crisis of democracy around the US and UK-led intervention in Iraq.

In the years leading up to and following the banking crisis of 2008, food riots and anti-austerity protests escalated around the world. In parts of the Middle East and North Africa, protests achieved insurrectionary proportions, with the overthrow of one dictator after another. After the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0030438711000937" style="color: #0000ff">Arab Spring was thwarted by counter-revolution</a></span>, the Occupy movement and then Black Lives Matter gained global attention. While the public, urban square became a central focus for protest, social media became an important – but by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2019/05/in-person-protests-stronger-online-activism-a-walking-life/578905/" style="color: #0000ff">no means exclusive</a></span><span> </span>– organising tool.

To varying degrees, these movements sharply raised the question of political transformation but didn’t find new ways of institutionalising popular power. The result was that in a number of situations, protest movements fell back on widely distrusted parliamentary processes to try and pursue their political aims. The results of this parliamentary turn have not been impressive.
<h2>Crisis of representation</h2>
On the one hand, the first two decades of the 21st century have seen<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333414" style="color: #0000ff">soaring inequality</a></span>, accompanied by debt and the neglect of working people. On the other, there have been poor results from purely parliamentary attempts to challenge it. There is, in other words, a deep crisis of representation.

The inability of modern capitalism to deliver more than survival for many has combined with a general critique of neoliberal capitalism to create a situation in which wider and wider sections of society are being drawn into protest. More than a million people have poured<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/north-africa-west-asia/lebanons-october-revolution-must-go-on/" style="color: #0000ff">onto the streets of Lebanon</a></span><span> </span>since mid-October and protests continue despite a violent crackdown by security forces.

At the same time, people are less and less willing to accept unrepresentative politicians – and this is likely to continue in the future. From<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/tripoli-the-lebanese-city-of-contrasts-thats-now-the-bride-of-an-ongoing-uprising-126223" style="color: #0000ff">Lebanon</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/violent-crackdown-against-iraq-protests-exposes-fallacy-of-the-countrys-democracy-124830" style="color: #0000ff">Iraq</a></span><span> </span>to Chile and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/hong-kong-protests-73625" style="color: #0000ff">Hong Kong</a></span>, mass mobilisations continue despite resignations and concessions.

In Britain, the Labour Party’s defeat in the recent general election is attributed largely to its<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://jacobinmag.com/2019/12/labour-party-uk-brexit-jeremy-corbyn-general-election" style="color: #0000ff">failure to accept the 2016 referendum result</a></span><span> </span>over EU membership. Decades of loyalty to the Labour Party for many and a socialist leader in Jeremy Corbyn calling for an end to austerity couldn’t cut through to enough of the millions who voted for Brexit.

In France, a general strike in December 2019 over President Emmanuel Macron’s proposed pension reforms<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A5c1lBiUjXA" style="color: #0000ff">has revealed the extent of opposition</a></span><span> </span>that people feel towards his government. This comes barely a year after the start of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/gilets-jaunes-one-year-on-how-the-yellow-vest-movement-has-changed-french-citizens-lives-127178" style="color: #0000ff">Yellow Vest movement</a></span>, in which people have protested against fuel price hikes and the precariousness of their lives.

The tendency towards street protest will be encouraged too by the climate crisis, whose effects mean that the most heavily exploited, including along race and gender lines, have the most to lose. When the protests in Lebanon broke out, they were taking place<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/10/18/lebanons-protests-wildfires-tell-same-grim-story/" style="color: #0000ff">alongside rampant wildfires</a></span>.
<h2>Thinking strategically</h2>
As protesters gain experience, they consciously bring to the fore questions of leadership and organisation. In Lebanon and Iraq there has already been a conscious effort to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ft.com/content/607d3030-fcca-11e9-98fd-4d6c20050229" style="color: #0000ff">overcome traditional sectarian divides</a></span>. Debates are also raging in protest movements from Algeria to Chile about how to fuse economic and political demands in a more strategic manner. The goal is to make political and economic demands inseparable, such that it’s impossible for a government to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03056244.2012.738419" style="color: #0000ff">make political concessions without making economic ones too</a></span>.

As the 2020s begin, it’s clear we’re living in an unprecedented moment: a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-needed-to-tackle-the-climate-emergency-and-who-is-responsible-127642" style="color: #0000ff">climate emergency</a></span><span> </span>and ecological breakdown, a brewing<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/buckle-up-for-turbulence-why-a-global-debt-crisis-looks-very-hard-to-avoid-127260" style="color: #0000ff">global financial crisis</a></span>, deepening inequality, trade wars, and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/us-iran-conflict-escalates-again-raising-the-threat-of-another-war-in-the-middle-east-118995" style="color: #0000ff">growing threats of more imperialist wars</a></span><span> </span>and militarisation.

There has also been a resurgence of the far right in many countries, emboldened most visibly by parties and politicians in the US, Brazil, India and many<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/far-right-groups-may-be-diverse-but-heres-what-they-all-have-in-common-101919" style="color: #0000ff">parts of Europe</a></span>. This resurgence, however,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/dec/13/between-five-rocks-and-sardines-protest-groups-take-to-streets-in-italy-matteo-salvini" style="color: #0000ff">has not gone unchallenged</a></span>.

The convergence of crisis on these multiple fronts will reach breaking point, creating conditions that will become intolerable for most people. This will galvanise more protest and more polarisation. As governments respond with reforms, such measures on their own will be unlikely to meet the combination of political and economic demands. The question of how to create new vehicles of representation to assert popular control over the economy will keep emerging. The fortunes of popular protest may well depend on whether the collective leadership of the movements can provide answers to it.

</div>

<hr />

<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next-128745" style="color: #0000ff">Protest has helped define the first two decades of the 21st century – here’s what’s next</a></span>"</strong>

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<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span>:</span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/protest-544" style="color: #0000ff">Protest</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/democracy-619" style="color: #0000ff">Democracy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/wto-675" style="color: #0000ff">WTO</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/neoliberalism-3356" style="color: #0000ff">Neoliberalism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/representation-5827" style="color: #0000ff">Representation</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/hong-kong-protests-73625" style="color: #0000ff">Hong Kong protests</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/global-protests-2019-78704"><span style="color: #0000ff">Global protests 2019</span></a></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Ismail, F. (2019, December 30). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next-128745" style="color: #0000ff">Protest has helped define the first two decades of the 21st century – here’s what’s next</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1119</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-03 15:43:24]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-03 20:43:24]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:33:35]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:33:35]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>39</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5b. "Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city/</link><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2021 20:52:03 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1121</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city-162991" style="color: #0000ff">Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city</a></span>"</h1>
Even the most dynamic urban environments can become staid to their residents over time. Once exciting new neighborhoods can eventually become blasé after you pass through them a multitude of times.

In her article, "Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city," author Rhiannon Cobb argues for the essential role of public art to not only be an enjoyable aesthetic experience, but also to challenge us to face up to the social problems where these art pieces exist.

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<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city-162991" style="color: #0000ff">Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city</a></span></h2>
Rhiannon Cobb, <em>The Conversation</em>, July 5, 2021 11:34am EDT

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">You don’t need to look far to see the impact of art in public spaces. Art can connect us to place and record history as it unfolds.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, stories on the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.publicartarchive.org/public-art-covid19/" style="color: #0000ff">importance of public art</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are being</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/01/travel/coronavirus-street-art.html" style="color: #0000ff">told globally</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. And this isn’t new. Times of crisis have often inspired some of the most influential artistic movements.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Displaying visual symbols of resistance publicly, like the face of George Floyd, can connect</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.thisiscolossal.com/2020/06/george-floyd-global-murals/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">social movements across the world</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. And in Canada, the display of statues like Egerton Ryerson have been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/egerton-ryerson-racist-philosophy-of-residential-schools-also-shaped-public-education-143039" style="color: #0000ff">deemed unacceptable</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">as we reckon with our ongoing colonial history.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Public art</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.routledge.com/The-Everyday-Practice-of-Public-Art-Art-Space-and-Social-Inclusion/Cartiere-Zebracki/p/book/9781138829213" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">can be defined</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">as art that is available to the general public outside of museums and galleries; publicly funded; and related to the interests or concerns of, and used by a public community.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Public art is referred to by some as</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.deeproot.com/blog/blog-entries/creative-placemaking-using-the-arts-as-a-tool-for-community-development" style="color: #0000ff">creative placemaking</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: a process of artistic creation and collaboration that helps to shape the surrounding built, natural and social environments.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For French philosopher</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.versobooks.com/books/1029-the-emancipated-spectator" style="color: #0000ff">Jacques Rancière</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, art is disruptive. Done right, he says, it can make the spectator rethink their understanding of politics and society by calling to attention previously hidden inequalities.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For many, the power of public art rests in its ability to turn artistic practice into a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.artnews.com/art-news/news/art-of-social-practice-is-changing-the-world-one-row-house-at-a-time-2415/" style="color: #0000ff">social practice</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. It challenges the viewer to confront social issues that affect the very place they stand.</span>
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<h2>Art in times of crisis</h2>
COVID-19 is just one example of a period of shared adversity when our connection to the arts has flourished.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://time.com/5827561/1918-flu-art/" style="color: #0000ff">The Dadaists’ commentary on the 1918 flu</a></span><span> </span>reflected an intense and collectively frustrated desire for meaning in a world filled with chaos.

During the Great Depression, the arts became increasingly experimental. In the United States, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal saw the largest public art<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/1934-the-art-of-the-new-deal-132242698/" style="color: #0000ff">funding initiative</a></span><span> </span>the country had seen. A few decades later, in the 1980s, provinces and municipalities in Canada followed suit and began<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://canadianart.ca/features/art-in-condoland/" style="color: #0000ff">significantly investing in public art</a></span>.

<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-soundtrack-of-the-sixties-demanded-respect-justice-and-equality-105640"><span style="color: #0000ff">Protest music</span></a><span> </span>during the civil rights movement and Vietnam War expressed anger, despair and hope. Gay artists and writers<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cairn.info/revue-etudes-anglaises-2008-3-page-350.htm" style="color: #0000ff">during the AIDS crisis memorialized a collective grief</a></span><span> </span>that was being either ignored or vilified. The art from both eras came at an immense cost, and has been profoundly culturally and socially influential.

Today, the pandemic has highlighted and exacerbated inequalities that were already present.

But there has also been engagement and social solidarity: from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/05/23/19-black-canadians-on-what-has-changed-one-year-since-george-floyds-murder-and-what-next-steps-we-need-to-take.html" style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter</a></span>, to the Indigenous<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/what-were-seeing-in-2020-is-idle-no-more-2-0/" style="color: #0000ff">Land Back movement</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/we-are-not-the-virus/id1530051155"><span style="color: #0000ff">support for unhoused people</span></a>.

Those who have the privilege not to pay attention are finding this option less viable. This engagement arguably comes with its own<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-solidarity-during-coronavirus-and-always-its-more-than-were-all-in-this-together-135002" style="color: #0000ff">set of problems</a></span>, but it is a momentum that can be built upon to imagine and do the work needed to create better futures for society.

Artists are well positioned to do this creative imagining.
<h2>Art beyond the gallery</h2>
As we each search for meaning throughout our intensely local and geographically limited lives during the pandemic, public art finds, creates and shares the beauty, joy and solidarity that can be found in public spaces.

Galleries are often isolated from the communities in geographical proximity. They have often been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00043249.2017.1367190" style="color: #0000ff">places of exclusion</a></span>, and have historically served to uphold a dominant, European<span> </span><a href="https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/des/article/view/20250"><span style="color: #0000ff">settler-centred narrative</span></a>. They have played a role in perpetuating colonial and racist attitudes towards Indigenous communities, their art and histories.

Indigenous artists have long been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.rebeccabelmore.com/artifact-671b/" style="color: #0000ff">challenging these narratives</a></span>. Mainstream art is catching on, and there has been an unprecedented level of Indigenous<span> </span><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00043249.2017.1367191"><span style="color: #0000ff">representation and leadership</span></a><span> </span>within gallery spaces in recent decades.

This leadership should shape public art in Canada. Public spaces, like art galleries, have also<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/6-ways-to-approach-urban-green-spaces-in-the-push-for-racial-justice-and-health-equity-160227"><span style="color: #0000ff">privileged some</span></a><span> </span>more than others. Bringing art outside of the gallery space is not a catch-all solution. What matters more is how it’s done.
<h2>Toronto’s year of public art</h2>
In Toronto, the municipal government has announced that its “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/explore-enjoy/history-art-culture/public-art/year-of-public-art/" style="color: #0000ff">Year of Public Art</a></span>” will begin in the fall with a total budget of $4.5 million in 2021. This is the inauguration of a 10-year public art plan. It responds to calls for an improved public art strategy, with a greater commitment to equity in the location of installations, the level of engagement with communities and the artists who create works.

Toronto has promised a strong commitment to Indigenous self-determination, leadership and placemaking within its public art strategy.

The city’s public art installations have<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theartfulcity.org/home/2017/3/9/50-years-of-public-art-in-toronto-where-do-we-go-from-here" style="color: #0000ff">increased in the past 50 years</a></span>, with over 700 installations added between 1967 and 2015.

Toronto’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/planning-development/official-plan-guidelines/design-guidelines/percent-for-public-art-inventory/" style="color: #0000ff">Percent for Public Art program</a></span>, a commonly used strategy in cities in North America and Europe, encourages developers to donate one per cent of their gross construction costs towards public art in their development’s direct vicinity.

The program is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www2.ocadu.ca/sites/www2.ocadu.ca/files/project/Pt1%20-%20Redefining%20Public%20Art%20Toronto%202017.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">voluntary</a></span><span> </span>though. And because most development is happening in the downtown core, this is where public art has been concentrated, meaning neighbourhoods with less development have received less investment in public art.

Nonetheless, the city is home to a multiplicity of adept communities and talented artists who continue to use public art to build community capacity and foster social inclusion.

Listening to artists of diverse backgrounds and elevating communities to participate meaningfully will support important conversations that determine our collective future. And that makes the investment in public art worthwhile for us all.

</div>

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<a href="http://Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city">Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city</a>"</strong>

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<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span>: </span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/toronto-54" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/art-239" style="color: #0000ff">Art</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/galleries-1518" style="color: #0000ff">Galleries</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/coronavirus-5830" style="color: #0000ff">Coronavirus</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/indigenous-art-10029"><span style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous art</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/public-art-11727" style="color: #0000ff">public art</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/covid-19-82431" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Cobb, R. (2021, July 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city-162991" style="color: #0000ff">Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1121</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-03 15:52:03]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-03 20:52:03]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:49:48]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:49:48]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>41</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[6c. "To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past/</link><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2021 21:00:39 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1124</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568" style="color: #0000ff">To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past</a></span>"</h1>
The pace of modern life seems to push ever forward, whether we want to or not.

Our technology inhabits a kind of paradox. At the same time, it allows us to both go ever further outward into space, but ever deeper within our bodies and our psyches. Frontiers of all types abound.

In her article, "To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past," author Alice Gorman implores us to look to the other side of the frontiers we conquer as we constantly seek an always elusive utopia.

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<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568" style="color: #0000ff">To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past</a></span></h2>
Alice Gorman<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, <em>The Conversation</em>, October 7, 2016 2:56am EDT</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">How should we understand the idea of the frontier in the contemporary world, with spacecraft sailing</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://voyager.jpl.nasa.gov/where/" style="color: #0000ff">beyond the solar system</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quantum_computing" style="color: #0000ff">quantum computing</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">taking us deeper into the heart of matter?</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Many view human evolution as a continual expansion into new territories, from out-of-Africa to the “high frontier” of space. Frontiers, then, are associated with exploration, conquest, and struggles against hostile nature.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">They can be seen as a challenge to solve with technology, going hand-in-hand with human progress. But the concept also comes with a lot of baggage.</span>
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<h2>From stone age to space age?</h2>
Once upon a time, the story goes, the world was full of space for humans to expand into. The genus<span> </span><em>Homo</em><span> </span>radiated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://phys.org/news/2016-09-human-dna-tied-exodus-africa.html" style="color: #0000ff">out from temperate Africa</a></span>, colonising the tundras of Ice Age Europe, and the continents and islands of Asia and Australasia.

As the climate warmed from 12,000 years ago, populations increased and people with domesticated animals and crops expanded further, turning<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://news.virginia.edu/content/agricultural-methods-early-civilizations-may-have-altered-global-climate-study-suggests" style="color: #0000ff">forests into fields</a></span><span> </span>along the way.

On one side of the frontier was tame “culture”; on the other wild “nature”. Humans proved tremendously successful at adapting to these new environments using technologies such as fire, stone tools and metallurgy.

By the 20th century, technology had enabled humans to move beyond the narrow band of pressure and temperature where our bodies had evolved, to explore the deep sea, the Earth’s poles, and outer space. Special suits and vehicles enabled travel to these remote places where life at the extremes promised revelations about our place in the universe.

This story is captured well in a famous scene from the 1968 film<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><em><a href="http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0062622/" style="color: #0000ff">2001: A Space Odyssey</a></em></span><span> </span>in which a bone tool, flung into the sky by an ancestral being, is transformed into an Earth-orbiting spacecraft.
<h2>The other side of the frontier</h2>
What’s often left out of this popular narrative is the perspective of those on the other side of the frontier. Consider colonial expansion from the 15th century onwards, when European nations sent ships to the southern hemisphere in search of new resources.

European invaders painted Indigenous people as Stone Age “savages” and cast themselves as the pinnacle of human evolution, entitled to lay claim to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terra_incognita" style="color: #0000ff">terra incognita</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terra_nullius" style="color: #0000ff">terra nullius</a></span>.

The conquest of frontiers in the American West, the Australian outback, South America and numerous other places, was often brutal and bloody. The expanding front didn’t bring “civilisation” to supposedly benighted people; the result was rather<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.australianstogether.org.au/stories/detail/colonisation" style="color: #0000ff">genocide, disease, environmental degradation, alienation and poverty</a></span>.

Utopia did not lie waiting in the New World.

Yet, despite the weight of historical evidence, people continue to assume that new frontiers beyond the Earth can<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/science/stephen-hawking-space-travel-will-save-mankind-and-we-should-colonise-other-planets-10058811.html" style="color: #0000ff">provide refuge</a></span><span> </span>from old injustices perpetuated on this planet.
<h2>Panspermia and the moral imperative</h2>
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Panspermia"><span style="color: #0000ff">Panspermia</span></a><span> </span>is the theory that the universe is filled with life. Micro-organisms and pre-biotic molecules travel on comets and asteroids between the worlds, flourishing when and where conditions are right.

The expansion of life into every available niche is thought to be a natural process that’s taken place countless times in this, and other, galaxies. The corollary of this idea is that enabling the spread of human life throughout the universe is justified.

To date, evidence that micro-organisms can survive journeys in space, even if encased in meteoroids, is scant. Critics also point out that the theory merely delays the real question, which is how life started.

While the panspermia theory is controversial, the idea that there’s a moral imperative for humans to expand beyond Earth is echoed by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.spacequotes.com/" style="color: #0000ff">influential proponents</a></span><span> </span>of space exploration.

Consider<span> </span><a>these thoughts</a>) from American science fiction writer<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.raybradbury.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ray Bradbury</a></span>, from his 1971 conversation with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.carlsagan.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Carl Sagan</a></span>, and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.biography.com/people/arthur-c-clarke-9249620" style="color: #0000ff">Arthur C. Clarke</a></span>, on the eve of NASA’s Mariner 9 spacecraft entering orbit around Mars:
<div class="textbox shaded">What’s the use of looking at Mars through a telescope, sitting on panels, writing books, if it isn’t to guarantee, not just the survival of mankind, but mankind surviving forever!</div>
And here’s space-travel advocate,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marshall_Savage" style="color: #0000ff">Marshall Savage</a></span><span> </span>in his 1992 book<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1965968.The_Millennial_Project?from_search=true" style="color: #0000ff">The Millennial Project: Colonising the Galaxy in Eight Easy Steps</a></span>:
<div class="textbox shaded">We need to rupture the barriers that confine us to the land mass of a single planet. By breaking out, we can assure our survival and the continuation of Life.</div>
Such views are increasingly attracting trenchant criticism, as scholars “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/want-to-understand-the-decolonisation-debate-heres-your-reading-list-51279" style="color: #0000ff">decolonise</a></span>” knowledge and expose how the simple narrative of frontier expansion obscures the cause of terrestrial inequalities.
<h2>Islands of the interior</h2>
Perhaps the frontiers to be conquered in the 21st century are not spatial, but virtual.

Rapid advances in computing technology and data storage have renewed speculation about the idea, so often described in science fiction, of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-35786771" style="color: #0000ff">uploading personalities</a></span><span> </span>into a digital environment. Here worlds can be tailored to suit individual or collective taste without environmental impact.

In the 1890s, Russian space pioneer<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.mapcon.com/konstantin-tsiolkovsky-role-in-rocket-science" style="color: #0000ff">Konstantin Tsiolkovsky</a></span><span> </span>hypothesised that living in microgravity (when people and objects appear to be weightless) would eliminate social disparities. Basking in the full energy of the sun, with no need for houses or furniture, everyone would be equal.

While this vision has not been realised, digital habitats seem to offer similar potential. The trappings of status in the “real” world, with all their attendant costs, need only be imagined to come into being; a new body or an elaborate castle are just a matter of coding.

But our experience with cyberspace to date suggests that class, race and gender<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://culturalpolitics.net/digital_cultures/global" style="color: #0000ff">still structure access to resources</a></span>. The impacts of colonialism have contributed to a “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_divide" style="color: #0000ff">digital divide</a></span>” that mirrors the old geopolitical frontiers.

Virtual communities can also be places where the worst of human behaviour is nurtured. Some argue that this is because people don’t yet perceive the online environment as “real”. Hence they think the social consequences of their aggression cannot be real.

How, then, do we define reality when human interactions and material culture become numbers stored in machines?

It may be that the ultimate frontiers of the future will be boundaries between different levels of engagement with the material world. The “haves” may withdraw into quantum computers, rather than colonising other planets, and leave the “have-nots” to tackle the global unpredictability of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ibtimes.com/what-anthropocene-epoch-humans-climate-change-have-brought-new-geological-era-experts-2408732" style="color: #0000ff">Anthropocene</a></span><span> </span>era.
<h2>A thirst for the new</h2>
If crossing frontiers consistently fails to deliver utopia and instead replicates terrestrial inequalities, is there any cause for optimism?

People on Earth avidly follow the discovery of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-how-do-you-find-exoplanets-24153" style="color: #0000ff">expolanets</a></span><span> </span>(a planet that orbits a star outside our solar system). Witness the frenzy that accompanied the announcement of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://news.sky.com/story/new-planet-found-which-humans-could-colonise-10550245" style="color: #0000ff">potentially-habitable Proxima b</a></span><span> </span>in August.

The live exploration of inaccessible ocean landscapes through remote cameras, like those of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.noaa.gov/" style="color: #0000ff">US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s</a></span><span> </span>research vessel<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://oceanexplorer.noaa.gov/okeanos/explorations/explorations.html" style="color: #0000ff">Okeanos Explorer</a></span>, is equally compelling.

Humans, it seems, have a thirst for escape. We hope that elsewhere – wherever that is – things may be better.

But this particular version of elsewhere has proved to be elusive. In the end, frontiers are not crisp lines on maps, but complex historical processes. As legendary explorer<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freya_Stark" style="color: #0000ff">Freya Stark</a></span><span> </span>(1893-1993) said, “every frontier is doomed to produce an opposition beyond it”.

This, then, is our mission: to reconcile the opposites on the near side, before boldly going further into the beyond.

</div>

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568" style="color: #0000ff">To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past</a></span>"</strong>

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/exoplanets-100" style="color: #0000ff">Exoplanets</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/oceans-183" style="color: #0000ff">Oceans</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/anthropocene-2770" style="color: #0000ff">Anthropocene</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/millennium-project-3128" style="color: #0000ff">Millennium Project</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/digital-divide-4156" style="color: #0000ff">Digital divide</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/panspermia-7266" style="color: #0000ff">Panspermia</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/spacecraft-8590" style="color: #0000ff">Spacecraft</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/space-exploration-9492" style="color: #0000ff">Space exploration</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/colonisation-16364" style="color: #0000ff">Colonisation</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/decolonisation-17372" style="color: #0000ff">Decolonisation</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/2001-a-space-odyssey-32039" style="color: #0000ff">2001: A Space Odyssey</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/carl-sagan-32041" style="color: #0000ff">Carl Sagan</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/arthur-c-clarke-32042" style="color: #0000ff">Arthur C. Clarke</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/virtual-communities-32048" style="color: #0000ff">Virtual communities</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/proxima-b-32049" style="color: #0000ff">Proxima b</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/peace-and-security-34302" style="color: #0000ff">Peace and Security</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/global-perspectives-45141" style="color: #0000ff">Global perspectives</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Gorman, A. (2016, October 7). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568" style="color: #0000ff">To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1124</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-03 16:00:39]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-03 21:00:39]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 20:06:32]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 01:06:32]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>43</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1b. "Could an artificial intelligence be considered a person under the law?" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/could-an-artificial-intelligence-be-considered-a-person-under-the-law/</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 12:59:06 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1149</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/could-an-artificial-intelligence-be-considered-a-person-under-the-law-102865" style="color: #0000ff">Could an artificial intelligence be considered a person under the law?</a></span>"</strong></h1>
Artificial intelligence (A.I.) started as a kind of dream.

The idea of mechanical entities being able to make decisions on their own has been with us since antiquity. As A.I. has become more sophisticated and entered every part of our lives ("Hello Siri!"), how we deal with it becomes even more complex and also even more important.

Author Roman V. Yampolskiy explores the legal implications of this quickly emerging technology in his article, "Could an artificial intelligence be considered a person under the law?"

As technology continues to develop, our laws need to be agile in their response to deal with the never-ending complexities of our digital world.

<hr />

<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/could-an-artificial-intelligence-be-considered-a-person-under-the-law-102865" style="color: #0000ff">Could an artificial intelligence be considered a person under the law?</a></span></strong></h2>
Roman V. Yampolskiy<span>, </span><em>The Conversation</em>, October 5, 2018 6.42am EDT

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Humans aren’t the only people in society – at least according to the law. In the U.S.,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2018/03/corporations-people-adam-winkler/554852/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">corporations have been given rights of free speech</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and religion. Some</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/what-if-nature-like-corporations-had-the-rights-and-protections-of-a-person-64947" style="color: #0000ff">natural features also have person-like rights</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. But both of those required changes to the legal system. A new argument has laid a path for artificial intelligence systems to be recognized as people too – without any legislation, court rulings or other revisions to existing law.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Legal scholar Shawn Bayern has shown that anyone can</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S1867299X00005729" style="color: #0000ff">confer legal personhood on a computer system</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, by putting it in control of a limited liability corporation in the U.S. If that maneuver is upheld in courts,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cyber.harvard.edu/publication/2018/artificial-intelligence-human-rights" style="color: #0000ff">artificial intelligence systems</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">would be able to own property, sue, hire lawyers and enjoy freedom of speech and other protections under the law.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=0_Rq68cAAAAJ&amp;hl=en" style="color: #0000ff">In my view</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, human rights and dignity would suffer as a result.</span>
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<h2>The corporate loophole</h2>
Giving AIs rights similar to humans involves a technical lawyerly maneuver. It starts with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S1867299X00005729" style="color: #0000ff">one person setting up two limited liability companies</a></span><span> </span>and turning over control of each company to a separate autonomous or artificially intelligent system. Then the person would add each company as a member of the other LLC. In the last step, the person would withdraw from both LLCs, leaving each LLC – a corporate entity with legal personhood – governed only by the other’s AI system.

That process doesn’t require the computer system to have any particular level of intelligence or capability. It could just be a sequence of “if” statements looking, for example, at the stock market and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.investopedia.com/articles/active-trading/101014/basics-algorithmic-trading-concepts-and-examples.asp" style="color: #0000ff">making decisions to buy and sell</a></span><span> </span>based on prices falling or rising. It could even be an algorithm that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.randomdecisionmaker.com/" style="color: #0000ff">makes decisions randomly</a></span>, or an<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scratch.mit.edu/projects/115569822/" style="color: #0000ff">emulation of an amoeba</a></span>.
<h2>Reducing human status</h2>
Granting human rights to a computer would degrade human dignity. For instance, when<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/gadgets-and-tech/news/saudi-arabia-robot-sophia-citizenship-android-riyadh-citizen-passport-future-a8021601.html" style="color: #0000ff">Saudi Arabia granted citizenship to a robot called Sophia</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://qz.com/1205017/saudi-arabias-robot-citizen-is-eroding-human-rights/" style="color: #0000ff">human women</a></span>, including<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/innovations/wp/2017/10/29/saudi-arabia-which-denies-women-equal-rights-makes-a-robot-a-citizen/" style="color: #0000ff">feminist scholars</a></span>, objected, noting that the robot was given more rights than many Saudi women have.
<figure><figcaption><span class="caption"></span></figcaption></figure>
In certain places, some people might have fewer rights than nonintelligent software and robots. In countries that limit<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/" style="color: #0000ff">citizens’ rights</a></span><span> </span>to free speech, free religious practice and expression of sexuality, corporations – potentially including AI-run companies –<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.com/adam-winkler/corporations-are-people-a_b_5543833.html" style="color: #0000ff">could have more rights</a></span>. That would be an enormous indignity.

The risk doesn’t end there: If AI systems became more intelligent than people,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/what-an-artificial-intelligence-researcher-fears-about-ai-78655" style="color: #0000ff">humans could be relegated to an inferior role</a></span><span> </span>– as workers hired and fired by AI corporate overlords – or even<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt2145829/" style="color: #0000ff">challenged for social dominance</a></span>.

Artificial intelligence systems could be tasked with law enforcement among human populations – acting as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-to-know-the-algorithms-the-government-uses-to-make-important-decisions-about-us-57869" style="color: #0000ff">judges, jurors, jailers and even executioners</a></span>.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/losing-control-the-dangers-of-killer-robots-58262" style="color: #0000ff">Warrior robots</a></span><span> </span>could similarly be assigned to the military and given power to decide on targets and acceptable collateral damage – even in violation of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/ban-killer-robots-to-protect-fundamental-moral-and-legal-principles-101427" style="color: #0000ff">international humanitarian laws</a></span>. Most legal systems are not set up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/ban-killer-robots-to-protect-fundamental-moral-and-legal-principles-101427" style="color: #0000ff">punish robots</a></span><span> </span>or otherwise hold them accountable for wrongdoing.
<h2>What about voting?</h2>
Granting voting rights to systems that can copy themselves would render humans’ votes meaningless. Even without taking that significant step, though, the possibility of AI-controlled corporations with basic human rights poses serious dangers. No current laws would prevent a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fighting-malevolent-ai-artificial-intelligence-meet-cybersecurity-60361" style="color: #0000ff">malevolent AI</a></span><span> </span>from operating a corporation that worked to subjugate or exterminate humanity<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-court-employment/companies-win-big-at-us-top-court-on-worker-class-action-curbs-idUSKCN1IM1GW" style="color: #0000ff">through legal means</a></span><span> </span>and political influence. Computer-controlled companies could turn out to be less responsive to public opinion or protests than human-run firms are.
<h2>Immortal wealth</h2>
Two other aspects of corporations make people even more vulnerable to AI systems with human legal rights: They don’t die, and they can give unlimited amounts of money to political candidates and groups.

Artificial intelligences could earn money by exploiting workers, using algorithms to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.seattletimes.com/business/trust-the-machines-these-funds-are-run-by-artificial-intelligence/" style="color: #0000ff">price goods and manage investments</a></span>, and find new ways to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ibm.com/blogs/watson/2018/04/how-kpmg-uses-ai-to-empower-their-auditors/" style="color: #0000ff">automate key business processes</a></span>. Over long periods of time, that could<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2018/02/01/apple-earnings-q1-2018-how-much-money-does-apple-have.html" style="color: #0000ff">add up to enormous earnings</a></span><span> </span>– which would never be split up among descendants. That wealth could easily be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/how-corporations-turned-into-political-beasts-2015-4" style="color: #0000ff">converted into political power</a></span>.

Politicians financially backed by algorithmic entities would be able to take on legislative bodies, impeach presidents and help to get figureheads appointed to the Supreme Court. Those human figureheads could be used to expand corporate rights or even establish new rights specific to artificial intelligence systems – expanding the threats to humanity even more.

</div>

<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/could-an-artificial-intelligence-be-considered-a-person-under-the-law-102865" style="color: #0000ff">Could an artificial intelligence be considered a person under the law?</a></span>"</strong>

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<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong>:
<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/artificial-intelligence-ai-90" style="color: #0000ff">Artificial intelligence (AI)</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/human-rights-1314"><span style="color: #0000ff">Human rights</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/algorithm-1795" style="color: #0000ff">Algorithm</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/corporate-law-1935" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate law</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/lobbying-5806" style="color: #0000ff">Lobbying</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/legal-personhood-7975" style="color: #0000ff">Legal personhood</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/human-rights-law-8931"><span style="color: #0000ff">Human rights law</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/civil-rights-11321"><span style="color: #0000ff">Civil rights</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/computer-algorithm-11810" style="color: #0000ff">Computer algorithm</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/international-humanitarian-law-14141" style="color: #0000ff">International humanitarian law</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/citizens-united-14668" style="color: #0000ff">Citizens United</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/voting-rights-17933" style="color: #0000ff">Voting rights</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/corporate-influence-19782" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate influence</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/workers-21081" style="color: #0000ff">Workers</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/corporate-power-38908" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate power</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/political-lobbying-39262" style="color: #0000ff">Political lobbying</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/algorithm-transparency-47426"><span style="color: #0000ff">Algorithm transparency</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/workers-rights-53072" style="color: #0000ff">workers' rights</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/international-human-rights-law-58672" style="color: #0000ff">International human rights law</a></span></li>
</ul>
</div>
<span style="color: #000000"><strong>Citation</strong>: Yampolskiy, R. V. </span>(2018, October 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/could-an-artificial-intelligence-be-considered-a-person-under-the-law-102865" style="color: #0000ff">Could an artificial intelligence be considered a person under the law</a></span>? <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1149</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 07:59:06]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 12:59:06]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 18:55:53]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-14 23:55:53]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[could-an-artificial-intelligence-be-considered-a-person-under-the-law]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2a. "Autocracies that look like democracies are a threat across the globe" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/autocracies-that-look-like-democracies-are-a-threat-across-the-globe/</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 13:15:29 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1153</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><span style="color: #000000">Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/autocracies-that-look-like-democracies-are-a-threat-across-the-globe-110957" style="color: #0000ff">Autocracies that look like democracies are a threat across the globe</a></span>"</span></h1>
Francis Fukuyama's iconic book, <em>The End of History and the Last Man</em>, predicted that liberal democracy would be the logical endpoint for all forms of government.

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of communist rule in the U.S.S.R. seemed to prove Fukuyama right.

But decades later, is Fukuyama's provocative prediction still true?

In "Autocracies that look like democracies are a threat across the globe," the author Richard Carney looks at authoritarian regimes around the world that seem like democracies, but really are not.

By revisiting the essential elements of democracies and autocracies, we have a better idea of both terms. We also are more prepared to distinguish countries that might be pretending to be more democratic than they really are.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/autocracies-that-look-like-democracies-are-a-threat-across-the-globe-110957" style="color: #0000ff">Autocracies that look like democracies are a threat across the globe</a></span></h2>
<span>Richard Carney, </span><em>The Conversation</em>, February 6, 2019 6:42am EST

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/09/20/us/politics/russia-interference-election-trump-clinton.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Russia’s successful interference</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">in the 2016 U.S. presidential election may inspire other countries to do the same.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">These other countries don’t look threatening. They look like democracies. But they’re not.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">They’re a special kind of autocratic regime that masquerades as a democracy. And what looks like benevolent conduct by these countries can quickly change into aggressive, politically charged behavior.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Autocracies, often known as “authoritarian regimes,” maintain power through centralized control over information and resources. Political opposition is either forbidden or strongly curtailed and individual freedom is limited by the state.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Autocracies that look like democracies are different because their leaders permit political opponents to run for election – even though they rarely win.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">These countries’ capitalist systems have some of the trappings of liberal democracies in the West. But these regimes use capitalism to further their authoritarian rule.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">These so-called “dominant party authoritarian regimes” have surged in number from around 13 percent of all countries before the end of the Cold War to around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108186797" style="color: #0000ff">33 percent today</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Most are located in Africa, the Middle East and Asia. They are also present in Eastern Europe and in the Americas. Russia is one of them; so are Turkey, Malaysia, Singapore and Venezuela.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">These regimes often engage in the same kinds of bad behavior as other autocracies. But their behavior is critically different in both the motivations and methods used to further authoritarian ends, as detailed in my new book “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108186797" style="color: #0000ff">Authoritarian Capitalism</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.”</span>
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<h2>Political control</h2>
Part of the danger with dominant party authoritarian regimes is that their veneer of democracy permits political opponents to run for election. But when incumbent rulers face a threat to their power, the autocrats often respond by targeting political dissidents and taking aggressive actions toward foreign enemies to bolster popular support.

For example, Russian leader Vladimir Putin faced an unprecedented challenge from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2011%E2%80%932013_Russian_protests" style="color: #0000ff">citizen protests during the 2012 presidential election</a></span>. The protests continued into 2013.

Putin punished the protesters. New York Times correspondent<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/06/world/europe/in-russia-a-trendy-activism-against-putin-loses-its-moment.html" style="color: #0000ff">Ellen Barry reported in 2013</a></span><span> </span>that “new laws prescribe draconian punishments for acts of dissent. … Mr. Putin … embraced a new, sharply conservative rhetoric, dismissing the urban protesters as traitors and blasphemers, enemies of Russia.”

Shortly afterward, Russia’s foreign activities became even more<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.banking.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/McFaul%20Testimony%209-6-18.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">belligerent than during the Soviet period</a></span>. This accomplished just what Putin wanted: Following his annexation of Crimea in 2014, his approval ratings<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2015/06/24/putins-approval-ratings-hit-89-percent-the-highest-theyve-ever-been/?utm_term=.cdbd4c686102" style="color: #0000ff">skyrocketed</a></span>.

Another recent example is Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s repression of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/nov/05/erdogan-cumhuriyet-turkey-journalists-arrested-detained-dissent" style="color: #0000ff">domestic political dissidents</a></span><span> </span>following the failed July 2016 coup against him. According to The Guardian, the regime arrested or suspended “more than 110,000 officials, including judges, teachers, police and civil servants.”

Erdogan went after foreign-based dissidents too, allegedly orchestrating a plot to kidnap opposition leader<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newsweek.com/mueller-investigating-michael-flynn-plot-kidnap-turkish-opposition-leader-708053" style="color: #0000ff">Fetullah Gulen</a></span><span> </span>from Pennsylvania.

And while he won the presidential election in June 2018, Erdogan’s foreign-based critics remain concerned about his threats.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/09/sports/kanter-knicks-erdogan-turkey.html" style="color: #0000ff">Enes Kanter</a></span>, a Turkish NBA star, declined to travel to London in January 2019 out of fear that Turkish spies might kill him.
<figure class="align-right zoomable"></figure>
<h2>Information control</h2>
Another distinction that characterizes dominant party authoritarian regimes is how they exploit Western legal and financial systems against Western media outlets critical of the regime.

Normally,<span style="color: #0000ff"> </span><a href="http://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-3"><span style="color: #0000ff">autocrats control information and resources</span></a><span> </span>to retain power. But rather than relying on the typical autocrat’s crude hostile attacks or outright censorship, dominant party authoritarian regimes use legal or financial methods regarded as legitimate by the West.

In other words, they sue the media or they buy them.

A slew of foreign news organizations – including<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/24/opinion/global/24iht-opednote.html" style="color: #0000ff">The New York Times</a>,</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB122791989311765753" style="color: #0000ff">Wall Street Journal</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/04/opinion/04pubed.html" style="color: #0000ff">Bloomberg</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/04/opinion/04pubed.html" style="color: #0000ff">The Economist</a></span><span> </span>– were sued by the Lee family, autocratic rulers of Singapore, for political and financial reporting after the 2008 global financial crisis.

The family maintained the coverage defamed them. As the Wall Street Journal’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB122791989311765753" style="color: #0000ff">editors wrote in 2008</a></span>, “We know of no foreign publication that has ever won in a Singapore court of law. Virtually every Western publication that circulates in the city-state has faced a lawsuit, or the threat of one.”

Malaysian political authorities deployed similar tactics when their rulers felt threatened.

Following the Asian financial crisis of 1997, and in the months leading up to the November 1999 general election, wealthy ruling party supporters in Malaysia filed a flurry of<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/05/rights-malaysia-on-a-media-suing-spree/" style="color: #0000ff">defamation lawsuits</a></span><span> </span>against foreign journalists and media organizations, such as the Asian Wall Street Journal and Dow Jones.

Russia’s means of pressuring foreign media are slightly different, but they also involve taking advantage of Western legal-financial systems.

Russia has engaged in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook" style="color: #0000ff">disinformation campaigns</a></span><span> </span>that exploit weaknesses in the West’s freedom of speech protections, as documented by experts at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and at the Center for the Study of Democracy.

And Russian companies have acquired sufficiently large<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook" style="color: #0000ff">ownership stakes</a></span><span> </span>in foreign media companies to influence their operations.

This has involved both the manipulation of their coverage and a reduction in media freedoms of the country in which they are located.

For example,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook" style="color: #0000ff">Delyan Peevski</a></span><span> </span>is a controversial member of the Bulgarian Parliament who advocated for pro-Russian policies. Peevski built and sustained a media empire that controls around 40 percent of Bulgaria’s print sector and 80 percent of the newspaper distribution with loans from a partially Russian-owned bank.
<h2>Resource control</h2>
In contrast to firms located in other types of autocracies, state-controlled businesses in dominant party authoritarian regimes often comply with international financial regulations. This helps them gain access to Western countries’ corporate and financial systems.

Under cover of legitimate business operations, their autocratic leaders can pursue political objectives with less scrutiny.

Malaysia’s state-owned investment fund,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/1mdb" style="color: #0000ff">1MDB</a></span>, engaged in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theedgemarkets.com/article/why-malaysians-should-be-worried-about-1mdb%E2%80%99s-debts" style="color: #0000ff">aggressive investment tactics</a></span><span> </span>with corrupt practices – including “abnormally high payback” for investment bankers – that extended across the globe.

The U.S. accuses former Prime Minister Najib Razak’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jul/28/1mdb-inside-story-worlds-biggest-financial-scandal-malaysia" style="color: #0000ff">family friend</a></span><span> </span>of masterminding the theft of US$2 billion from the fund. And its capital was also<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2015/12/28/wsj-reports-malaysia-pm-najib-razak-used-700m-donation-to-win-2013-elections.html" style="color: #0000ff">channeled to politicians and projects</a></span><span> </span>to help the ruling party win the 2013 elections.

Russia has also used<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook" style="color: #0000ff">state-linked companies</a></span><span> </span>to gain influence over Hungary, Serbia and Bulgaria’s crucial energy sectors via purchases of ownership stakes in listed companies.

This granted the Russian state access to other key sectors of these economies, such as finance and telecommunications.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook" style="color: #0000ff">Russia then was able to influence government policies</a></span>.

In one case, the Serbian government<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ft.com/content/ac12dd62-c881-11e7-ab18-7a9fb7d6163e" style="color: #0000ff">chose not to enforce the European Union’s sanctions against Russia</a></span>. That was a risk for Serbia, because it has wanted to qualify for European Union membership by 2025.

Even bolder actions occurred with Russia’s interference in the U.S. 2016 presidential election.

Michael McFaul, the former U.S. ambassador to Russia, told the Senate in September 2018 that never before had the Kremlin violated American sovereignty so<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.banking.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/McFaul%20Testimony%209-6-18.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">“illegally, aggressively and audaciously”</a></span><span> </span>– even during the high-stakes rivalry of the Cold War.

It is now common knowledge that<span> </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/grand-jury-indicts-thirteen-russian-individuals-and-three-russian-companies-scheme-interfere"><span style="color: #0000ff">Russian-controlled agencies and businesses</span></a><span> </span>played a strategically vital role in the election interference.
<h2>Resisting influence</h2>
Can democracies defend themselves against such aggressive regimes?

The “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/kremlin-playbook" style="color: #0000ff">Kremlin Playbook</a></span>,” written by Heather A. Conley, James Mina, Ruslan Stefanov and Martin Vladimirov, is an extensive study of Russian influence in Hungary, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Latvia and Serbia. It provides a detailed list of policy recommendations to resist Russian influence that can be applied to other dominant party authoritarian regimes.

They include strengthening intelligence gathering and cooperation between the U.S. and its allies; increasing U.S. and allied governments’ assistance to vulnerable countries; and stronger protections for and enforcement of transparency measures.

But I believe an important addition to this list is the need to monitor the strength of the ruling party’s hold on power. That’s because aggressive, politically charged activities are most likely to occur when incumbent rulers face an elevated threat.

With its attack on the U.S. 2016 election, Russia showed that it’s possible to interfere destructively in the most powerful Western democracy. I expect that other autocracies that look like democracies will follow suit – across the globe.

</div>

<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/autocracies-that-look-like-democracies-are-a-threat-across-the-globe-110957" style="color: #0000ff">Autocracies that look like democracies are a threat across the globe</a></span>"</strong>

[h5p id="88"]

[h5p id="89"]

[h5p id="90"]

[h5p id="91"]

<hr />

<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span>:</span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/media-139" style="color: #0000ff">Media</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/sovereign-debt-538" style="color: #0000ff">Sovereign debt</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/democracy-619" style="color: #0000ff">Democracy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/capitalism-1137" style="color: #0000ff">Capitalism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/singapore-1613" style="color: #0000ff">Singapore</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/sovereign-wealth-fund-1915" style="color: #0000ff">Sovereign wealth fund</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/authoritarian-rule-3188"><span style="color: #0000ff">Authoritarian rule</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/malaysia-3415" style="color: #0000ff">Malaysia</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/recep-tayyip-erdogan-5905"><span style="color: #0000ff">Recep Tayyip Erdoğan</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/vladimir-putin-6680" style="color: #0000ff">Vladimir Putin</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/authoritarianism-13868" style="color: #0000ff">Authoritarianism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/dissent-22131" style="color: #0000ff">Dissent</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/fethullah-gulen-28324" style="color: #0000ff">Fethullah Gulen</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/authoritarian-regimes-52568"><span style="color: #0000ff">Authoritarian regimes</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/political-repression-54230" style="color: #0000ff">Political repression</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/coups-65822" style="color: #0000ff">Coups</a></span></li>
</ul>
<span style="color: #000000"><strong>Citation</strong>: Carney, R. (2019, February 6). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/autocracies-that-look-like-democracies-are-a-threat-across-the-globe-110957" style="color: #0000ff">Autocracies that look like democracies are a threat across the globe</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/autocracies-that-look-like-democracies-are-a-threat-across-the-globe-110957" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1153</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 08:15:29]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:15:29]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:06:25]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:06:25]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[autocracies-that-look-like-democracies-are-a-threat-across-the-globe]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>35</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3c. "Defending science: How the art of rhetoric can help" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/defending-science-how-the-art-of-rhetoric-can-help/</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 13:43:35 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1155</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><span style="color: #000000">Introduction to the article </span>"<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/defending-science-how-the-art-of-rhetoric-can-help-68210" style="color: #0000ff">Defending science: How the art of rhetoric can help</a></span>"</h1>
The bitter division in thought over COVID-19 vaccines has led to a dilemma. How do we deal with issues like vaccine hesitancy to improve global health outcomes?

Some experts advocate for using the ancient art of rhetoric to advance scientific ends.

In her article, "Defending science: How the art of rhetoric can help," author Leah Ceccarelli takes readers through the history of the rhetoric of science.

In a world overrun by misinformation and an increasingly cluttered marketplace of ideas, the truth may not necessarily win out. Leveraging the art and science of rhetoric can help us amplify fact-based messages over falsehoods.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/defending-science-how-the-art-of-rhetoric-can-help-68210" style="color: #0000ff">Defending science: How the art of rhetoric can help</a></span></h2>
<span>Leah Ceccarelli, </span><em>The Conversation</em>, April 20, 2017 8:24pm EDT

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Science seems to be under attack in America, so much so that scientists and their supporters are</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.marchforscience.com/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">marching in the streets</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">President Donald Trump has publicly called climate change a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.newsweek.com/timeline-every-ridiculous-thing-trump-has-said-about-climate-change-576238" style="color: #0000ff">Chinese hoax</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">abetted by greedy scientists. He has linked</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/449525268529815552" style="color: #0000ff">vaccines to autism</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">despite overwhelming scientific consensus against these claims. Vice President Mike Pence has</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/shaenamontanari/2016/11/10/vp-elect-mike-pence-does-not-accept-evolution-heres-why-that-matters/#24cc746915a7" style="color: #0000ff">denied evolutionary science</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, the very foundation of modern biology. Mick Mulvaney, Trump’s pick for director of the Office of Management and Budget, has questioned the fully established link between Zika virus and microcephaly and wondered whether “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.snopes.com/trumps-budget-director-pick-asked-really-need-government-funded-research/" style="color: #0000ff">we really need government-funded research at all</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.”</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In response, scientists are taking a stand. They are defending their work against what appears to be a new, more aggressive assault in the so-called “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.parlorpress.com/pdf/lookingforafight.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Republican war on science</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” as the president threatens</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2017/03/trumps-first-budget-analysis-and-reaction" style="color: #0000ff">deep cuts</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to federal funding of scientific research.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When they march for science, they will do well to consider insights from the field of study known as the “rhetoric of science.”</span>
<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody">
<h2>Studying scientists’ communication</h2>
Before dismissing this recommendation as a perverse appeal to slink into the mud or take up the corrupted weapons of the enemy, keep in mind that in academia, “rhetoric” does not mean rank falsehoods, or mere words over substance.

Rhetoric is one of the original seven liberal arts. Aristotle defined it as “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=LNr9CwAAQBAJ&amp;lpg=PP1&amp;dq=aristotle%20the%20rhetoric&amp;pg=PT18#v=onepage&amp;q&amp;f=false" style="color: #0000ff">the faculty of observing, in any given case, the available means of persuasion</a></span>.” Scholars like me who study the rhetoric of science analyze and evaluate the persuasive communication of scientists.

Although it draws from an ancient tradition, rhetoric of science is a relatively young field of study. It was born in the late 20th century, after historian of science Thomas Kuhn introduced the idea that science develops not through the steady accumulation of facts, but in revolutionary moments. With a paradigm change, the heliocentric model of Copernicus replaces the geocentric model of Ptolemy, Darwin’s natural selection overturns natural theology, plate tectonics wins over the theory of a stable Earth.

Kuhn’s call for a study of “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=3eP5Y_OOuzwC&amp;lpg=PP1&amp;dq=kuhn%20structure%20of%20scientific%20revolutions&amp;pg=PA94#v=onepage&amp;q&amp;f=false" style="color: #0000ff">the techniques of persuasive argumentation</a></span>” within scientific communities that settle conflicts between paradigms introduced the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100418551" style="color: #0000ff">rhetorical turn</a></span>” in science studies. Rhetoricians enthusiastically took up the call to look at the way that language and culture help to shape knowledge.

At first, this kind of scholarship seemed hostile to scientists.

In the age of “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seeking-truth-among-alternative-facts-72733" style="color: #0000ff">alternative facts</a></span>,” it is worth remembering that for most of the 20th century, the<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://msupress.org/books/book/?id=50-1D0-3EFD#.WPPjnVKZPdc" style="color: #0000ff">image of the scientist as American cultural hero</a></span>was ascendant.

Scientists have long presented themselves in public as the inheritors of an American pioneering ethos, the very embodiment of the American spirit of exploration, innovation, hard work and success. You see it in influential engineer Vannevar Bush’s<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nsf.gov/od/lpa/nsf50/vbush1945.htm" style="color: #0000ff">“Science: The Endless Frontier</a></span>,” the report that spurred the formation of the National Science Foundation.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.seattletimes.com/opinion/exploring-the-frontiers-of-life/" style="color: #0000ff">Geneticist Francis Collins frequently drew an analogy</a></span>between the Human Genome Project and Lewis and Clark’s Corps of Discovery. This characterization was so powerful that even George W. Bush, a Republican president widely critiqued for his administration’s<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ucsusa.org/assets/documents/scientific_integrity/rsi_final_fullreport_1.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">misuse of science</a></span>, found it necessary to praise scientists as modern-day American “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=73682" style="color: #0000ff">pioneers</a></span>.”

In the latter part of the 20th century, when scholars began pointing out that the most effective scientists were those who were also the most effective rhetors, the validity of scientific theories and the institution of science itself seemed to be under attack. Rhetoricians got caught up in the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1999/11/phony-science-wars/377882/" style="color: #0000ff">science wars</a></span>” between postmodern deconstructionists and natural scientists. They were viewed with distrust by defenders of science.
<h2>Next phase for rhetoric of science</h2>
But times changed. In the early years of the 21st century, the two cultures of the humanities and the sciences found themselves united against forces that would<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/public-universities-are-under-threat-not-just-by-outside-reformers-65705" style="color: #0000ff">starve higher education of funding</a></span>. Many rhetoricians began to see their mission not as taking scientists down a peg or two, but as helping scientists improve their public communication.

For example,<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://comm.uga.edu/people/individuals/140" style="color: #0000ff">Celeste Condit</a></span>draws from the rhetorical tradition to help medical geneticists appreciate the importance of understanding their audience. Scientists should be careful not to underestimate the public, which “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.hhmi.org/sites/default/files/Bulletin/2003/September/sept2003_fulltext_0.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">knows a fair amount about the basics of heredity</a></span>.” But neither should they neglect how certain terms affect the public mind. When telling individuals they have a genetic predisposition to cancer, for example, “version of a gene” is a less scary use of words than “mutation,” which evokes horror movie monsters.

Condit’s students,<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.eiu.edu/commstudies/faculty.php?id=mgronnvoll" style="color: #0000ff">Marita Gronnvoll</a></span>and<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.keene.edu/academics/programs/comm/faculty/290/" style="color: #0000ff">Jamie Landau</a></span>, explore the problems and potentials of the most frequent<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2897184/" style="color: #0000ff">metaphors used by the public to discuss genes</a></span>, such as ticking time bombs and Russian roulette. They recommend that scientists introduce new, more accurate and less alarming metaphors that call to mind the choreography or orchestration of a gene/environment interaction.

Rhetoricians have advice for climate scientists too.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://college.wfu.edu/communication/faculty-and-staff/ronald-von-burg" style="color: #0000ff">Ron Von Burg</a></span>introduces the rhetorical concept of<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://rhetoric.byu.edu/Figures/L/litotes.htm" style="color: #0000ff">litotes</a></span>as a way for scientists to respond to inaccurate but emotive imagery. Litotes is a figure of speech that works as an understatement by stating the negation of its opposite; imagine a friend hinting that an invitation to visit would “not be unwelcome.”

Von Burg<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.natcom.org/communication-currents/decades-away-or-day-after-tomorrow" style="color: #0000ff">points to scientists</a></span>who used this strategy effectively when responding to critiques of climate disaster movie<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0319262/" style="color: #0000ff">“The Day After Tomorrow</a></span>.” Climate skeptics denounced the blockbuster as hyperbolic. Climate scientists agreed that its story line about instant climatic shift was absurd. But they also argued that the overall message that climate change requires our attention was “not untrue.” “The film is not scientifically invalid” insofar as the events it depicts – melting ice sheets, powerful hurricanes – are likely to occur, but just over a longer time frame.

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://rhetoric.byu.edu/Persuasive%20Appeals/Ethos.htm" style="color: #0000ff">Ethos</a></span>, or the speaker’s development of a trustworthy character, is another important concept that rhetoricians share with scientists engaged in public debates.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://communication.chass.ncsu.edu/faculty_staff/jegoodwi" style="color: #0000ff">Jean Goodwin</a></span>has studied how scientists can reach out to skeptical listeners with appeals that signal their vulnerability rather than their superiority. Observing climate scientists speaking to skeptical audiences, she has found that one must<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://jeangoodwin.net/2013/12/03/earning-trust-in-climate-change-debates/" style="color: #0000ff">give trust</a></span>in order to receive it in return.
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Some of my own research focuses on how to counter a<a href="https://scienceprogress.org/2008/04/manufactroversy/">manufactroversy</a>: when the public has been told there’s a dispute within the scientific community when there is actually a wide consensus. In these cases, those who would manipulate the public set argumentative traps. One way for scientists to avoid these traps is to point to the history of scientific debate that resulted in the consensus of experts. Sharing such rhetorical strategies is my way of helping climate scientists, as well as experts responding to those who deny the safety of vaccines, or the link between a virus and a disease.

When scientists gather to march for science, I want them to know about this body of research. In addition to carrying signs, they can take up the toolbox of effective communication known as the rhetorical tradition. Rhetoricians will be marching by their side, allies in the battle to protect science from politically motivated attacks on one of the greatest treasures of the nation.

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/defending-science-how-the-art-of-rhetoric-can-help-68210" style="color: #0000ff">Defending science: How the art of rhetoric can help</a></span></strong>

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 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/science-communication-171">Science communication</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/research-funding-238" style="color: #0000ff">Research funding</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/communication-1183" style="color: #0000ff">Communication</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/science-1256" style="color: #0000ff">Science</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/rhetoric-8995" style="color: #0000ff">Rhetoric</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/strategic-communication-11518" style="color: #0000ff">Strategic communication</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/communication-skills-18655" style="color: #0000ff">Communication skills</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/scientists-18879" style="color: #0000ff">Scientists</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/march-for-science-35623">March for Science</a></li>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ceccarelli, L. (2017, April 20). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/defending-science-how-the-art-of-rhetoric-can-help-68210" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">Defending science: How the art of rhetoric can help</span></a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The Conversation</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1155</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 08:43:35]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:43:35]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-24 14:06:42]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-24 19:06:42]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[defending-science-how-the-art-of-rhetoric-can-help]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>37</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4c. "Black Lives Matter: How far has the movement come?" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/black-lives-matter-how-far-has-the-movement-come-september-8-2021/</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 13:59:52 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1159</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/black-lives-matter-how-far-has-the-movement-come-165492" style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter: How far has the movement come?</a></span>"</h1>
Black Lives Matter started online. It began as a heartfelt tweet by Patrisse Cullors in response to the 2013 shooting of teenager Trayvon Martin: #BlackLivesMatter. From these humble roots, this hashtag sprouted into a truly global phenomenon.

However, like any mass movement, Black Lives Matter has faced challenges as its scope and influence have increased.

In their article, "Black Lives Matter: How far has the movement come?" authors Kwasi Konadu and Bright Gyamfi detail the progress this global movement has made as it has become part of the popular consciousness.

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<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/black-lives-matter-how-far-has-the-movement-come-165492" style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter: How far has the movement come?</a></span></h2>
Kwasi Konadu and Bright Gyamfi, <em>The Conversation</em>, <span>September 8, 2021 8:26am EDT</span>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Black Lives Matter has been <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/07/03/us/george-floyd-protests-crowd-size.html" style="color: #0000ff">called the largest civil movement</a></span> in U.S. history. Since 2013, local BLM chapters have formed nationwide to demand accountability for the killings of dozens of African Americans by police and others. Since the summer of 2020, when tens of millions in the U.S. and around the world marched under the “Black Lives Matter” slogan to protest a Minneapolis police officer’s <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/george-floyd-investigation.html" style="color: #0000ff">murder of George Floyd</a></span>, the movement has risen to a new level of prominence, funding and scrutiny.</em>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">BLM has long been seen as a coordinated yet decentralized effort. Lately, the movement and its leading organizations have become <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.lamag.com/citythinkblog/as-black-lives-matter-evolves-some-question-leadership-moves/" style="color: #0000ff">more traditional and hierarchical in structure</a>. <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/06/10/upshot/black-lives-matter-attitudes.html" style="color: #0000ff">Public opinion</a></span> is also changing, as BLM chapters call on the movement’s leaders to be more accountable to its grassroots groups. We caught up with two scholars of worldwide African communities and cultures – <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.colgate.edu/about/directory/kkonadu" style="color: #0000ff">Kwasi Konadu</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://history.northwestern.edu/people/graduate-students/bright-gyamfi.html" style="color: #0000ff">Bright Gyamfi</a> </span>– to discuss BLM as both a movement and an organization.</em>
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<h2>What was the original structure of the Black Lives Matter movement?</h2>
<a href="https://blacklivesmatter.com/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter</span></a><span> </span>started<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2016/08/15/the-hashtag-blacklivesmatter-emerges-social-activism-on-twitter/" style="color: #0000ff">in 2013</a></span><span> </span>as a messaging campaign. In response to the 2012 acquittal of George Zimmerman for shooting and killing Black teenager Trayvon Martin, three activists – Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza and Patrisse Cullors – protested the verdict on social media, along with many others.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://library.law.howard.edu/civilrightshistory/BLM" style="color: #0000ff">Cullors came up with the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter</a></span>, which gained widespread use on social media and in street protests.

Over the next several years – as Black Lives Matter flags, hashtags and signs became common features of local, national and even international protests in support of Black lives – this messaging campaign<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118807911" style="color: #0000ff">became a decentralized social movement</a></span><span> </span>to demand accountability for police killings and other brutality against Black people.

The movement<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.loc.gov/item/lcwaN0016241/" style="color: #0000ff">remained decentralized</a></span>, although some significant, formal BLM-related organizations emerged during this time. For instance, in 2013 Cullors, Tometi and Garza<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-53273381" style="color: #0000ff">formed the Black Lives Matter Network</a></span><span> </span>to facilitate communication, support and shared resources among the dozens of locally organized and led Black Lives Matter chapters that were springing up around the United States.

In 2014, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://m4bl.org/" style="color: #0000ff">Movement for Black Lives</a></span>, or M4BL, formed as a separate but related coalition of dozens of organizations of Black activist and others, including the Black Lives Matter Network.

In 2017, the Black Lives Matter Network transformed into the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation, co-founded by Tometi and Cullors, who was the executive director until<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://apnews.com/article/ca-state-wire-george-floyd-philanthropy-race-and-ethnicity-0a89ec240a702537a3d89d281789adcf" style="color: #0000ff">she stepped down in May 2021</a></span>. This group describes itself as “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blacklivesmatter.com/black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-announces-leadership-transition/" style="color: #0000ff">a global foundation supporting Black led movements</a></span>.”
<h2>What’s changed about BLM’s structure since then?</h2>
While the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blacklivesmatter.com/about/" style="color: #0000ff">says it is decentralized</a></span>, over time it has followed a pattern similar to other social movements driven by individuals and organizations. It has become more of a conventional hierarchical organization,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2020/12/10/black-lives-matter-organization-biden-444097" style="color: #0000ff">centralizing its operations and leadership</a></span>. Its founders have<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/national/article152232197.html" style="color: #0000ff">won awards</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/10/18/924701747/black-lives-matter-co-founder-on-her-new-book-the-purpose-of-power" style="color: #0000ff">book deals</a></span><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://time.com/collection/100-most-influential-people-2020/5888228/black-lives-matter-founders/"><span style="color: #0000ff">notoriety</span></a>.

The BLM Global Network Foundation has not developed any publicly known independent source of funding, nor was a decision ever made to rely primarily on grassroots support or small individual donations. As a result, it is dependent on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.influencewatch.org/non-profit/black-lives-matter-foundation/" style="color: #0000ff">corporate and foundation money</a></span><span> </span>to pay for its operations and programs. Amid the George Floyd uprisings in 2020, the BLM Global Network Foundation generated some<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://apnews.com/article/black-lives-matter-90-million-finances-8a80cad199f54c0c4b9e74283d27366f" style="color: #0000ff">US$90 million in donations or grants</a> </span>from corporations and foundations.

The Movement for Black Lives, which calls itself decentralized and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://m4bl.org/about-us/" style="color: #0000ff">anti-capitalist</a></span>, also raised millions in 2020, including $100 million from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2016/10/11/pers-o11.html" style="color: #0000ff">the Ford Foundation</a></span>.

All told,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blackenterprise.com/black-lives-matter-corporate-america-has-pledged-1-678-billion-so-far/" style="color: #0000ff">corporations pledged</a> </span>close to $2 billion to BLM-related causes in 2020, though less is known about pledges for 2021.

Meanwhile, many frontline Black Lives Matters chapters<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/12/18/948133246/black-lives-matter-movement-is-fracturing-as-it-grows-in-power" style="color: #0000ff">have struggled to stay afloat</a></span>. Some key chapters<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=if_IAZpFm7w&amp;t=2261s" style="color: #0000ff">have begun calling for</a></span><span> </span>financial transparency and more democratic decison-making<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blmchapterstatement.com/" style="color: #0000ff">from national leaders</a></span><span> </span>at the BLM Global Network Foundation, as well as a share of the funds the national groups have raised.

Others have<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blackagendareport.com/blm-chapters-demand-accountability-trio-cashed-movement" style="color: #0000ff">disavowed the Black Lives Matter Network and defected from it</a></span>, focusing on local community fundraising and organizing to support their work.
<h2>How is public opinion about the BLM movement changing and why?</h2>
Though the phrase “Black Lives Matter” has become a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/blm-signs-black-lives-matter/2021/06/13/e0aed736-bcdb-11eb-9bae-5a86187646fe_story.html" style="color: #0000ff">common sight</a></span>, the movement is losing public support. According to a new Civiqs survey of 244,622 registered voters, support<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/06/10/upshot/black-lives-matter-attitudes.html" style="color: #0000ff">for BLM</a></span><span> </span>fell from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2020/06/12/amid-protests-majorities-across-racial-and-ethnic-groups-express-support-for-the-black-lives-matter-movement/" style="color: #0000ff">two-thirds of voters</a></span><span> </span>in June 2020 to 50% in June 2021.

Some of this shift may be due to growing public awareness of the movement’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/04/us/black-lives-matter.html" style="color: #0000ff">internal struggles</a></span>, such as competing visions and competition over scarce resources, as well as questions about whether<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://nypost.com/2021/07/31/activist-shaun-king-lives-lavishly-in-lakefront-nj-home/" style="color: #0000ff">some BLM leaders</a></span><span> </span>have used donations for personal benefit.
<h2>Is this evolution of Black Lives Matters typical of social movements? Can you give other examples?</h2>
Tensions and conflicts are part of the evolution of all social movements, including BLM.

Movements for peoples of African ancestry also face a distinct challenge: They often have to appeal for both<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/after-the-civil-rights-era-white-americans-failed-to-support-systemic-change-to-end-racism-will-they-now-141954" style="color: #0000ff">funding and action from</a> </span><a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/707490"><span style="color: #0000ff">the same white power structure</span></a><span> </span>and corporate interests that participate in and benefit from the suffering of Black people.

For example, although President Lyndon B. Johnson is remembered for helping pass the 1964 Civil Rights Act, he routinely referred to the 1957 version of that act as the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/lyndon-johnson-civil-rights-racism-msna305591" style="color: #0000ff">nigger bill</a></span>” in conversations with his Southern white supremacist colleagues.

Another example involves the McDonald’s Corp. In 1968, after the death of Martin Luther King Jr., McDonald’s partnered with U.S. civil rights organizations. The company claimed its<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/garystern/2020/07/07/a-new-book-explores-the-effects-of-the-golden-arches-on-the-black-community/?sh=39a5aea07549" style="color: #0000ff">African American-owned franchises</a></span><span> </span>were carrying on King’s civil rights agenda to empower the Black community.

<a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/01/25/797143165/franchise-tracks-the-rise-and-role-of-fast-food-in-black-america"><span style="color: #0000ff">According to historian Marcia Chatelain</span></a>, however, instead of enabling economic freedom, McDonald’s has burdened the Black community with low wages, relatively few franchises and high rates of obesity, diabetes and heart disease. McDonald’s has benefited from a devoted African American consumer base, more so because African Americans consume more fast food than any other race,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.restaurantbusinessonline.com/financing/who-eats-fast-food-according-cdc" style="color: #0000ff">according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention</a></span>.

<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/lasr.12384"><span style="color: #0000ff">Money shaping social movements</span></a>, such as the civil rights movement, is not new. The civil rights movement, including the summer of 1963’s March on Washington, was funded by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://resourcegeneration.org/50-years-after-the-civil-rights-act-the-four-key-foundations-who-funded-the-movement/" style="color: #0000ff">white liberal organizations and foundations</a></span>. In the summer of 2020, BLM protests also generated millions in similar funding. Indeed, the Ford Foundation and the<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://borealisphilanthropy.org/project/black-led-movement-fund/" style="color: #0000ff">Borealis Philanthropy</a></span><span> </span>recently formed the Black-Led Movement Fund, which raises money for the Movement for Black Lives.

Malcolm X, in his analysis of the 1963 March on Washington, brought attention to the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ccnmtl.columbia.edu/projects/mmt/mxp/speeches/mxt31.html" style="color: #0000ff">influence white philanthropy and leadership</a></span><span> </span>held over “black” social justice organizations, especially regarding funding that was controlled by the white power structure. Siding with Malcolm’s analysis, James Baldwin also observed, “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/Baldwin_s_Harlem/HVWEFPMdtygC?q=&amp;gbpv=1#f=false" style="color: #0000ff">the March had already been co-opted</a></span>.”
<h2>Is it at all clear what structure BLM will or should have in the future?</h2>
Based on our research on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://dafricapress.com/A-View-from-the-East-p66464170" style="color: #0000ff">civil rights-Black power organizations</a></span><span> </span>and on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=55nmRNt_F_8&amp;t=4s" style="color: #0000ff">Black internationalism</a></span>, BLM would benefit from a “starfish”<span> </span><a href="https://medium.com/nature-s-way-of-communicating/5-starfish-principles-that-will-empower-your-business-305e461f18cd"><span style="color: #0000ff">organizational structure</span></a>.

Starfishlike organizations are decentralized networks with no head. Intelligence is spread throughout an open system that easily adapts to circumstances. If a leader is removed, new ones emerge, and the network remains intact.

In the U.S., BLM organizers work through various groups, yet all are tied to centralized hubs, like the Movement for Black Lives coalition. These organizational choices conform to a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/298214/the-starfish-and-the-spider-by-ori-brafman-and-rod-a-beckstrom/" style="color: #0000ff">spider analogy</a></span>. Compared to the starfish structure, spiderlike organizations operate under the control of a central leader, and information and power are concentrated at the top.

In the wake of the 2020 mass protests against racism after George Floyd’s murder, many Republican-led states proposed<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/apr/12/republicans-push-anti-protest-laws-blm-demonstrations" style="color: #0000ff">a new wave of draconian anti-protest laws</a></span><span> </span>to stifle dissent. This suggests that BLM might be more resilient if it followed the starfish approach.

In their desire to appeal to a diverse public to end white supremacy, Black Lives Matter’s leaders fail to consider that pervasive anti-Black violence is “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://wwnorton.com/books/9781631496141" style="color: #0000ff">the very engine that powers</a></span>” white supremacy and makes broad coalitions ineffective.

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<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/black-lives-matter-how-far-has-the-movement-come-165492" style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter: How far has the movement come?</a></span>"</strong>

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<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span>: </span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/racism-332" style="color: #0000ff">Racism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/activism-1065" style="color: #0000ff">Activism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/civil-rights-11321" style="color: #0000ff">Civil rights</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/black-lives-matter-14463" style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/grassroots-protest-19065" style="color: #0000ff">Grassroots protest</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/blacklivesmatter-31396" style="color: #0000ff">#BlackLivesMatter</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/black-power-34040" style="color: #0000ff">Black Power</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/social-movements-34148" style="color: #0000ff">Social movements</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/centralisation-49807" style="color: #0000ff">Centralisation</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/anti-racism-54254" style="color: #0000ff">Anti-racism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/movement-for-black-lives-89555" style="color: #0000ff">Movement for Black Lives</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/black-lives-matter-protests-92164" style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter protests</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/blm-106869" style="color: #0000ff">#BLM</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Konadu, K., &amp; Gyamfi, B. (2021, September 8). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/black-lives-matter-how-far-has-the-movement-come-165492" style="color: #0000ff">Black Lives Matter: How far has the movement come?</a></span> <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1159</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 08:59:52]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:59:52]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:45:02]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:45:02]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[black-lives-matter-how-far-has-the-movement-come-september-8-2021]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>39</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5c. "How Alexei Navalny revolutionized opposition politics in Russia, before his apparent poisoning" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/1163/</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 14:19:24 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1163</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article <strong>"<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-alexei-navalny-revolutionized-opposition-politics-in-russia-before-his-apparent-poisoning-144830" style="color: #0000ff">How Alexei Navalny revolutionized opposition politics in Russia, before his apparent poisoning</a></span>"</strong></h1>
How can a single person push back against a powerful authoritarian political system?

For lawyer Alexei Navalny, it began by buying stock in energy companies, attending board meetings, and publishing damning internal documents.

It later grew much bigger as he pushed back against Russia's most powerful figure, President Vladimir Putin.

In her article, "How Alexei Navalny revolutionized opposition politics in Russia, before his apparent poisoning," the author Regina Smyth discusses how this courageous dissident has attempted to push back against aggressive politics by using new protest strategies to offer a better version for the future.

<hr />

<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-alexei-navalny-revolutionized-opposition-politics-in-russia-before-his-apparent-poisoning-144830" style="color: #0000ff">How Alexei Navalny revolutionized opposition politics in Russia, before his apparent poisoning</a></span></strong></h2>
Regina Smyth, <em>The Conversation</em>, August 21, 2020 2.09pm EDT

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The harrowing videos of Alexei Navalny, a blogger who has captured popular frustration in Russia,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/aug/20/a-cup-of-tea-then-screams-of-agony-how-alexei-navalny-was-left-fighting-for-his-life" style="color: #0000ff">screaming in agony</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">on Aug. 20, 2020 before being removed unconscious from a plane to a waiting ambulance, demonstrate the Kremlin’s</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/aug/20/alexei-navalny-russia-long-history-of-poisoned-kremlin-critics" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">increasing reliance on coercion to control dissent</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.newsweek.com/timeline-attacks-alexei-navalny-vladimir-putin-biggest-critic-russia-poison-1526386" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">attack is not the first Navalny</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">has endured. In 2017, he was doused with a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2017/05/10/why-are-russian-opposition-leaders-faces-turning-green" style="color: #0000ff">green antibiotic</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">that compromised his vision. In 2019, while in jail for organizing protests, he suspected</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.dw.com/en/kremlin-critic-alexei-navalny-says-he-was-poisoned-in-custody/a-49856462" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">he had been poisoned</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Navalny has also been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.rferl.org/a/russia-navalny-ofitserov-35-000-kirovles/28623266.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">wrongly convicted</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">on charges of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/08/alexei-navalny-russian-opposition-leader-found-guilty-embezzlement" style="color: #0000ff">financial wrong-doing</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">three times. Although he was released to prevent him from becoming a national martyr, his brother and co-defendant, Oleg,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2018/06/29/navalny-brother-free-3-5-years-prison-a62047" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">served three-and-a-half years in jail</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Throughout this period, the Kremlin worked to discredit Navalny without making him a martyr.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">My book “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/elections-protest-and-authoritarian-regime-stability/51A474C37A1671C885CC5F90091EDBC0" style="color: #0000ff">Elections, Protest, and Authoritarian Regime Stability: Russia 2008-2020</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” reveals the nature of Navalny’s threat to the Kremlin – one strong enough to make the claims that he has been poisoned credible.</span>
<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody">
<figure class="align-center "><figcaption><span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/riot-policemen-detain-opposition-leader-alexey-navalny-news-photo/954999696?adppopup=true"></a></span></figcaption></figure>
<h2>Focus on corruption</h2>
When he came onto the national stage 2010, Navalny brought a new type of opposition to Russian politics. He is in tune with popular concerns and able to find common ground across nationalist and liberal activists. He calls for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-16057045" style="color: #0000ff">removing President Vladimir Putin through elections</a></span>, while articulating a new vision for Russia.

Navalny’s importance is not about popularity. The Kremlin’s arrests and disinformation campaigns have raised enough suspicions among voters<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2019/11/05/one-in-three-russians-supports-criminal-cases-against-navalny-allies-poll-a68030" style="color: #0000ff">that polling shows</a></span><span> </span>he would not win a national election,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/search/result?sg=f32447aa-86ec-4b6c-a826-cce72b3f1c1e&amp;sp=1&amp;sr=4&amp;url=%2Fwith-prizes-food-housing-and-cash-putin-rigged-russias-most-recent-vote-141867" style="color: #0000ff">even in the unlikely event of a fair fight</a></span>.

Instead, Navalny’s challenge to Putin’s regime rests on his innovative ideas and organizing strategies that have made him a force in Russian politics.

He began as a lawyer, challenging the large Russian energy companies by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2011/04/04/net-impact" style="color: #0000ff">buying stock and thus gaining the right to attend shareholders’ meetings</a>.</span> He used his access to defy corporate leadership and release documents to demonstrate malfeasance.

He established<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-russia-politics-navalny/kremlin-critic-navalny-says-fines-force-him-to-close-anti-corruption-foundation-idUSKCN24L1KZ" style="color: #0000ff">The Anti-Corruption Foundation</a></span><span> </span>– now labeled a “Foreign Agent” by the Kremlin – which collected citizens’ reports of corrupt practices. His RosYama project, literally “Russian Hole,” allows citizens to go online to report potholes – a widespread, chronic problem in Russia – and track the government response.

Navalny amplified his anti-corruption fight in 2011, when he labeled Putin’s political party, United Russia, the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/putins-big-mistake" style="color: #0000ff">Party of Crooks and Thieves</a></span>”. When these efforts contributed to mass protest against electoral fraud, Navalny was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-16324644" style="color: #0000ff">at the fore</a></span>. Addressing an unprecedented crowd in 2011, he said, “I see enough people here to take the Kremlin and [Government House] right now but we are peaceful people and won’t do that just yet.”

He joined the movement’s Coordination Council and forged ties across the diverse opposition with the goal of reforming Putinism.

His canny use of social media has given thousands of Russians – both old and, especially, young – new insight and ways to protest against their government.
<h2>New model of opposition</h2>
Navalny drew on the resources of these protests – activists, themes, online fundraising strategies and new coalitions – to build an<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2983994" style="color: #0000ff">opposition strategy that links elections and a variety of forms of protest</a></span>. He brought together an impressive team of young activists who challenge the regime at every step of the election process, from party formation to candidate registration and vote counting.

Volunteers go door-to-door or accompany candidates to meet voters on their daily commutes or in apartment courtyards. They build temporary structures, called “cubes,” on busy streets, where they educate voters about policy. Campaign leaders urge activists to share online messages offline with those who do not use the internet.
<h2>New electoral technologies</h2>
When he fell ill, Navalny was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://meduza.io/en/feature/2020/08/20/before-he-became-violently-ill" style="color: #0000ff">campaigning on behalf of a new generation of local candidates</a></span>.

By demonstrating that Russian elections are little more than performances of the state’s capacity to manufacture votes, the Navalny team reveals the lack of choice and accountability in the system.

In summer 2019, this strategy led to significant protests after the regime barred almost all of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/moscows-municipal-elections-illustrate-the-growing-political-crisis-in-russia-123262" style="color: #0000ff">opposition candidates in Moscow’s municipal elections</a></span>. When the government cracked down on pro-democracy demonstrators, Navalny’s team built a web-based way to identify any candidate who shared its values and urged voters to support that candidate – even if the candidate was in a party that they detested.

Recent work by political scientists<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1796386" style="color: #0000ff">Mikhail Turchenko and Grigorii Golosov</a></span><span> </span>demonstrate that Navalny’s “Smart Vote” strategy made a real difference in Russias’s 2019 local elections, helping to defeat nearly a third of Putin-aligned candidates in Moscow. Navalny’s team was gearing up to do the same thing in the September 2020 vote.
<h2>Social media innovation</h2>
Navalny’s creative use of new media is not limited to pothole repairs and voting apps. Beginning in 2006, he wrote a popular blog on the Live Journal social networking service. When the Kremlin shut down his blog in 2012, he reinvented his social media presence.

The Anti-Corruption Foundation produced a short film, “<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qrwlk7_GF9g"><span style="color: #0000ff">Don’t Call Him Dimon</span></a>,” that lampooned former President and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev by showing his vast sneaker collection and flying a drone over his duck pond. Like ducks,<span> </span><a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/russia-s-protests-explained-why-rubber-ducks-sneakers-are-demonstrations-n738891"><span style="color: #0000ff">sneakers became symbols</span></a><span> </span>of the opposition. The expose revealed the myth of Medvedev as an honest leader.

The exposes have continued on Navalny’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCgxTPTFbIbCWfTR9I2-5SeQ" style="color: #0000ff">YouTube channel</a></span>. His broadcasts have probed Russian intervention in U.S. elections, the Kremlin’s failure to provide COVID-19 relief and rigged Russian elections. These stories challenge the narrative presented in Russian state media, combating the regime’s systematic disinformation campaign.
<figure><figcaption><span class="caption"></span></figcaption></figure>
<h2>Inspiring a new generation</h2>
Navalny’s efforts have captured the imagination of young Russians and demonstrated the effects of generational change. Following “Don’t Call Him Dimon,”<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/27/world/europe/in-protests-kremlin-fears-a-young-generation-stirring.html" style="color: #0000ff">tens of thousands of young people took to the streets</a></span>, shocking a country that believed Putin’s opposition was played out. Months later,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14742837.2018.1483228" style="color: #0000ff">they flocked to join</a></span><span> </span>Navalny’s presidential campaign organization.

Navalny knew the dangers of being the face of opposition to the Putin regime. The day before he fell ill, he<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://news.yahoo.com/death-wouldnt-help-putin-kremlin-163240580.html" style="color: #0000ff">joked with young supporters</a></span><span> </span>that his death would do more harm to the Kremlin than his activism.

It’s clear that Russians – who have taken to Twitter to urge him to hold on – don’t want to test that hypothesis.

</div>

<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-alexei-navalny-revolutionized-opposition-politics-in-russia-before-his-apparent-poisoning-144830" style="color: #0000ff">How Alexei Navalny revolutionized opposition politics in Russia, before his apparent poisoning</a></span>"</strong>

<span>[h5p id="100"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="101"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="102"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="103"]</span>

<hr />

<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span>: </span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/russia-1376" style="color: #0000ff">Russia</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/vladimir-putin-6680" style="color: #0000ff">Vladimir Putin</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/kremlin-15037" style="color: #0000ff">Kremlin</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/alexei-navalny-26376" style="color: #0000ff">Alexei Navalny</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/dmitry-medvedev-41326" style="color: #0000ff">Dmitry Medvedev</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/united-russia-75976" style="color: #0000ff">United Russia</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/russian-opposition-76197" style="color: #0000ff">Russian opposition</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Smyth, R. (2020, August 21). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-alexei-navalny-revolutionized-opposition-politics-in-russia-before-his-apparent-poisoning-144830" style="color: #0000ff">How Alexei Navalny revolutionized opposition politics in Russia, before his apparent poisoning</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1163</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 09:19:24]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 14:19:24]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:49:05]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:49:05]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[1163]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>41</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[6a. "Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/planned-social-media-regulations-set-a-dangerous-precedent/</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 14:37:34 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1168</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/planned-social-media-regulations-set-a-dangerous-precedent-155844" style="color: #0000ff">Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent</a></span>"</h1>
Free expression is an incredibly complex issue to regulate.

Limiting speech invites self-censorship by speakers and could set the stage for the erosion of other fundamental rights.

In contrast, completely free expression can leave vulnerable populations victimized through hate speech.

The balance between the two impulses is incredibly difficult.

In his article, "Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent," the author Vivek Krishnamurthy discusses the perils of regulating social media in Canada as well as the bad precedent it set for more authoritarian countries with poor track records of protecting human rights.

If democratic countries like Canada limit free speech, how much more narrow will it be in countries governed by authoritarian regimes?

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/planned-social-media-regulations-set-a-dangerous-precedent-155844" style="color: #0000ff">Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent</a></span></h2>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Vivek Krishnamurthy, <em>The Conversation</em>, <span>March 15, 2021 2:45pm EDT</span>  </span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the federal government prepares</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-officials-revising-plan-to-regulate-social-media-in-light-of/" style="color: #0000ff">to introduce legislation to regulate content on social media</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, Canadians have reason to be concerned about the effectiveness of its approach and the poor example we are about to set for countries that don’t share our commitment to human rights.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Heritage Minister Steven Guilbeault</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-officials-revising-plan-to-regulate-social-media-in-light-of/" style="color: #0000ff">has hinted in recent weeks that Canada’s forthcoming legislation will be modelled after Germany’s NetzDG law</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The law allows for social media companies to be fined up to 50 million euros for failing to remove</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-40444354" style="color: #0000ff">what the legislation calls “obviously illegal” content</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from their sites within 24 hours of being notified.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The details of the government’s approach remain unknown since no meaningful public consultations were held about the development or drafting of this legislation. What we do know about the upcoming bill should concern all Canadians for at least two reasons.</span>
<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody">
<h2>‘Lawful but awful’</h2>
The first is that it won’t be effective in dealing with the bulk of the harmful content we find on the internet today.

Social media companies are not perfect at removing content that violates Canadian law, such as child sexual exploitation material or terrorist propaganda, but they’ve improved considerably in recent years. Where they struggle, however, is in dealing with “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.marketplace.org/2020/09/28/internet-lability-law-section-230-social-media-twitter-facebook-congress-trump/" style="color: #0000ff">lawful but awful</a></span>” content that is legal under the laws of most democracies, including Canada’s, but is known to create real-world harm.

Consider the vast amounts of pandemic-related misinformation on YouTube and Facebook, or the casually racist or misogynistic memes that populate many Instagram feeds.

<a href="https://theconversation.com/stop-outsourcing-the-regulation-of-hate-speech-to-social-media-114276"></a>The broad protections that Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms provide for the right to free expression makes it difficult for governments to ban such content outright, or to even restrict the expression of such harmful and distasteful ideas in public spaces. Correspondingly, a new law that seeks to penalize technology companies for failing to promptly remove illegal material will only scratch the surface of the problems with harmful content online.

More troubling, however, is the example that the forthcoming legislation will set for countries that don’t share our respect for human rights.

Authoritarian governments around the world are adopting social media laws that are similar to the one set to be unveiled here in Canada. Those laws impose draconian penalties on social media companies that fail to take down content that is illegal under national laws.

The problem, however, is that the laws in many authoritarian countries criminalize forms of expression that are protected under international human rights law, from voices dissenting against the regime in power to the cultural and religious expression of minority communities.

<a href="https://globalnetworkinitiative.org/pakistan-unlawful-online-content-rules/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pakistan provides a stark example</span></a><span> </span>of this trend. Last year, the country enacted a law strikingly similar to what Ottawa is considering, but in the context of a legal system where<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-pakistan-blasphemy-idUSKBN25Z29L" style="color: #0000ff">blasphemy can be punished by death</a></span><span> </span>and where it’s a crime to violate “religious, cultural or ethnic sensibilities.”

In Poland, the increasingly authoritarian government of Andrzej Duda also introduced<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://richard-wingfield.medium.com/poland-draft-law-on-the-protection-of-freedom-of-speech-on-online-social-networking-sites-ce8815d3f85c" style="color: #0000ff">similar legislation in parliament last month</a></span>, while Victor Orban’s administration in Hungary<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hungary-media-regulations-idUSKBN29N1BV" style="color: #0000ff">is also reported to be considering legislating a similar measure</a></span>.
<h2>Internet at risk</h2>
Canadians should be concerned about the enactment of such laws in faraway places not only because we value human rights, but because this type of legislation puts the future of a global internet at risk.

As governments seek to regulate the online sphere according to their own peculiar national laws — regardless of whether those laws comply with international human rights standards — there is a risk that the internet will splinter into a series of national networks. That has profound implications for all of us.

Against this bleak international backdrop, Canada needs to think carefully about our approach to regulating online harm. Rather than going it alone by seeking to enforce laws aimed at social media companies, Canada should work with other rights-respecting democracies to develop a multilateral approach to addressing harmful online content.
<figure class="align-right zoomable"></figure>
This is precisely what was done to deal with terrorist and violent extremist content online following the 2019 Christchurch massacre, when a coalition of governments led by New Zealand and France worked with industry and civil society stakeholders to devise the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.christchurchcall.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Christchurch Call to Action</a></span>.

A multilateral approach grounded in the shared language of human rights can help keep the internet free and open while moderating its worst excesses. It will also deny authoritarians around the world of the argument that what’s good for Canada is good for them too.

</div>

<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/planned-social-media-regulations-set-a-dangerous-precedent-155844" style="color: #0000ff">Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent</a></span>"</strong>

<span>[h5p id="104"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="105"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="106"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="107"]</span>

<hr />

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/facebook-108" style="color: #0000ff">Facebook</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/social-media-109" style="color: #0000ff">Social media</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/pakistan-511" style="color: #0000ff">Pakistan</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/twitter-927" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/hungary-1451" style="color: #0000ff">Hungary</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/poland-1452" style="color: #0000ff">Poland</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/whatsapp-8373"><span style="color: #0000ff">WhatsApp</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/social-media-regulation-63236" style="color: #0000ff">Social media regulation</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/tiktok-64619" style="color: #0000ff">TikTok</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Krishnamurthy, V. (2021, March 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/planned-social-media-regulations-set-a-dangerous-precedent-155844" style="color: #0000ff">Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1168</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 09:37:34]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 14:37:34]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 20:06:25]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 01:06:25]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[planned-social-media-regulations-set-a-dangerous-precedent]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>43</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5d. "Why Indian farmers’ protests are being called a ‘satyagraha’ – which means ‘embracing the truth’" (Short news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/chapter/why-indian-farmers-protests-are-being-called-a-satyagraha-which-means-embracing-the-truth-short-news-article/</link><pubDate>Wed, 08 Dec 2021 00:50:24 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1309</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Introduction to the article "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-indian-farmers-protests-are-being-called-a-satyagraha-which-means-embracing-the-truth-155101" style="color: #0000ff">Why Indian farmers’ protests are being called a ‘satyagraha’ – which means ‘embracing the truth’</a></span>"</h1>
Non-violent protest has a long history.

Clearly one of the most important figures in this type of protest is Mahatma Gandhi, a leader in the Indian nationalist movement.

In his article, "Why Indian farmers’ protests are being called a ‘satyagraha’ – which means ‘embracing the truth’," the author Sumit Ganguly discusses the long lineage of protest from Gandhi to today's India's farmer movement.

<hr />

<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-indian-farmers-protests-are-being-called-a-satyagraha-which-means-embracing-the-truth-155101" style="color: #0000ff">Why Indian farmers’ protests are being called a ‘satyagraha’ – which means ‘embracing the truth’</a></span></h2>
Sumit Ganguly, <em>The Conversation</em>, February 17, 2021 8:20am EST

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For the past few months, farmers protesting in India’s capital, New Delhi, have been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/indian-farmers-are-a-powerful-force-in-indian-politics-and-heres-why-their-protests-matter-154537" style="color: #0000ff">demanding the repeal of three farm laws</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">that were passed last year. These largely peaceful protests have been referred to as a “satyagraha” by many in the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://countercurrents.org/2020/12/farmers-protest-a-national-satyagraha/" style="color: #0000ff">Indian media</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nationalheraldindia.com/national/peaceful-satyagraha-of-farmers-in-national-interest-rahul-gandhi" style="color: #0000ff">politicians</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/adopting-satyagraha-farmers-protest-should-go-on-patkar-7168259/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">activists</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://polisci.indiana.edu/about/faculty/ganguly-sumit.html" style="color: #0000ff">political scientist</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">who writes on Indian politics and society, I argue that the choice of this word, which means “embracing the truth,” is important to note.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It evokes a long political history that goes back to the Indian nationalist movement against British rule.</span>
<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody">
<h2>The first satyagraha</h2>
In 1917, Mahatma Gandhi, one of the leading icons of the Indian nationalist movement,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-the-royal-asiatic-society/article/abs/champaran-and-gandhi-planters-peasants-and-gandhian-politics-by-jacques-pouchepadass-pp-xxii-277-oxford-new-delhi-oxford-university-press-1999/1601CFED25679B1F58B19368A1FDA030#" style="color: #0000ff">started a political protest</a></span><span> </span>in the village of Champaran in what is today the eastern state of Bihar.

The movement was on behalf of poor farmers who had been forced to grow indigo used in the making of dyes. The British colonial authorities who saw this as a lucrative trade coerced the farmers into growing the crop even as they were poorly paid. If the farmers refused, they were heavily taxed.

Gandhi<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-the-royal-asiatic-society/article/abs/champaran-and-gandhi-planters-peasants-and-gandhian-politics-by-jacques-pouchepadass-pp-xxii-277-oxford-new-delhi-oxford-university-press-1999/1601CFED25679B1F58B19368A1FDA030#" style="color: #0000ff">organized a nonviolent protest</a></span><span> </span>on behalf of the farmers. That was when the word satyagraha was used for the first time in the context of a political protest.

The use of this form of protest was both ethical and instrumental. The moral dimension sprang from Gandhi’s convictions. The practical element had to do with the realization that violence against the might of the British colonial empire was counterproductive.

Gandhi had first arrived at the idea of using nonviolent protest as a tactic in his<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=26014" style="color: #0000ff">early years as a lawyer</a></span><span> </span>in South Africa, where he was concerned with the maltreatment of the Indian community under British rule.

The<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://baraza.cdrs.columbia.edu/satyagrah/" style="color: #0000ff">concept of satyagraha</a></span><span> </span>was in turn<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/23607222?seq=1" style="color: #0000ff">drawn from his extensive reading</a></span><span> </span>of the works of the British poet and social critic John Ruskin, the Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy and the American philosopher Henry David Thoreau.

Gandhi melded their ideas into what he had learned from the ancient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/aid-to-dying-what-jainism-one-of-indias-oldest-religions-teaches-us-60828" style="color: #0000ff">Jain faith</a></span><span> </span>about the concept of “ahimsa,” which involves minimizing harm to all living beings.
<h2>Dandi march</h2>
In Gandhi’s view, and that of his followers, satyagraha involved a passionate commitment to nonviolent civil disobedience. To that end, he and his followers not only shunned all violence but steadfastly fought against social injustices.

Gandhi used the concept effectively in a protest against the colonial salt tax laws.
<figure class="align-center zoomable"><figcaption><span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/GandhiSaltSatyagraha/52761c42bc874cd0a1c843e40722995e/photo?Query=dandi%20AND%20march&amp;mediaType=photo&amp;sortBy=&amp;dateRange=Anytime&amp;totalCount=15&amp;currentItemNo=10"></a></span></figcaption></figure>
The Salt Law under colonial rule had prohibited the private production of salt, forcing Indians to buy this vital dietary staple at high market prices set by the British.

In 1931, Gandhi<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://oxford.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195672039.001.0001/acprof-9780195672039-chapter-9" style="color: #0000ff">organized a march that went across much of the country</a></span><span> </span>to the seaside town of Dandi, in the western state of Gujarat. In a gesture of defiance to the Salt Law, Gandhi and his followers picked up natural salt from the beach as a way to demonstrate that they had a right to produce their own salt.

The British colonial authorities met this resistance with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/On_the_Salt_March.html?id=5BtuAAAAMAAJ" style="color: #0000ff">considerable violence</a></span><span> </span>and imprisoned Gandhi along many of the protesters. However, Gandhi and his supporters refused to back down. They conceded that they had broken the law by collecting salt from the seashore and were prepared to suffer the legal consequences.

The memories of this episode have become part and parcel of the history and folklore of the Indian nationalist movement. Accordingly, it is hardly surprising that the protesting farmers embraced the concept of satyagraha as part of their protests.

For over six months they have led protests as a tactic and have steadfastly refused to budge from their principal demands, which involve repealing the three new farm laws that the Indian Parliament passed in September 2020 which, if implemented, would dramatically<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/27/world/asia/india-farmer-protest.html#:%7E:text=The%20demonstrators%20are%20demanding%20that,and%20private%20investment%2C%20bringing%20growth." style="color: #0000ff">cut back on government support</a></span><span> </span>for agriculture and move farmers toward an open national market.

Farmers fear these drastic changes and, despite<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/india-farms-protests/indian-farmers-agree-to-meet-government-over-contentious-farm-laws-idUSKBN2900EM" style="color: #0000ff">government entreaties</a></span><span> </span>as well as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.vox.com/22279960/modi-india-rihanna-farmer-protests" style="color: #0000ff">crackdowns</a></span>, they have refused to budge.

</div>

<hr />

<h2>Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-indian-farmers-protests-are-being-called-a-satyagraha-which-means-embracing-the-truth-155101" style="color: #0000ff">Why Indian farmers’ protests are being called a ‘satyagraha’ – which means ‘embracing the truth’</a></span>"</strong> <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-indian-farmers-protests-are-being-called-a-satyagraha-which-means-embracing-the-truth-155101" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>

<span>[h5p id="108"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="109"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="110"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="111"]</span>

<hr />

<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span>: </span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/protest-544" style="color: #0000ff">Protest</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/farmers-5802" style="color: #0000ff">Farmers</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/gandhi-12850" style="color: #0000ff">Gandhi</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/civil-disobedience-23287"><span style="color: #0000ff">Civil disobedience</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/non-violence-43487" style="color: #0000ff">Non violence</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/short-reads-45182" style="color: #0000ff">Short reads</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/religion-and-society-72761" style="color: #0000ff">Religion and society</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/indian-farmers-97566" style="color: #0000ff">Indian farmers</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Ganguly, S. (2021, February 17). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-indian-farmers-protests-are-being-called-a-satyagraha-which-means-embracing-the-truth-155101" style="color: #0000ff">Why Indian farmers’ protests are being called a ‘satyagraha’ – which means ‘embracing the truth’</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1309</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-07 19:50:24]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-08 00:50:24]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-14 19:50:26]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-15 00:50:26]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[why-indian-farmers-protests-are-being-called-a-satyagraha-which-means-embracing-the-truth-short-news-article]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>41</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview1-ORIGINAL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=45</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:31:42 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=45</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: 1. Introduction to Law</span></strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-1.wav"][/audio]
<ul>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Description</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: how law emerged to structure society; history of the <em>person</em> in law and human rights</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Rationale</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: provide a broad context on law, human rights, and </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">technology for students who may be new to </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">these topics; </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">demonstrate how law broadened to include new rights for more diverse </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">groups</span></li>
</ul>
<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">
<h2><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Learning Objectives: </strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">1. Introduction to Law</strong></h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Recall how law emerged to govern and structure society</li>
 	<li>Explain the history of, and rationale for, the legal <em>person</em></li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners explore the basics of law as well as the rise of human rights and legal personhood. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an understanding of the basics of law as a means to shape society.</span>

<strong>Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Short written post)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>45</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:31:42]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:31:42]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 12:00:02]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 16:00:02]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-1__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647273602]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-1]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview2-ORIGINAL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=50</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:35:56 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=50</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: </span></strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">2. Democracy/Tech</strong></h2>
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<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: the origins of democracy and authoritarianism; contrast democracy versus authoritarianism; the technical, communicative, and societal benefits of the internet</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide a broad political/governance context for human rights, technology, democracy, and authoritarianism; resurface the idea of the internet as a promising tool for communicating information; set the stage for a later discussion of social media as a problematic tool for disinformation</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 2</strong><strong>: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>50</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:35:56]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:35:56]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 12:05:56]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 16:05:56]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-2__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647273956]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-2]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview3-ORIGINAL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=54</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:40:38 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=54</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: </span></strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">3. (Dis)information</strong></h2>
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<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: introduce knowledge and epistemology; chronicle the emergence of disinformation and fake news; contrast data, information, disinformation, and fake news; introduce rhetoric as a means of persuasion</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: define information terms; provide historical context for current online informational challenges</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 3: Information vs. Disinformation (Short written post)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>54</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:40:38]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:40:38]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 12:07:32]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 16:07:32]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[54__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647274052]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[54]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview4-ORIGINAL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=57</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:44:26 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=57</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Overview:</strong> <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">4. Digital Advocacy</strong></h2>
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<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: review human rights mobilization before the mass penetration of the internet; analyze social media’s emergence and impact on North American human rights</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: demonstrate different human rights efforts before the internet; extend a historical discussion of human rights mobilization from the past as well as into the present and future</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 4</strong><strong>: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>57</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:44:26]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:44:26]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 12:09:19]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 16:09:19]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-4__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647274159]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-4]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview5-ORIGINAL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=59</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:46:37 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=59</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Overview: </strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">5. Art/Social Media</strong></h2>
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<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: examine historical uses of art for advocacy (e.g., politics, rights); provide examples of social media as a tool against oppression</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide examples of social media use for advocacy; provide students with examples for their own prospective artistic or advocacy classwork</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 5: Political Art / Online Advocacy (Short written post)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>59</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:46:37]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:46:37]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 12:10:57]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 16:10:57]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-5__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647274257]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-5]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview6-ORIGINAL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=61</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:48:57 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=61</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Overview: </strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">6. Predictions-Into the Future</strong></h2>
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<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: summarize thoughts on the future of human rights, social media, and their intersection in the fight against oppression; students complete their final Artistic Project or Social Media Advocacy Campaign</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: speculate on future trends in human rights, social media, and governance</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 6: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign (Final Project)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>61</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:48:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:48:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 12:14:18]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 16:14:18]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-6__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647274458]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-6]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Introduction to Law"-URL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=63</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:55:17 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=63</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/1a.Book-Randall-FundamentalsOfBusinessLaw-Ch1-IntroToLawAndTypesOfLegalSystems20pp.pdf">1a.Book-Randall-FundamentalsOfBusinessLaw-Ch1-IntroToLawAndTypesOfLegalSystems=20pp</a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>63</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:55:17]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:55:17]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:47:28]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:47:28]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[63__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647269248]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[63]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Digital Culture And Social Media"-URL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=68</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:58:09 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=68</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/2a.Book-Poepsel-MediaSocietyCultureAndYou-Ch2-DigitalCultureAndSocialMedia17pp.pdf">2a.Book-Poepsel-MediaSocietyCultureAndYou-Ch2-DigitalCultureAndSocialMedia=17pp</a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>68</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:58:09]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:58:09]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:49:14]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:49:14]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[book-poepsel-media-society-culture-and-you-ch2-digital-culture-and-social-media17pp__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647269354]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[book-poepsel-media-society-culture-and-you-ch2-digital-culture-and-social-media17pp]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Information"-URL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=71</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 16:01:31 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=71</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/3a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch8-Information26pp.pdf">3a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch8-Information=26pp</a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>71</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 11:01:31]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 16:01:31]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:51:17]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:51:17]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[daly-book-humans-r-social-media-ch8-information26pp__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647269477]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[daly-book-humans-r-social-media-ch8-information26pp]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Activism"-URL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=74</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 16:06:46 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=74</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/4a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch6-Activism35pp.pdf">4a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch6-Activism=35pp</a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>74</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 11:06:46]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 16:06:46]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:53:31]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:53:31]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[daly-book-humans-r-socialmedia-ch6-activism35pp__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647269611]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[daly-book-humans-r-socialmedia-ch6-activism35pp]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Equity" and "MeToo and Twitter"-URL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=77</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 16:07:47 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=77</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/5a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch5-EquityMeTooTwitter46pp.pdf">5a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch5-Equity,MeTooTwitter=46pp</a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>77</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 11:07:47]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 16:07:47]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:55:02]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:55:02]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[daly-book-humans-r-social-media-ch5-equity-metoo-twitter46pp__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647269702]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[daly-book-humans-r-social-media-ch5-equity-metoo-twitter46pp]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Theorizing The Future"-URL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=80</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 16:08:29 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=80</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/6a.Book-Faltesek-NewMediaFutures-Ch1-TheorizingTheFuture24pp.pdf">6a.Book-Faltesek-NewMediaFutures-Ch1-TheorizingTheFuture=24pp</a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>80</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 11:08:29]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 16:08:29]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:57:22]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:57:22]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[book-faltesek-new-media-futures-ch1-theorizing-the-future24pp-pdf__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647269842]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[book-faltesek-new-media-futures-ch1-theorizing-the-future24pp-pdf]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1.Quiz]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=84</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 16:18:40 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=84</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[h5p id="1"]

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<h2 class="p2">1.1 Introduction to Law and Types of Legal Systems</h2>
<h3 class="p3">LEARNING OBJECTIVES</h3>
<ol>
 	<li class="p4">Understand the nature and sources of law.</li>
 	<li class="p4">Know the types of modern legal systems in the world.</li>
 	<li class="p4">Understand the various functions of a legal system.</li>
 	<li class="p4">Learn the primary sources of law in the United States.</li>
</ol>
<p class="p4">It is important for business people to understand the legal environment in which they are operating. To be successful, businesses must understand how law and economic principles influence each other. Businesses want to be successful, which usually means they want to be pro7table. While a basic economic principle is that businesses act in their own self-interest, they must do so within the parameters of the law. Sometimes businesses weigh the penalties of violating the law against the chances of getting caught to determine how they should behave. In both instances, the law is a restraint on behavior.</p>
<p class="p4">Most people want to conduct their business legally. Following the rules saves money, time, and frustration, and it preserves individual and professional reputations. So, if businesses have</p>
<p class="p4" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 4</em></p>


<hr />
<p class="p1">an incentive to operate legally, why are do so many legal disputes occur? There are many reasons for this, including that many of our laws are poorly written, and reasonable people may disagree about what is “right.” Legal injuries happen even under the best of circumstances, and parties need a method to be compensated for their damages.</p>
<p class="p1">A common theme in the study of law is responsibility. Law seeks to answer the questions:</p>

<ol>
 	<li class="p1">Who is responsible, and what is their liability? and</li>
 	<li class="p1">How does a business limit exposure to liability in the first place?</li>
</ol>
<p class="p1">A solid understanding of business law minimizes the risk of liability and avoids legal disputes. The law provides a reasonable expectation of how things will be in the future based on how they have been in the past. It provides predictability and stability.</p>
<p class="p1">This book does not teach how to practice law or conduct legal research. The goals of this book are practical. Think about studying business law as a map by which to navigate business dealings. We want to help you minimize the risk of legal liability and avoid serious legal disputes. This book serves as an introduction to legal topics that affect businesses. By understanding the legal landscape, you will have a better opportunity for business success.</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">Counselor’s Corner</span></strong> Even if a business is not officially “international,” it is important to understand the legal systems of the world because consumers come from all over. Consumers, business partners,</div>
<p class="p2" style="text-align: right"><em>5 | Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems</em></p>


<hr />

<div class="textbox shaded">
<p class="p1">and competitors are products of their environments, including their societies and legal systems.</p>
<p class="p1">Therefore, their expectations and how they interact with each other are influenced directly by their legal systems of origin. The most successful businesses take this into account. Not only for avoiding legal liability, but also for enhanced consumer satisfaction.</p>
<p class="p1" style="text-align: right">~Arham M.,</p>
<p class="p1" style="text-align: right">attorney</p>

</div>
<h2 class="p2">1.2 What Is Law and What Functions Does It Serve?</h2>
<p class="p1">Law is the system of rules which a particular nation or community recognizes as regulating the actions of its members and which it may enforce by the imposition of penalties. In a nation, the law can serve to (1) keep the peace, (2) maintain the status quo, (3) preserve individual rights, (4) protect minorities, (5) promote social justice, and (6) provide for orderly social change. Some legal systems serve these purposes better than others.</p>
<p class="p1">Although a nation ruled by an authoritarian government may keep the peace and maintain the status quo, it may also oppress minorities or political opponents (e.g., China, Zimbabwe, or Syria). Under colonialism, European nations often imposed peace in nations whose borders were created by those same European nations. With regard to the functions of the law, the empires may have kept the peace—largely with</p>
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<hr />
<p class="p1">force—but they changed the status quo and seldom promoted the native peoples’ rights or social justice.</p>
<p class="p1">In nations with various ethnic and tribal groups, it is often difficult for a single, united government to rule effectively. In Rwanda, for example, power struggles between Hutus and Tutsis resulted in the genocide of the Tutsi minority. In nations of the former Soviet Union, the withdrawal of a central power created power vacuums that were exploited by local leaders. When Yugoslavia broke up, the different ethnic groups—Croats, Bosniaks, and Serbs—fought bitterly rather than share power. In Iraq and Afghanistan, the blending of different groups of families, tribes, sects, and ethnic groups into an effective national governing body continues to be a challenge.</p>
<p class="p1">These situations highlight the struggle of a nation to implement and maintain the Rule of Law. The Rule of Law is a system in which laws are public knowledge, are clear in meaning, and apply equally to everyone. These systems uphold national political and civil liberties. Rule of law systems establish authority, create expectations for behavior, and establish redress for grievances and penalties for deviance. Governance of conflict and the attainment of peace among the governed are its primary goals. One of the greatest benefits of the Rule of Law is that it allows people to understand what is expected of them.</p>
<p class="p1">The United States is a Rule of Law System. The US Constitution is based on the principle that people have rights that cannot be taken away by the government. Instead, the role of the government is to protect the individual rights of its citizens. The US Constitution’s preamble states, “We the People…in Order to…insure domestic Tranquility.” This is just one example of how the US legal system was established to address the functions of a legal system.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">1.3 Modern Legal Systems of the World</h2>
<p class="p2">There are four main legal systems in the modern world:</p>

<ol>
 	<li class="p2">Common law;</li>
 	<li class="p2">Civil law;</li>
 	<li class="p2">Religious law; and</li>
 	<li class="p2">Customary law/monarchy.</li>
</ol>
<p class="p2">As the world becomes more interdependent, a fifth category of legal systems has developed — the hybrid legal system, which is a legal system that is a combination of two or more legal systems.</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 8</em></p>


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<table style="border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%;height: 176px" border="0">
<tbody>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 25.963%;height: 15px"><strong>Type of Legal System</strong></td>
<td style="width: 74.037%;height: 15px"><strong>Characteristics</strong></td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 58px">
<td style="width: 25.963%;height: 58px">
<p class="p1">Common Law</p>
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;
<p class="p1">Civil Law</p>
</td>
<td style="width: 74.037%;height: 58px">
<p class="p1">• Written judicial decisions of appellate courts are</p>
<p class="p1">binding legal authority on lower courts when</p>
<p class="p1">interpreting and applying the same or similar</p>
<p class="p1">questions of law</p>
<p class="p1">• The legal system is adversarial</p>
<p class="p1">• The outcome of a case is often decided by a jury of</p>
<p class="p1">the parties’ peers</p>
&nbsp;
<p class="p1"> • All legal rules are in comprehensive legislative</p>
<p class="p1">enactments often called Codes</p>
<p class="p1">• Written judicial decisions of appellate courts are</p>
<p class="p1">not binding legal authority</p>
<p class="p1">• The legal system is inquisatorial</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 58px">
<td style="width: 25.963%;height: 58px">
<p class="p1">Religious Law</p>
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;
<p class="p1">Customary Law</p>
</td>
<td style="width: 74.037%;height: 58px">
<p class="p1">• Religious documents are used as legal sources</p>
<p class="p1">• All major world religions have a religious legal</p>
<p class="p1">system</p>
<p class="p1">• Most nations that have religious legal systems use</p>
<p class="p1">them to supplement a secular national system</p>
&nbsp;
<p class="p1">• Legal system used by a monarchy or tribe</p>
<p class="p1">• Grants specific legal powers to kings, queens,</p>
<p class="p1">sultans or tribal leaders as heads of state</p>
<p class="p1">• Monarchs and leaders often seen to be “above the</p>
<p class="p1">law”</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 25.963%;height: 15px"></td>
<td style="width: 74.037%;height: 15px"></td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 25.963%;height: 15px">Hybrid Law</td>
<td style="width: 74.037%;height: 15px">
<p class="p1">• Combination of 2 or more legal systems within a</p>
<p class="p1">nation</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 25.963%;height: 15px"></td>
<td style="width: 74.037%;height: 15px"></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<h3 class="p2">Common Law Systems</h3>
<p class="p3">The legal system in the United States comes from the English common law tradition and the US Constitution. English</p>
<p class="p1" style="text-align: right"><em>9 | Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems</em></p>


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<p class="p1">common law is a system that gives written judicial decisions the force of law. As a result, the US legal system recognizes an appellate court’s ability to interpret and apply the law to future litigants through precedent. Precedent is a judicial opinion that is considered legal authority for future cases involving the same or similar questions of law. The benefit of this system is consistency and resolution of disputes without requiring the parties to take legal matters to court.</p>
<p class="p1">A famous example of how precedent works is the US Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. In this landmark 1954 case, the Justices unanimously ruled that racial segregation of children in public schools is unconstitutional. Brown v. Board of Education is one of the cornerstones of the Civil Rights Movement and helped establish the precedent that “separate-but-equal” education and other services were not, in fact, equal at all. The case required all racially segregated public schools to integrate, not just in Topeka, Kansas. In addition, Brown has been cited as legal precedent in thousands of cases nationwide involving racial equality.</p>
<p class="p1">The common law legal system is adversarial. This means that the parties bring their cases to the court for resolution. The judge or jury hears the parties’ evidence and arguments before making a final decision. It is the parties’ burden to investigate the facts, argue the law, and present their best case. Judges and juries do not do independent investigations nor are they responsible for helping parties argue their cases. It is a party’s responsibility to raise all legal issues.</p>
<p class="p1">Another characteristic of common law systems is that cases are often decided by juries of the parties’ peers. In both civil and criminal matters, the parties usually have a right to have a jury pulled from local citizens to resolve the dispute. When a jury determines the outcome of a case, the judge acts as a “gatekeeper,” who decides what evidence and legal arguments</p>
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<p class="p1">the jury can properly consider. The judge ensures the parties receive a fair trial while the jury decides the outcome of the trial.</p>
<p class="p1">The common law tradition is unique to England, the United States, and former British colonies. Although there are differences among common law systems (e.g., whether judiciaries may declare legislative acts unconstitutional and how frequently juries may be used), all of them recognize the use of precedent, and none of them relies solely on the comprehensive, legislative codes that are prevalent in civil law systems.</p>

<h3 class="p2">Civil Law Systems</h3>
<p class="p1">Civil law systems were developed in Europe and are based on Roman and Napoleonic law. Civil law systems are also called code systems because all the legal rules are in one or more comprehensive legislative enactments. During Napoleon’s reign, a comprehensive book of laws—a code—was developed for all of France. The code covered criminal law and procedure, non-criminal law and procedure, and commercial law. The code is used to resolve only cases brought to the courts, which are usually decided by judges without a jury.</p>
<p class="p1">Civil law systems are inquisitorial systems in which judges actively investigate cases. Judges have the authority to request documents and testimony, as well as to shape the parties’ legal claims. In addition, judges are not required to follow the decisions of other courts in similar cases. The law is in the code, not in the cases. The legislature, not the courts, is the primary place to enact and modify laws.</p>
<p class="p1">Civil law systems are used throughout Europe, Central and South America, Asia and Africa. France, Germany, Holland,</p>
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<p class="p1">Spain, and Portugal had colonies outside of Europe, and many of these colonies adopted the legal practices that were imposed on them by colonial rule.</p>
<p class="p1">There are also communist and socialist legal systems that differ significantly from traditional civil law systems. Legal scholars debate whether this is a separate type of legal system or a subset of modern civil law systems. In a communist or socialist legal system, the nation has a code but most property is owned by the government or agricultural cooperatives. In addition, the judiciary is subservient to the Communist party and is not an independent branch of government.</p>

<h3 class="p2">Religious Law Systems</h3>
<p class="p1">Religious law systems arise from the sacred texts of religious traditions and usually apply to all aspects of life, including social and business relations. In religious legal systems, a religious document is used as a primary legal source. All major world religions–Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism–have a religious legal system. The Islamic legal system (Sharia) with Islamic jurisprudence (Fiqh) is the most widely used religious legal system in the world. Most nations that have religious legal systems use them to supplement their secular national system. Only Saudi Arabia (Islamic) and the Vatican (Christian) are pure theocracies that have only a religious legal system in their nations.</p>

<h3 class="p2">Customary Law Systems</h3>
<p class="p1">Customary legal systems are becoming increasingly less common. A customary system is used by a monarchy and grants specific legal powers to the kings, queens, sultans or</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 12</em></p>


<hr />
<p class="p1">tribal leaders as heads of state. A challenge of a customary system is that the ruler is seen to be “above the law” because the laws do not apply equally to the ruler and subjects. There are only a handful of monarchies remaining in the world, and most of them have evolved into hybrid legal systems or have adopted a different type of legal system.</p>

<h3 class="p2">Hybrid Law Systems</h3>
<p class="p1">Hybrid legal systems are a combination of two or more legal systems within a nation. India is a classic example of a nation with a hybrid legal system. As a former British colony, India has a common law legal system, which recognizes the power of the Supreme Court and High Courts to make binding judicial decisions as a form of precedent. However, most of its laws are integrated codes found in a Napoleonic code system. In addition, India has separate personal codes that apply to Muslims, Christians, and Hindus. As a result, India has a hybrid system made up of common law, civil law and religious law systems.</p>
<p class="p1">Figure 1.1 Legal Systems of the World Map</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>13 | Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems</em></p>


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<h2 class="p1">1.4 Sources of Law</h2>
<p class="p2">Where does law come from? How do individuals and businesses know right from wrong? Not all actions that are considered “wrong” or inappropriate are violations of the law. They simply may represent social norms. So what is the difference? There are two types of rules in our society—social norms and laws.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Social norms</strong> are the informal rules that govern behavior in groups and societies. Social norms and cultural expectations may be violated with negative social or professional consequences for doing so. However, no legal repercussions follow violating social norms alone.</p>
<p class="p2">Violations of law are different. Violating the law carries penalties, such as civil liability, fines, or loss of liberty. While it is optional to conform to social customs, people are compelled to obey the law under threat of penalty.</p>
<p class="p2">Laws are generally classified as public law or private law. <strong>Public law</strong> applies to everyone. It is law that has been created by a legitimate authority with the power to create law, and it applies to the people within its jurisdiction. In the United States, the lawmaking authority itself is also subject to those laws, because no one is “above” the law. If the law is violated, penalties may be levied against violators. Examples of public law include constitutions, criminal laws, and administrative laws. For example, if someone steals items from a store, the thief is violating public law. He committed the crime of theft which affects the community as a whole (not just the store owners), and the crime is defined in public legislation.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Private law</strong> is law that is binding on specific parties. For instance, parties to a contract are involved in a private law agreement. The terms of the contract apply to the parties of</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 14</em></p>


<hr />
<p class="p1">the contract but not anyone else. If the parties have a contract dispute, the terms of the contract and the remedy for breach will apply only to the parties of the contract. In addition to contracts, other examples of private law include tort and property laws. For example, if someone installs an industrial smoker on his property and the smoke creates a dense haze in the neighbor’s yard, there may be a violation of private law because the smoke is interfering with the neighbor’s right to peacefully enjoy one’s property.</p>
<p class="p1">Laws are also classified as civil or criminal. <strong>Civil law</strong> is usually brought by a private party against another private party. For example, one company decides to sue another for breach of contract. Or a customer sues a business when injured by the company’s product. Most laws affecting businesses are civil.</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Criminal law</strong> involves a governmental decision to prosecute someone for violating a criminal statute. If someone breaks a criminal law, he or she could lose their freedom (i.e. be sent to prison) or lose their life (i.e. if convicted of a capital offense). In a civil action, no one is sent to prison. Usually, liability results in the loss of property such as money or assets.</p>

<table style="border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%;height: 90px" border="0">
<tbody>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 17.3611%;height: 15px"></td>
<td style="width: 38.8888%;height: 15px">Civil</td>
<td style="width: 43.75%;height: 15px">Criminal</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 17.3611%;height: 15px">Source of Law</td>
<td style="width: 38.8888%;height: 15px">statute or common law</td>
<td style="width: 43.75%;height: 15px"> statutes defining crimes</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 17.3611%;height: 15px">Who files case?</td>
<td style="width: 38.8888%;height: 15px">business or individual suffering harm</td>
<td style="width: 43.75%;height: 15px">the government (e.g. District Attorney)</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 17.3611%;height: 15px">Burden of Proof</td>
<td style="width: 38.8888%;height: 15px">preponderance of evidence</td>
<td style="width: 43.75%;height: 15px">beyond a reasonable doubt</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 17.3611%;height: 15px">Remedy</td>
<td style="width: 38.8888%;height: 15px">damages, injunction, specific performance</td>
<td style="width: 43.75%;height: 15px">punishment (e.g. fine or imprisonment)</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 17.3611%;height: 15px">Purpose</td>
<td style="width: 38.8888%;height: 15px">provide compensation or private relief</td>
<td style="width: 43.75%;height: 15px">protect society</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p class="p1">Additionally, some law is procedural and some law is substantive. Procedural law describes the legal process and</p>
<p class="p2" style="text-align: right"><em>15 | Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems</em></p>


<hr />
<p class="p1">rules that are required and must be followed. For instance, parties who are sued in court must receive notice of the lawsuit before the court can impose judgment against them. <strong>Substantive law</strong> refers to the actual substance of the law or the merits of the claim, case, or action. Substantive law embodies the ideas of legal rights and duties and is captured by different sources of law, including the Constitution, statutes, and common law.</p>
<p class="p1">For example, if someone drives fifty-five miles per hour in a forty mile-per-hour zone, she has broken the substantive rule of law of the speed limit. However, how and what gets decided in court related to the speeding ticket is a matter of procedural law. For example, whether the driver is entitled to a hearing before a judge, whether she has a right to be represented by legal counsel, whether the hearing takes place within a certain amount of time after the ticket was issued, and what type of evidence can be presented are procedural law issues.</p>

<h3 class="p2">Sources of Law</h3>
<p class="p1">In the United States, our laws come primarily from:</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p1">Federal and state constitutions;</li>
 	<li class="p1">Statutory law from Congress, the state legislatures, and local legislative bodies;</li>
 	<li class="p1">Common law from federal and state appellate courts;</li>
 	<li class="p1">Administrative rules and regulations;</li>
 	<li class="p1">Treaties and conventions; and</li>
 	<li class="p1">Executive orders.</li>
</ul>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 16</em></p>


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<h4 class="p1">Constitutions</h4>
<p class="p2">The most fundamental law in the United States is the US Constitution, which is the supreme law of the nation. Any law that conflicts with it is void. The Constitution serves three important functions. First, it establishes the structure of our national government and identifies the powers of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Second, it defines the boundaries of each branch’s authority and creates “checks” on each branch by the other branches. For example, the president is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, but does not have the power to declare war. That duty falls to Congress. And, third, the Constitution guarantees civil liberties and individual rights.</p>
<p class="p2">The power granted to the federal government by the Constitution is limited. Any powers not expressly granted to the federal government by the Constitution are reserved to the states. This means that if the Constitution does not give the federal government power over a particular area, then the states regulate it.</p>
<p class="p2">The first ten amendments to the Constitution are known as the <strong>Bill of Rights</strong>. Despite the limited power granted to the federal government by the Constitution, the Bill of Rights protects certain individual civil rights and liberties from governmental interference. These rights include the freedom of speech and religion, the right to bear arms, and the rights of individuals who are suspected and accused of crimes.</p>
<p class="p2">Figure 1.2 Separation of Powers of the Federal Government</p>
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<hr />
<p class="p1">Each state also has its own constitution, which serves essentially the same function for the state government as the US Constitution serves for the federal government. Specifically, they establish limits of state government power, establish the organization and duties of the different branches of government at the state level, and protect fundamental rights of state citizens. This dual system of government in the United States is called federalism, which is a governance structure whereby the federal government and the state governments coexist through a shared power scheme.</p>
<p class="p1"><em>Figure 1.3 Separation of Powers of the State Governments</em></p>
<p class="p2" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 18</em></p>


<hr />

<h4 class="p1">Statutes</h4>
<p class="p2"><strong>Statutes</strong> are laws created by a legislative body. Congress is the federal legislative body, and each state also has its own legislative body. Almost all statutes are created by the same method. An idea for a new law is proposed in the legislature. This proposal is called a <strong>bill</strong>. The House of Representatives and Senate independently vote on a bill. If the majority of both chambers approves it, the bill is sent to the president or governor for approval. If the president or governor signs the bill, then it becomes a statute.</p>
<p class="p2">Local governments, such as counties, cities, and townships, may be authorized under a state constitution to create or adopt ordinances. An <strong>ordinance</strong> is a legislative act of a local</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>19 | Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems</em></p>


<hr />
<p class="p1">government entity. Examples of ordinances include building codes, zoning laws, and misdemeanors such as jaywalking.</p>

<h4 class="p2">Common Law</h4>
<p class="p1">Binding legal principles also come from the courts. When appellate courts decide a case, they may interpret and apply legal principles in a way that are binding on lower courts in the future. The process of applying a prior appellate decision to a case is called <strong>precedent</strong>. Simply put, precedent is when judges use past decisions to guide them. The benefit of precedent is that it makes the law predictable and furthers the rule of law by applying legal principles to the greater community, not just the parties to a lawsuit. Businesses value common law systems because they reduce the cost of business. For example, if a business is unsure of how its contract rights will be applied by the court, it can understand its rights by learning how courts interpreted similar contract provisions in past lawsuits. This allows businesses to assess their risks, determine their liability, and make rational business decisions without the expense of litigation.</p>

<h4 class="p2">Administrative Rules and Regulations</h4>
<p class="p1"><strong>Administrative law</strong> is the collection of rules and decisions made by agencies to 7ll in particular details missing from constitutions and statutes. For example, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) is the federal agency responsible for collecting national taxes and administering the Internal Revenue Code enacted by Congress. All businesses and individuals must follow the IRS rules and regulations about how to report, file, and pay applicable taxes that Congress levies. Congress passes</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 20</em></p>


<hr />
<p class="p1">statute defining “what” taxes need to be paid. The IRS adopts the rules about “how” those taxes are paid.</p>
<p class="p1">In the United States, many of the day-to-day regulation of businesses is done by administrative agencies. These agencies are created by the legislature to implement and enforce a particular statute. Agencies often report to the executive branch, but some are run by independent commissions. Legislative bodies give agencies the power to create rules and regulations that individuals and businesses must follow to comply with the statute. For example, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) was created to implement and enforce the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act.</p>

<h4 class="p2">Treaties and Conventions</h4>
<p class="p1">A <strong>treaty</strong> is a binding agreement between two nations. A <strong>convention</strong> is a binding agreement among a group of nations. In the US, a treaty or convention is generally negotiated by the executive branch. To be binding, the US Constitution requires the Senate to ratify treaties by a two-thirds vote. Once ratified, a treaty becomes part of federal law with the same weight and effect as a statute passed by the entire Congress. Therefore, treaties and conventions have equal standing as statutes in US law.</p>

<h4 class="p2">Executive Orders</h4>
<p class="p1">Article II, Section 1 of the US Constitution gives the president the power to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” Under this power, the president may issue <strong>executive orders</strong> requiring officials in the executive branch to perform their duties in a particular manner. State governors have the same</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>21 | Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems</em></p>


<hr />
<p class="p1">authority under state constitutions. Although they are not laws that apply directly to individuals and businesses, executive orders are important legal documents because they direct the government’s enforcement efforts.</p>
&nbsp;
<p class="p1"><strong>Hierarchy of Sources of Law</strong></p>

<table style="border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%" border="0">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="width: 10.0667%"><strong>Priority</strong></td>
<td style="width: 29.6353%"><strong>Source</strong></td>
<td style="width: 60.2979%"><strong>Comment</strong></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 10.0667%">1</td>
<td style="width: 29.6353%">Constitutions</td>
<td style="width: 60.2979%">Exist at both federal and state levels</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 10.0667%">2 (tie)</td>
<td style="width: 29.6353%">Statutes</td>
<td style="width: 60.2979%">Laws passed by the federal or state legislatures</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 10.0667%">2 (tie)</td>
<td style="width: 29.6353%">Treaties and Conventions</td>
<td style="width: 60.2979%">International agreements that have the same standing as statutes</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 10.0667%">4</td>
<td style="width: 29.6353%">Judicial Opinions</td>
<td style="width: 60.2979%">Court interpretation and application of constitutions, statutes, treaties, agency regulations, and executive orders</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 10.0667%">5</td>
<td style="width: 29.6353%">Agency Regulations</td>
<td style="width: 60.2979%">Rules and regulations adopted by administrative agencies at the federal, state, or local level</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 10.0667%">6</td>
<td style="width: 29.6353%">Executive Orders</td>
<td style="width: 60.2979%">Guidance from the president or governor to executive branch officials about how to perform their duty</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<h2 class="p2">1.5 Concluding Thoughts</h2>
<p class="p1">Understanding business law is essential to successfully running any type of business because a solid understanding of laws and regulations helps avoid liability and minimizes risk. In business, it is not enough to conduct business ethically. Knowledge of business law is essential to successful business practices. Ultimately, business people should be able to recognize legal issues, minimize liability exposure, and know when to consult an attorney.</p>
<p class="p1">Legal systems vary widely in their aims and in the way they</p>
<p class="p2" style="text-align: right"><em>Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems | 22</em></p>


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<p class="p1">resolve disputes. Common law systems are adversarial, use juries and adhere to precedent. Civil law systems are inquisatorial, do not use juries and do not recognize precedent. All major world religions have a legal system, although only two nations have a purely national religious system. Many nations have hybrid legal systems that combine two or more legal systems.</p>
<p class="p1">The legal system in the United States is composed of multiple jurisdictions at the local, state and federal levels. Local and state laws may not conflict with federal laws. Primary sources of law in the United States include constitutional law, statutory law, common law, administrative law, treaties, and executive orders.</p>
<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/1a.Book-Randall-FundamentalsOfBusinessLaw-Ch1-IntroToLawAndTypesOfLegalSystems20pp.pdf"><span style="color: #0000ff">1a.Book-Randall-FundamentalsOfBusinessLaw-Ch1-IntroToLawAndTypesOfLegalSystems=20pp</span></a>

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<p style="text-align: right"><em>23 | Introduction to Law &amp; Legal Systems</em></p>


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<h2><strong>Quiz on " 1. Introduction to Law and Types of Legal Systems"</strong>:</h2>
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<p class="p3">“<strong>The Internet is the first thing that humanity has </strong><strong>built that humanity doesn’t understand, the </strong><strong>largest experiment in anarchy that we have ever </strong><strong>had</strong>.” — Eric Schmidt, former executive chairman of Alphabet Inc.</p>

<h2 class="p3">Origin in Anarchy</h2>
<p class="p3">Until the end of 2017, Eric Schmidt was the executive chairman of Alphabet Inc. Alphabet emerged out of Google to become a large holding company that would manage Google and several related properties including YouTube and Calico (a biotech company). Schmidt has a Ph.D. in computer science from Berkeley. He serves on advisory boards for Khan Academy, an education company with strong ties to YouTube, and The Economist, a global news magazine with both digital and print products. Schmidt’s résumé suggests he is intellectually outstanding and that he cares about technology, education and the mass media. If one of the biggest brains of our time, and the former leader of one of the few corporations with direct influence on the way the internet is shaped, describes the internet as “anarchy,” it’s a good indication that things are in flux in the digital world.</p>
<p class="p3">Of course, we should analyze critically any statements coming from someone whose primary purpose it is to maximize profits for their company. At the time he made these statements, Schmidt was running Google. The loyalties of executive-level leaders presumably rest with the corporation that signs their checks and provides their stock options. Google has an interest in making you feel that the internet is a confusing place since their search engine is one solution to the confusion. (However, if you rely on autocomplete, Google’s suggestions may not only be confusing; they may even be morally reprehensible.)</p>
<p class="p3">Still, Schmidt’s characterization of the internet as a place of anarchy is accurate. And as we seek to define digital culture and to discuss the cultural relevance of social media in this chapter, we must recognize that there is no grand plan. The only constant in digital culture is change, which may sound cliché, but the underlying ICT structures shift so often that it can be difficult for cultural trends to take hold.</p>
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<p class="p1">Chapter 1 of this text defined society and culture in the context of the field of mass communication. It covered the distinction between interpersonal communication, organizational communication and mass communication, and then it delved deeper into concepts relating to mass communication. The purpose of the first chapter was to start a discussion about how evolving information and communication technologies (ICTs) can influence the mass media and contribute to social and cultural change in the process.</p>

<h2 class="p1">A Brief Overview</h2>
<p class="p1">If you are anticipating a roadmap of neat, organized plans for how the evolution of culture on digital platforms will unfurl, you’re gonna have a bad time. Instead, this chapter offers a brief, lively discussion of how we define digital culture and what we might expect from it as it emerges in online spaces, mobile apps and platforms.</p>
<p class="p1">Additionally, this chapter includes a breakdown of the roles social media platforms may play in influencing culture.</p>
<p class="p1">If you acknowledge that cultures have always been in [ux, then perhaps the concept of a digital culture emerging online amidst anarchy will look less like disruption and more like evolution (Spoiler Alert: Reveals the plot of The Last Jedi). However you classify it, the cultural impact of the merger of the mass media and digital networks is vast, and that is the topic of this chapter.</p>
<p class="p1">This chapter begins with a definition of “digital culture” that comes from the media studies portion of mass communication literature. Media studies refers to the broad category of academic inquiry analyzing and critiquing the mass media, its products, possible effects of messages and campaigns, and even media history. Chapter 2 then continues with a deeper discussion of identity in the digital age and covers privacy and surveillance as well as the praxis of digital culture as defined by scholars. The term “praxis” here refers to how a theory plays out in actual practice.</p>
<p class="p1">This chapter also identifies different levels of culture (a concept borrowed from anthropology) as they relate to cultural products reaching audiences through digital mass communication channels. In other words, we ultimately answer this question: If we take existing theory for describing the levels of culture and apply it to digital culture, what are some immediately recognizable traits?</p>
<p class="p1">Finally, social media are defined from a scholarly point of view with particular attention given to the cultural potential of digitally networked social platforms.</p>

<h2 class="p1">Digital Culture Defined</h2>
<p class="p1">Scholars argue whether we can understand what the spread of digital networks will mean for relatively well-established cultures in the tangible world, or predict with any certainty how cultures will evolve on digital platforms. There are two basic schools of thought. The first argues that existing cultures might find themselves essentially recreated in digital form as more and more life experiences, from the exciting to the mundane, play out in digital spaces. The second school of thought posits that the dominant digital culture emerging now is a separate culture unto itself.</p>
<p style="text-align: right"><em>Digital Culture and Social Media | 14</em></p>


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It seems likely that neither version of these imagined forms of digital culture will dominate; instead, we will likely see a combination of the two. Parts of existing culture will appear online as they do in the physical world and parts of digital culture will seem completely new, previously unfathomable because they could not or would not appear in the tangible world.
<p class="p1">Before we delve in with prognostications about where digital culture is headed, let us first define our terms. Digital culture refers to the knowledge, beliefs, and practices of people interacting on digital networks that may recreate tangible-world cultures or create new strains of cultural thought and practice native to digital networks.</p>
<p class="p1">For example, an online fandom and a real-world fan club are both made up of people who are geographically separated but share a common interest. If a fan club were to “go online,” networked communication platforms might make the experience better than it was in the physical world. Before the advent of the internet, most fan clubs produced a newsletter, offered connections with pen pals, and provided early opportunities to buy tickets and merchandise. Online, fans can create deeper relationships with one another. They can connect and communicate on official channels or make their own unofficial groups where they need not communicate through a central authority or gatekeeper. Fan and star interactions can be direct, one-on-one interactions on multiple social media channels. There may be an official, organized fan group, but many other avenues can appear on relatively open platforms with few rules.</p>
<p class="p1">The cultural product at the core of a fandom might still be a “legacy media” product. Legacy media are any media platforms that existed prior to the development of massive digital networks. Yes, there are people who are “Instagram famous” or “YouTube” famous, but the biggest stars in our cultural world still have many ties to legacy media. Musicians, film stars and comic book heroes come to mind. What other types of “legacy media” stars have huge online fandoms?</p>
<p class="p1">Online fandoms may simultaneously expect less centralized authority over the fan experience and more direct access to their heroes. They often expect to see transparency during the creative process, such as Instagram or Twitter posts with “secret” messages for longtime followers or behind-the-scenes videos as albums and movies are made. Fandoms might demand to hear key information first or to have special access via social media.</p>
<p class="p1">Similar things could be said of fan clubs in the age of snail mail. Essential elements of the culture of fandom — gaining access to artists and finding friends in a community — have not changed as much in kind as they have in degree.</p>
<p class="p1">Is this an example of the transition of an existing cultural form (the fan club) to digital environments,</p>
<p style="text-align: right"><em>Digital Culture and Social Media | 15</em></p>


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or is online fandom something truly different from a snail mail fan club? This is a good question to debate in the classroom.
<p class="p1">It is worth noting that there are also niche fandoms that probably would not exist without the aid of digital networks. With virtually unlimited communication space, there is room for incredibly rarified fan groups to form on platforms such as Tumblr, and they are not always socially positive communities. In many cases of hyper-specific fandoms, it is difficult to argue that these cultures existed in the physical world and simply “moved online.” Being digitally networked is what makes it possible to find people with particularly narrow shared interests, for better and for worse.</p>

<h2 class="p1">Digital Dynamic</h2>
<p class="p1">Even with the presence of niche online groups, digital culture cannot currently be separated from the influence of physical-world cultures. We can say two things about the relationship between online and physical-world cultures at this time. First, the growth of interaction on digital networks influences “traditional” cultures. Second, longstanding cultural traditions are influencing digital culture as it takes shape. The ethics and norms established in the physical world shape our views about behavior and values in digital networks. The term norm refers to a behavioral standard. Mutual influences of what is considered “normal” in online behavior and well established physical world norms are emerging in a dynamic fashion. Sometimes they clash.</p>
<p class="p1">One example is online dating. Dating in real life (IRL) is changing as more and more people use dating apps and websites. Previously, dating was limited to the people you were likely to meet. You could meet friends of friends. You could meet people at school, at parties, at bars or on blind dates. Your options were limited geographically and by how outgoing you were, how much time you wanted to spend looking, and who you trusted to set you up. The personal ads in newspapers were often considered sad places for losers. Using a mass medium to find your true love was often considered a risky last resort.</p>
<p class="p1">When online dating first became available, it was often compared to posting and perusing digital personal ads. This was a cultural perception based on previous experiences, behavior and expectations from a pre-Internet culture.</p>
<p class="p1">Over the course of approximately ten years (1998-2008), what once was considered odd, creepy or desperate in many parts of the Western world came to be considered commonplace. Apps and sites like OkCupid, Tinder, Match.com and eHarmony have millions of users. Culturally, many of us have accepted this new digital form of dating. It’s not for everyone, but online dating does not carry the stigma it once did.</p>
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Even Tinder, which has a reputation as a “hook-up” app, maintains popularity and cultural significance as it is referenced often on other media platforms.
<p class="p1">Whatever it may be in a given culture, sexual morality still exists, even if new technologies make hooking up easier and new capabilities challenge old norms of what dating should be.</p>
<p class="p1">This is the dynamic at the heart of this chapter. Digital technology can influence knowledge, beliefs and especially practices around dating. This can, in turn, shape the way people think about dating in general, not just in digital environments. The “old” cultural norms and morals can still be applied to judge those who use digital apps for casual hookups, but the new culture can push back, so to speak, and change how people think about dating even if they never use dating apps themselves.</p>
<p class="p1">We have discussed how the digital culture and physical world culture dynamic functions, but we have not yet defined digital culture. For that, we must look to scholars who have spent years trying to pinpoint what emergent digital culture seems to be.</p>

<h2 class="p1">Individualization, Post-nationalism, and Globalization</h2>
<p class="p1">We turn to Mark Deuze, a scholar from the University of Amsterdam, for a complete definition. He seeks to provide a preliminary definition of “digital culture” in his 2006 article, “Participation, Remediation, Bricolage: Considering Principal Components of a Digital Culture.”</p>
<p class="p1">In his analysis of academic literature, Deuze finds that scholars often make assumptions when trying to explain how digital culture works. The main he identifies is the idea that culture moves to digital networks more or less intact. There was, a decade ago, a lack of explanation about what happens to culture in digital environments.</p>
<p class="p1">How much might culture change when certain practices move online? How often can existing cultural beliefs and expectations be transferred intact? Deuze does not think digital culture is merely a recreation of physical world culture in online spaces, but he does not have a good answer for what has been emerging. He analyzes independent media sites, blogs and radical online media outlets to see what these new forms of communication demonstrate about digital culture.</p>
<p class="p1">That these forms are not meant to represent all culture but rather a cultural vanguard. They are (or were) the tip of the spear of newly evolving digital cultures. These sites are often progressive politically, so this is not as much a prediction of what will happen with all digital culture as it is a discussion of what is possible. Deuze maintains that the real practice of digital culture is “an expression of individualization, post-nationalism, and globalization.”</p>

<h2 class="p2">Individualization</h2>
<p class="p1">Deuze finds individualization in blogs most frequently written by one person and focused on a specific topic or small geographical region. Individualism, as it is used here, refers not only to an individual’s ability to act as their own publisher online but also to a social condition in which individuals are free from government control. It means that even in authoritarian nations such as North Korea, Russia,</p>
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China and Iran that try to control the behavior of their citizens, individuals may seek freedom of expression on the internet, although it comes at a greater risk.
<p class="p1">Beyond Deuze’s observations, evidence of individualism online comes from partisan news sites such as The Drudge Report and HuffPost. Both are named for individual founders. They are digital mass media outlets that started largely as personal points of view.</p>
<p class="p1">The importance of individualized expression on social media is clear. We appear as individuals on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat and Tumblr. This increases our reach. Each of us can potentially connect with every other individual on a given social media platform, but these platforms also raise questions about surveillance and privacy.</p>

<h2 class="p2">Digital Individualism vs. Privacy</h2>
<p class="p1">Eric Schmidt once said about online privacy and Google, “If you have something that you don’t want anyone to know, maybe you shouldn’t be doing it in the first place.” While this might make sense in a free society, there are many places in the world — North Korea for example — where government surveillance can utilize corporate invasions of privacy to crack down on dissent and severely limit freedom.</p>
<p class="p1">Suppose someone living in North Korea would like to use a social media channel such as Twitter to connect with like-minded people without government officials finding out. Should Twitter protect those users? What if a state threatens legal action or violence against Twitter employees? Would social media channels give up their users?</p>
<p class="p1">There is a difference between government surveillance (that is, state-sanctioned data gathering and analysis on massive scales) and corporate data aggregation for targeted marketing purposes. Usually, by accepting the Terms and Conditions of apps and web services, you opt in to having your data stored, crunched and analyzed by corporations. Legally, you are responsible for that decision. Technically, the data gathering platform is not supposed to identify you as an individual, but so-called “safe harbor” laws can be ineffectual.</p>
<p class="p1">Should Google protect your searches and refuse to divulge information about your habits to governments, even if they share that data with other companies for marketing purposes? Should Google give you a way to hide your online activity? Is there a way for the liberty-loving Southeast Asian to have his privacy protected while still enabling Western governments to watch out for terrorists? These questions relate to larger issues of freedom and individualism in digital culture.</p>
<p class="p1">Throughout its history, the United States of America has taken pride in its First Amendment and the rest of the Bill of Rights as guarantees of liberty. After the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, many Americans accepted new levels of scrutiny, particularly in digital environments. Support for strong leaders increased until very recently. Concerns about the global rise of authoritarianism have people questioning government surveillance and corporate surveillance as they may limit our ability to engage as individuals in digital culture.</p>
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Eric Schmidt’s statement implies that privacy in digital networks is limited. This sentiment is echoed by Mark Zuckerberg, who has suggested that privacy is dead. What this means is that physical world behavior is expected to adapt to the demands of digital culture because the capabilities of digital culture also carry with them unique risks that we are not necessarily adapted to deal with.
<p class="p1">Our experience with the anarchy of online mass communication platforms is quite limited. As we learn what government surveillance and corporate invasions of privacy are capable of, it may continue to deeply affect our physical world behavior.</p>
<p class="p1">Many would agree with the sentiment, “If you do nothing wrong, you have nothing to worry about,” but even advocates for a more open digital society want their privacy. Zuckerberg bought several properties around his house to keep his physical location secure. Eric Schmidt does not want people to know where he lives. He generally does not invite the public into his private life, and, one might  assume, does not want people to examine why his former wife said she felt like a “piece of luggage” when married to him. Such information about Schmidt’s personal life is easy to find online and could be used against him, but should we care? Does it matter in the broader cultural sense?</p>
<p class="p1">This text argues that privacy does matter. The vast majority of us are not using digital platforms to break laws or to interact in negative ways with others and yet we still have aspects of ourselves that we would like to remain private. Has a parent or guardian ever snooped on your Facebook account or followed your Instagram? We have incredible freedoms and amazing digital communication capabilities as individuals living our lives in the new digital culture. It comes with a price we have yet to grasp.</p>

<h2 class="p2">Terms and Conditions</h2>
<p class="p1">The film Terms and Conditions May Apply details the ways our private information, such as our emails and texts, can easily be related to our public information on social networks.</p>
<p class="p1">The filmmakers note that the knowledge and hardware needed to snoop on people are bought and sold all over the world and are often unregulated.</p>
<p class="p1">Are we becoming more open because of the ways social media function? Is there anything wrong with that? Are we surrendering our privacy in ways that cannot be undone?</p>
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<p class="p1">One of the major cultural challenges of the network society will be to deal with people in power who would like to use our information against us as a means of control. It has already happened in some of the countries where the Arab Spring revolutions took place (Egypt, for one).</p>
<p class="p1">You never know what you might need to protest in the future, but we’re beginning to see tools deployed to pre-empt protest and other acts of dissent. What this means for our efforts to define digital culture is that digital culture can free us as individuals, but it can also imprison us.</p>
<p class="p1">We can use the internet and smartphones to help us to get questions answered and to draw attention to ourselves in good ways. We can coordinate with others for fundraisers and to have parties. Digital communication networks are amazingly sophisticated tools that can help us connect as individuals to form groups to celebrate all sorts of interests, political and otherwise.</p>
<p class="p1">On the other hand, if individuals believe they have no privacy, digital networks could become virtual wastelands where innovative collaboration is hindered and where corporate commercial speech and government surveillance dominate.</p>
<p class="p1">Capitalism depends on risk-taking, and if you kill risk-taking online, you have hindered the entrepreneurialism that the network society offers. We scholars will study for decades to come how individual behavior changes and how relationships morph in a digital culture that discourages behavior we want to keep private while simultaneously encouraging levels of sharing that border on exhibitionism. How can we maintain privacy and gain attention, which is so often the currency of the open Internet? This is an interesting dilemma that arises in an individualistic digital culture.</p>

<h2 class="p2">Post-nationalism</h2>
<p class="p1">Post-nationalism is another aspect of digital culture that Deuze notes in his article. It may seem unrelated to our previous discussion of individualism and privacy in digital culture, but in fact, it is an analysis of the ways individuals represent themselves online.</p>
<p class="p1">Most simply, “post-nationalism” in digital culture means that one’s country appears to matter less as an influence on behavior and values online than it does in the tangible world, perhaps because we can be free of our national identities when engaging in digital networks with people from around the globe.</p>
<p class="p1">This does not mean that we should expect to see an end to nationalism in the tangible world. Quite the opposite seems to be true: As post-nationalism appears in digital spaces, nationalism is on the rise in</p>
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<p class="p1">global politics. It might seem odd that people drop their nationalism online but demand it in physical spaces, but if you look at the way culture is expressed online, it is clear that for many people their nationality has little to do with their online identities.</p>
<p class="p1">For example, your country may be important to you, but it may not be one of the ways you define yourself in social media environments. You can love America without talking about it all of the time on Facebook or Twitter. Remember as well that national boundaries may be felt more readily in the daily lives of Africans, Asians, Europeans and others living in nations that are geographically smaller, more tightly packed and culturally distinct. In digital spaces, these cultural differences can evaporate. Although war and immigration are highly influential on the current cultural climate in the physical world, the perception of evaporating culture in networked spaces may help drive the sense that physical world cultures are being threatened.</p>
<p class="p1">Recent political developments, however, make it somewhat more difficult to think of digital culture as post-nationalistic given the rise of online nationalism — particularly white nationalism in Europe and the United States. White nationalism is a brand of nationalism related to white supremacy, but it is an identity connected to the nation-state nonetheless. A nationalist’s primary modus operandi in digital culture may not reflect what nation states ultimately become in the 21st century, but rather what they wish it were. Even so, there is evidence that some factions will use digital spaces to promote a return to nationalism.</p>
<p class="p1">Does this mean that post-nationalism in digital culture is a false notion conceived in the early 2000s that has no bearing on culture today? Perhaps, but it is more likely that we are seeing a backlash against the rise of a global post-nationalist space online.</p>

<h2 class="p2">Globalization</h2>
<p class="p1">Digital culture, Deuze posits, reflects a globalized or globalizing world. Behaviors, interests, and relationships cross international boundaries. The economic structure of digital networks, including the mass media system, is global. For example, multinational conglomerate corporations tend to dominate the media industry, not just in the United States but around the world. Books, academic articles and simple infographics show that most mass media companies fall under the ownership of large corporate firms. It is not accurate to say this represents all media or that “the media” are being controlled, but it is accurate to say a significant level of influence can be attributed to a handful of media corporations in most developed parts of the world.</p>
<p class="p1">Mass media consumers should be aware of the environment in which media products are produced, but this is not to say that the globalization of mass media is always a negative thing. When it comes to culture, globalization has its supporters. Here is a site in English about K-pop music. The music comes from Korea, but the fanbase is spread worldwide, and the site can reach a global audience only because of the global nature of digital networks. It works only because computer servers are connected by wires all over the globe to make this bit of culture, like many others, available to the entire globe.</p>
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<p class="p1">There exists a global point of view in both the physical world and in digital culture which is open to all kinds of cultural production as long as it is interesting, funny and shows great talent. There are videos that go viral globally, although it is not always clear why. (If we had the formula, we’d include it here.) All we can say at this time is that you can reach the world with any online message and, for whatever reason, some things are globally likable and “shareable.”</p>

<h2 class="p2">A Place Called Gangnam</h2>
<p class="p1">Humanity’s recently developed ability to develop a globalized point of view and to establish a common digital culture is the reason you have heard (and likely tired) of “Gangnam Style.” Ironically, PSY, who performs the song, is kind of an anti-pop star within Korea. The song makes fun of the country’s higher class, a conspicuously wealthy subculture from a place called the Gangnam District. But PSY is a global success. He is popular, many argue, because he is quite funny and because he is not the prototypical K-pop hero. He comes from a particular national cultural tradition, but he also transcends it by being absurd. Thus, as a distinctly individual performer, he personifies a type of post-nationalism and the globalization of digital culture.</p>
<p class="p1">Individualism, post-nationalism and globalization go a long way toward defining the emergent “digital culture.” For more information, consult Deuze’s original article.</p>

<h2 class="p1">Digital Culture in Practice</h2>
<p class="p1">Deuze makes one more observation not about what digital culture is but rather how it works. Deuze argues that the production of digital culture will be carried out through participation, remediation and bricolage.</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Participation</strong> means that every individual will have the ability to contribute to online media. Professionals and amateurs will work together much more often than they did on “legacy media” products and projects.</p>
<p class="p1">Because people do not want to work for free, they will not flock to an online platform simply because it has been opened up for contributions. If anyone could build a Facebook, there would be hundreds or even thousands of competing platforms. As it stands, there are perhaps ten major social media platforms worldwide, if “major” means they are home to more than 200 million members.</p>
<p class="p1">It is also clear from social networking sites, Reddit, and similar social news sharing sites that people will contribute to a platform even if it is not necessarily well-policed or easy to use. In digital culture, it helps to be the first to be big. Success breeds success in an economy based on attention, and what dominates tends to be emotional issues, as satirized here.</p>
<p class="p1">Consistency also seems to help, but what matters most is the ability to consistently draw an audience. Think of a person trying to become a YouTube influencer. They must publish interesting content regularly for months or even years before they develop a following that they might be able to sell to</p>
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<p class="p1">advertisers. Once the YouTube star does begin to peddle products, they run the risk of alienating a portion of their audience.</p>
<p class="p1">Participation is an essential part of digital culture. It can be easy and fun to do it for free. If you want to make a career out of it, it takes professional-level commitment, and the resulting content often favors what is popular and emotionally gripping rather than what is informative or socially beneficial.</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Remediation</strong> means that old media are made new again in digital spaces. Television becomes YouTube. Radio becomes podcasting, Spotify and Pandora. Newspapers become … online newspapers! The new media take elements of the old media and repurpose them, while “legacy” media firms copycat digital media trends, buy out media startups, or try to forge new paths at significant expense.</p>
<p class="p1">In the practice of digital culture, media are remade in digital environments in a process that combines the appealing parts of existing forms of media with additional functionalities made possible by new ICTs and digital networking capabilities. The author’s own research argues that attempts by legacy media organizations to create new businesses online face many institutional hurdles. Remediation is constantly happening, but that does not mean existing media companies can determine how to monetize the practice in a sustainable way. We should expect considerable remediation innovation to come from startup companies and individual tech entrepreneurs with few ties to legacy media.</p>
<p class="p1">A good example of remediation is taking classic movies or video games and showing them to young people to record their reactions for YouTube. Reaction videos of all kinds take media products people are familiar with and show them to the unfamiliar so that viewers can judge their reactions. This new media product repurposes old content with an added element designed to pique our interest; however, remediation does not always add much value.</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Bricolage</strong> is a French term not easy to translate literally to English. A translation offering deep context might be: Do it yourself by combining elements found elsewhere. Much of digital culture is an amalgamation of existing content and new cultural work being done at home by people with amateur skills and affordable but capable tools, such as smartphones and tablet computers. Even basic tools are quite powerful. Smartphones come with front- and back-facing cameras as well as HD-quality video. The computing power of a smartphone is more powerful than a mainframe computer was 70 years ago. Independent producers have video and audio editing software options and can create professional looking, popular media products on their own with little formal training.</p>

<h2 class="p2">Professionalism</h2>
<p class="p1">What is formal training for, then? It prepares you to transition from making professional looking and sounding media products once in a while to consistently making professional quality media. Formal training prepares you to think strategically about where industries are going so that you know not only how to make mass media products but where to place them and how to use and possibly develop your own communication platforms.</p>
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<p class="p1">Formal training includes an education in history and ethics. Amateur producers are skilled at chasing trends and gaining popularity, but they often ride cultural waves that last from a few months to a couple of years. Planning for multiple media shifts and seeing digital cultural trends as or before they emerge requires an education in more than the tools and tricks of the trade.</p>

<h2 class="p2">Deuze in Sum</h2>
<p class="p1">Deuze’s analysis suggests that barriers between professionals and amateurs are breaking down. Old media are made new again in digital culture, through a process of making digital media collages, so to speak. (The word “bricolage” is related to “collage.”)</p>
<p class="p1">Thus, in practice, digital culture is democratizing (though not fully democratic, of course). Amateurs can create media products that challenge the popularity of cultural production made by corporate conglomerates valued at hundreds of billions of dollars. What emerges in terms of popularity, though, is not necessarily high in quality or accuracy. Quality and accuracy are the hallmarks of professional communication (although not all professionals behave as they should).</p>

<h2 class="p1">Levels of Culture in Digital Media</h2>
<p class="p1">Let’s take a step back and look at the definition of culture again. In the first chapter, this text defined culture as being made up of the knowledge, beliefs and practices of a group of people. We need to tweak that definition a little. It is more accurate to say that the knowledge, beliefs and practices of a massive group of people at a certain time and place defines common culture.</p>
<p class="p1">Three levels of culture exist in anthropology literature, and they apply to the ways culture is expressed in the mass media. The three levels of culture are personal culture, group culture and common culture (similar to pop culture).</p>
<p class="p1">Any kind of culture, whether it is personal, group or common culture, relies on shared knowledge. There must be shared experiences and shared stories about those experiences for us to have a common culture. If we did not have shared experiences, cultural references would not make sense. Thus common culture can be arrived at when individuals and groups tell the same stories, or when mass media reach mass audiences with the same messages at the same (or about the same) time.</p>
<p class="p1">The more people who know about a song, film, work of art or event with cultural significance, and the more information that they know about it, the more likely it is that event will become part of the common culture. The mass media influence common culture, although it is not correct to say that they directly shape it. There are many other institutional influences on common culture such as governments, churches, families and educational systems.</p>
<p class="p1">In fact, messages in the mass media may not be as influential now as they were in the mid-20th century when millions of people watched the same TV shows each week at the same time and read the same major metropolitan daily newspapers and national magazines. Demassification has affected the ways common culture is established and fed.</p>
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<p class="p1">The mass media influence may have less power to influence common culture directly, but it is still relevant. Think about any major global news event of the past few months. When an event is big enough that it is shared across all media platforms, especially cable television, broadcast television and social media channels, it can form a piece of common culture. If several events occur or if an event has a broad enough global impact, it can enter the global collective memory, the shared cultural memory of a group of people.</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Group culture</strong> is what we used to refer to as a “subculture.” It is the knowledge, beliefs and practices of a subset of people considered to be part of a larger culture. Group culture is distinct in some ways from the shared, broader common culture. Group culture might center on religious beliefs and practices, ethnic norms and interests, or food, music and other forms of material production. Groups can be as large as all Chinese-Americans and as small as the remaining St. Louis NFL fan culture.</p>
<p class="p1">You have a say in defining your <strong>personal culture</strong> — the knowledge, beliefs and practices held most dear to the individual. You may find yourself identifying with many group cultures or taking most of your interests from the dominant common culture. Do you take your cultural cues about what to think about and talk about from television, social media or small group cultures with which you identify? This much is your prerogative. You can choose your personal culture. It is based both on what you believe in and what cultural products you consume.</p>

<h2 class="p2">America, ‘Merica, Los Estados Unidos, Etc.</h2>
<p class="p1">There is a common culture in America, but there is no single, dominant, common culture across global digital networks. There may be a tendency for people to believe that the group cultures they interact with most often online constitute the “real” digital culture, but as yet there is no clear consensus about what our shared digital culture is or even if we will develop one.</p>
<p class="p1">Algorithms in search engines and social media platforms determine much of what we find when we search the internet and what we see when we look at news and information feeds from our friends. Do algorithms constitute common culture? They may shape it, and they may be influenced by user preferences, but they are not always designed for truth, accuracy or information literacy. They are most often designed to give consumers whatever makes them consume more of what the platform wants them to consume. Google usually wants you to spend money with its advertisers. Facebook wants your time and your data so it can sell your information to third party advertisers.</p>
<p class="p1">What shapes digital culture is often in a “black box”: It is the proprietary information of very large corporations, and the public may or may not have access to the code. Even if we did have it, it would be di\cult to explain exactly how algorithms work. There are times when the corporations that deploy algorithms seem surprised by how they function in the hands of massive numbers of users.</p>
<p class="p1">Major events that cut across algorithms and show up on almost everyone’s news feed and in almost everyone’s search results are still likely to have an impact on common culture. Major events are likely</p>
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<p class="p1">to shape personal, group, and common culture if they are significant enough. What kind of cultural impact does a given event have? It depends.</p>
<p class="p1">The impact of a school shooting near Miami might be felt differently in Florida than in California because of proximity and because the gun laws in each state are quite different. In other words, something can enter the common culture but still be perceived quite differently by individual members of the public.</p>

<h2 class="p2">Norms</h2>
<p class="p1">By now you should understand that the cultural impact of messages in the mass media at each level — personal, group and common culture — is related to the shared knowledge that existed before the event.</p>
<p class="p1">Events are often going to be perceived differently by people identifying with different small group cultures within a larger common culture. Events will usually be interpreted differently by individuals within a small group culture, depending on an individual’s beliefs about and personal experiences with the issue at hand.</p>
<p class="p1">A person’s response to current events as they appear in the mass media is also related to the existence and strength of shared beliefs about the way they think things ought to be. We call those beliefs cultural <strong>norms</strong>.</p>
<p class="p1">There is no single, agreed-upon set of norms that everyone in a given group culture adheres to. If you have lived your whole life as part of the dominant culture, and you do not recognize the existence and struggle of various cultural groups, it can be di\cult to recognize reactions in digital media spaces that do not relate much to what you see in your physical world. Conversely, if you have grown up being oppressed as part of a small group, you may find it hard to understand how others identifying with the dominant portion of a common culture can miss the cruelty present in some cultural norms they don’t think twice about.</p>
<p class="p1">Exposure to other groups’ cultures in a network society can bring about both greater understanding and greater anxiety. This is something that will be worked out, for better or for worse, over the next several decades as digital culture evolves. Figuring out how groups with different cultural interests, norms, and values can get along while being constantly exposed to one another’s views in the free-for-all of network society is the challenge of emergent digital culture.</p>
<p class="p1">One response is to run to echo chambers, to partisan spaces that feel safe for certain group cultures and</p>
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<p class="p1">for our personal cultural beliefs and priorities, but this practice can only deepen the divide between cultural groups.</p>
<p class="p1">In the early years of working to establish a common culture in the network society, we have managed to inundate ourselves with information from all manner of cultural groups and to isolate ourselves from views that contradict our own group cultural norms. This is anarchy. This is culture without a strong social structure to hold it together.</p>
<p class="p1">The question facing mass communication scholars that members of our common culture also face is whether the institutions of the physical world can or should try to control how digital culture is shaped. You have the power to decide if digital culture should be regulated and how. This may be the most important civic responsibility you have, but it is also a matter of cultural power.</p>

<h2 class="p1">Social Media and Social Capital</h2>
<p class="p1">What do you think it means for society that networked communication platforms can make anybody a mass communicator? One answer is that there is great potential for social change because society, as Dewey said in Chapter 1, is not just transmitted by communication, it exists in it.</p>
<p class="p1">That means every individual with a computer or a smartphone has the potential to disseminate messages that influence broader society. Think of the Arab Spring revolutions of 2010-2012. Think of #Ferguson protests in the summer and fall of 2014. Think of the way candidate Donald Trump bypassed mass media outlets to reach voters and to set a separate news agenda in 2015 and 2016. Individuals and small groups are now able to coordinate and to lead social movements using networked communication technologies.</p>
<p class="p1">You have probably heard the term “social movement.” In a sense, a social movement is a change in society brought on by communication. What is different about the world of networked communication is how interpersonal messages and message campaigns can shift in an instant to being mass messages or massive campaigns. This makes digital networks battlegrounds because networked public communication platforms are centers of power now more than ever.</p>
<p class="p1">Just as they can influence and even disrupt social structures, individuals and small groups can shape culture using social media channels. This makes our communication system as ripe for abuse by outside forces as it is for use by legitimate citizens. Governments, corporations and rogue dictators all have an interest in learning our secrets, and they could potentially hold them against us.</p>
<p class="p1">We cannot underestimate how important this is will be in the mass communication field. Individual,</p>
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<p class="p1">group and broader social secrets — including consumer behavior, political behavior and even personal thoughts and interests — are easier to discern and possibly manipulate than ever before because of the vast amounts of data collected about us from our social media and other internet habits. This can have a profound effect on our behavior and on our society, and we are not prepared as a society to defend ourselves against attacks.</p>
<p class="p1">Before you get discouraged about digital culture and privacy, and before you get inundated with all of the possibilities and implications of digital culture, consider Clay Shirky’s Ted talk, “How social media can make history.”</p>
<p class="p1">Shirky outlines the power of social connectivity and applies the concept of <strong>social capital.</strong> The basic definition of social capital is the potential to get help, not just financial assistance, from the people around you when needed. Social media platforms can be great places to build social capital. Thus, they have the potential to be constructive or disruptive. It depends on how you use them. Watch the video for a complete definition.</p>
<p class="p1">Interpersonal communication, organizational communication and mass communication are separate areas of academic interest, as stated in the first chapter, but our ability as consumers and as producers to alternate from one to the other is as powerful as it has ever been. Being connected to each other almost at all times by digital networks creates the capacity for relatively quick mass social action. People are beginning to use this power to pull society in different directions. Large numbers of people can be organized and we could see social shifts and rifts develop more quickly than they can be put back together. It will be up to individual users and groups of users to decide how to respond to such social and cultural changes.</p>

<h2 class="p1">Participatory Media</h2>
<p class="p1">A major shaper of culture and society is the news media. There will be separate sections on the evolution of news in later chapters, but in the context of digital culture, it bears noting that the role of news media within broader media landscapes is also shifting.</p>
<p class="p1">Apart from the ability of social movements and cultural movements to arise and take shape on social media platforms, there is also the potential for public opinion to be influenced quickly and deeply when mass media outlets operated in the same digital networks as influential individuals and groups.</p>
<p class="p1">You may contribute to news information by volunteering. One of the biggest stories to gain national attention in 2014 that was filmed and posted by a <strong>citizen journalist</strong> was the story of <strong>Eric </strong><strong>Garner</strong>, who was seen being put into a chokehold by NYPD Officer Daniel Pantaleo. Reports said that Garner had asthma and that he died of a heart attack.</p>
<p class="p1">Here the term “citizen journalist” refers to a person</p>
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<p class="p1">who is not a paid professional but who delivers news to audiences nonetheless.</p>
<p class="p1">It is doubtful that the story would have received national attention had it not been for the video bystander Taisha Allen took with her mobile phone. When she shared that video, and it went viral on social media channels, she made the mass media story possible.</p>
<p class="p1">Allen probably had several reasons for sharing the video of Garner, and she was probably aware of the potential social and cultural impact of the video. You do not have to be a media literacy expert to know that such a video would receive broad attention and generate controversy. Allen chose to share the video because she thought people needed to see what had happened.</p>
<p class="p1">Further solidifying the cultural significance of the video, within days of the story breaking, Spike Lee had re-cut a scene from his groundbreaking film <em>Do the Right Thing</em> where the character Radio Raheem is choked to death by an NYPD officer. He interspersed his original film clip with bystander video of Eric Garner’s death. This almost instant connection between a post made by a citizen using social media and a bit of modern classic film speaks to the rising power and cultural influence of amateur media. Individuals can affect major producers in a mutual effort to shape social norms and structures as well as cultural influences.</p>
<p class="p1">We should expect more and more professionals to make these kinds of connections with amateurs and bystanders in the future. Mashups of professionally made mass media messages and citizen-generated messages are likely to proliferate. Can you think of video footage from individuals present during major news events that shaped the news and public opinion?</p>
<p class="p1">The events in Ferguson, Missouri followed a similar path as the Eric Garner story: Social media accounts of the killing of Michael Brown were shared virally almost immediately after the incident. Social media activity on YouTube, Twitter and other channels helped shape the way events unfolded. This drove the way the story was covered in the national media in the early reporting, but backlash inevitably followed.</p>
<p class="p1">Much of the work done by citizen journalists will be controversial. Media professionals working in news and other fields will have to use discernment in deciding which views to share because in a sense sharing is promoting, even if one disagrees with the sentiment of the tweet, video, or post.</p>
<p class="p1">No piece of media that is meaningful on a cultural level is going to be captured and disseminated with universal agreement about its importance or its meaning, but for society to function and for culture to serve its purposes we need to agree in a general sense on what’s real and what is not. The real danger in the rise of the power of individuals and small groups in digital culture is that they can pull larger groups away from looking for fact-based discourse.</p>
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<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/2a.Book-Poepsel-MediaSocietyCultureAndYou-Ch2-DigitalCultureAndSocialMedia17pp.pdf">2a.Book-Poepsel-MediaSocietyCultureAndYou-Ch2-DigitalCultureAndSocialMedia=17pp</a>

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<h2><strong>Quiz on "2. Digital Culture and Social Media"</strong>:</h2>
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[h5p id="11"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>124</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-17 14:45:09]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-17 19:45:09]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:37:43]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:37:43]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[text-2__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647272263]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[text-2]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---3."Information" (Main theoretical reading)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=133</link><pubDate>Wed, 17 Nov 2021 20:06:11 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=133</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 class="p1">CHAPTER 8 - Information</h1>
<p class="p3">In the age of social media, the notions of truth, information, and knowledge are all changing. These notions were once amorphous and invisible – the kinds of airy, invisible topics only philosophers and a few scientists studied. But today truth, information, and knowledge are all represented, constructed, and battled about online. Page views, shares, and reactions clue individuals and companies in to what spreads from machine to machine and mind to mind. Content editable by users online is negotiated and changed in real time. In this chapter we’ll look at the problems and opportunities aFForded by social media in relationship with truths and knowledge.</p>
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<p class="p1"><em>Knowledge is always based on multiple pieces of information, and </em><em>usually involves ending coherence across them when they conflict.</em></p>
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<h2 class="p2">“FAKE NEWS” AND “POST-TRUTH”</h2>
<p class="p1">Much has been made in recent years of <span class="s1">“fake news.” </span>This is a term, favored by the President of the United States among others, that circulates ubiquitously through social as well as traditional media. In 2016, Oxford Dictionaries presented <span class="s1">“post-truth” </span>as its “word of the year.” But what do these terms mean, and what do they have to do with social media?</p>
<p class="p1">To understand these terms, we have to look closely at what we expect with the word “news” and notions of truth and “fake”-ness. These conversations start with the concepts of objectivity and subjectivity.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">THE SPREAD OF FAKE NEWS IN POLITICS DUE TO MISINFORMATION AND DISINFORMATION</h2>
<h2 class="p1">Student Content</h2>
<h2 class="p2">Reflection</h2>
<p class="p3">For the election-related online public, I choose settle for Biden. Settle for Biden is a Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook account as well as a hashtag. While I have lived in the United States for the past eve years and am up to date with politics, I am not a United States citizen and can not vote in any of the elections. Therefore, I am not apart of this public and instead am just an observer of this public.</p>
<p class="p3">Settle for Biden is a grassroots group of former Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders followers who understand Joe Biden’s flaws but believe that the United States will not last four more years with Donald Trump as president.</p>
<p class="p3">When exploring this public on Twitter, I found that one of the main goals of the Twitter account was to stop fake news about Biden. Fake news, as defined by Diana Daly is “a term recently popularized by politicians to refer to stories they do not agree with”. On Twitter, the settle for Biden page has retweeted and commented on several tweets from news stations and famous people and correcting them on their information. In the era of technology and how fast information can spread online, it is easy to spread fake news without the general public realizing that it is fake news.</p>
<p class="p3">After diving deeper into exploring more about the spread of fake news, I came to the conclusion that there is a lot of misinformation and disinformation present in the tweets that are retweeted by the Twitter account Settle for Biden. Misinformation, as defined by Diana Daly, is “inaccurate information spread without the intention to deceive” and Disinformation, as defined by Diana Daly as “information intended to deceive those who receive it”. There are a lot of retweeted quotes from famous people and news stations that are using their platform to disinform others. A lot of citizens of the United States will read these tweets and instantly believe that they are true due to it being from a famous person or a news station. Just seeing who the tweet is tweeted from can make others</p>
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<p class="p1">believe that whatever they say is true just because of their standing in society. As well as disinformation there are also a lot of retweets from settle for Biden from citizens of the United States that are tweeting information that they may believe is true but is actually incorrect or are making their own assumptions up about Biden and his policies and are essentially misinforming society. Disinformation and misinformation are the main two reasons why the settle for Biden Twitter account retweets these tweets so that they can prove them wrong and inform society on the correct information.</p>
<p class="p1">These behaviors and strategies used on the settle for Biden Twitter page show the era we live in. Every part of the election can be found online and shows how easy it is to spread fake news and be misinformed and disinformed. It is important to check the reliability of the source and compare sources to see if those sources have similar or different information to understand what the truth really is.</p>
<p class="p2">About the Author</p>
<p class="p1"><em>Issy Brooker was born and raised in Kent, England and moved to the United States in 2012. Issy Brooker is currently 19 years old and a Xrst year student at the University of Arizona.</em></p>

<h2 class="p3">OBJECTIVITY AND SUBJECTIVITY</h2>
<p class="p4">To be objective is to present a truth in a way that would also be true for anyone anywhere; so that truth exists regardless of anyone’s perspective. The popular notion of what is true is often based on this expectation of objective truth.</p>
<p class="p4">The expectation of objective truth makes sense in some situations – related to physics and mathematics, for example. However, humans’ presentations of both current and historic events have always been subjective – that is, one or more subjects with a point of view have presented the events as they see or remember them. When subjective accounts disagree, journalists and historians face a tricky process of figuring out why the accounts</p>
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<p class="p1">disagree, and piecing together what the evidence is beneath subjective accounts, to learn what is true.</p>

<h2 class="p2">MULTIPLE TRUTHS = KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION</h2>
<p class="p1">In US society, we have not historically thought about knowledge as being a negotiation among multiple truths. Even at the beginning of the 21st century, the production of knowledge was considered the domain of those privileged with the highest education – usually from the most powerful sectors of society. For example, when I was growing up, the Encyclopedia Britannica was the authority I looked to for general information about everything. I did not know who the authors were, but I trusted they were experts.</p>
<p class="p1">Enter Wikipedia, the online encyclopedia, and everything changed.</p>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online <span class="s1">here: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77</a></span></p>
<p class="p3">The first version of Wikipedia was founded on a more similar model to the Encyclopedia Britannica than it is now. It was called Nupedia, and only experts were invited to contribute. But then one of the co-founders, Jimmy Wales, decided to try a new model of knowledge production based on the concept of <span class="s2">collective </span><span class="s2">intelligence</span>, written about by Pierre Lévy. The belief underpinning collective intelligence, and Wikipedia, is that no one knows</p>
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<p class="p1">everything, but everyone knows something. Everyone was invited to contribute to Wikipedia. And everyone still is.</p>
<p class="p1">When many different perspectives are involved, there can be multiple and even conflicting truths around the same topic. And there can be intense competition to put forth some preferred version of events. But the more perspectives you see, the more knowledge you have about the topic in general. And the results of negotiation between multiple truths can be surprisingly accurate when compared with known truths. <span class="s1">A 2005 study in the prominent </span><span class="s1">journal Nature </span> comparing the accuracy of the Encyclopedia Britannica and Wikipedia found they had around the same numbers of errors and levels of accuracy.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">WHAT ARE TRUTHS?</h2>
<p class="p2">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online <span class="s1">here: </span><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77</a></p>
<p class="p4">So what qualifies as “a truth?” Well, truths are created and sustained from three ingredients. The first two ingredients are evidence and sincerity. That is, truths must involve evidence – pieces of information that could or can be seen</p>
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<p class="p1">or otherwise experienced in the world. And truths must involve sincerity – the intention of their creator to be honest.</p>
<p class="p2">And the third ingredient of a truth? That is you, the human reader. As an interpreter, and sometimes sharer/spreader of online information and “news”, you must keep an active mind. You are catching up with that truth in real-time. Is it true, based on evidence available to you from your perspective? Even if it once seemed true, has evidence recently emerged that reveals it to not be true? Many truths are not true forever; as we learn more, what once seemed true is often revealed to not be true.</p>
<p class="p2">Truths are not always profitable, so they compete with a lot of other types of content online. As a steward of the world of online information, you have to work to keep truths in circulation.</p>

<h2 class="p3">ACCESS OF INFORMATION AT A CONCERT</h2>
<h2 class="p3">Student Content</h2>
<h2 class="p4">Rolling Loud Miami 2019 Experience</h2>
<p class="p5">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77#h5p-93" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77#h5p-93</a></span></p>
<p class="p7">Last summer, three of my best friends and I few to Florida for the erst time to celebrate</p>
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<p class="p1">a birthday. We traveled from Phoenix, Santa Barbra, and Colorado to all meet in the tropical, yet the very humid, city of Miami. The erst night was Ariana’s birthday, she has been my best friend for over 15 years. She wanted to go to Ayesha Curry’s (wife of Steph Curry, Golden State Warriors point guard) restaurant, which was barbeque style and so delicious, I can still remember our meal. Exploring Miami was so much fun, but it wasn’t the only reason we were there. For three days, we went to the Rolling Loud Festival. It had many of our favorite rap artists, it was a concert we all couldn’t miss. Social media benefited our experience in several, life-changing ways. It was recommended by the festival to download their app and follow their Twitter to stay updated with stage times and weather delays. One day, there was a lightning storm and everyone at the concert had to shelter under the Hard Rock Stadium or wait at home until it cleared for the show to go on. In my interview with Ariana, she noted that she found the app very informative, especially to people like us who were not familiar with the area. On the other nights, it was very traumatic when there was a potential active shooter. I remember hearing a gunshot, people screaming, and seeing thousands run toward us in a stampede. If you didn’t run with the crowd, you would get crushed by the crowd. The lack of civil inattention was apparent as people ran in terror. It happened multiple times and we were extremely scared each time we ran for our lives. The audience as a whole seemed to not care about anyone, just ensuring individual safety. The main concern in my mind was to stay with my friends and remain calm. I can still vividly picture these standout moments of being pushed through a charging crowd. In that situation, it is easy to forget about common curiosity when there is a threat nearby. The Rolling Loud Twitter account posted there was a potential threat of an active shooter or stabber at the stadium. The news spread rapidly to the networked publics. The audience was constantly checked their phones and verbally announced any updates. It was reassuring that we all were connected online to stay informed and safe. Ariana mentioned in our interview that even her brothers in California were apart of this networked public. Their attention was drawn to the Rolling Loud Twitter because the potential shooter or stabber was trending. Her brothers immediately contacted us and wanted to make sure we were okay. I am very thankful that no one was hurt and that I had social media to stay informed. Without Twitter and the app, I would have been confused and even more scared in that situation. I chose to interview Ariana because we both shared the experience with similar and different emotions. We laughed about reliving those crazy memories in Miami. I picked this topic</p>
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<p class="p1">after brainstorming in class with a peer and we talked about social media and the Fyre Festival incident, which reminded me of Rolling Loud. When editing the interview, I had fun picking sounds that described how we felt. Although it was terrifying, we used our resources to be socially aware of our new surroundings.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>About the Author</strong></p>
<p class="p1"><em>Nicole Cortopassi is a senior at the University of Arizona, who will be graduating in May 2021. She enjoys the beach and going on walks with her sister and their golden retriever.</em></p>
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<strong>"Lies Spread Faster Than the Truth" infographic</strong>
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<p class="p1">Infographic by Diana Daly based on the article by Vosoughi, S., Roy, D., &amp; Aral, S. (2018). The spread of true and false news online. Science, 359(6380), 1146-1151.</p>

<h2 class="p2">WHY PEOPLE SPREAD “FAKE NEWS” AND BAD INFORMATION</h2>
<p class="p3">“Fake news” has multiple meanings in our culture today. When politicians and online discussants <span class="s1">refer to stories as fake news</span>, they are often referring to news that does not match their perspective. But there are news stories generated today that are better described as “fake” – based on no evidence.</p>
<p class="p3">So why is “fake news” more of an issue today than it was at some points in the past?</p>
<p class="p3">Well, historically “news” has long been the presentation of information on current events in our world. In past eras of traditional media, a much smaller number of people published news content. There were codes of ethics associated with journalism, such as the <span class="s1">Journalist’s Creed </span>written by Walter Williams in 1914. Not all journalists followed this or any other code of ethics, but in the past, those who behaved unethically were often called out by their colleagues and unemployable with trusted news organizations.</p>
<p class="p3">Today, thanks to Web 2.0 and social media sites, nearly anyone can create and widely circulate stories branded as news; the case study of a story by Eric Tucker in <span class="s1">this New York Times lesson plan is </span><span class="s1">a good example</span>. And the huge mass of “news” stories that results involves stories created based on a variety of motivations. This is why Oxford Dictionaries made the term <span class="s1">post-truth </span>their word of the year for 2016.</p>
<p class="p3">People or agencies may spread stories as news online to:</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p3">spread truth</li>
 	<li class="p3">influence others</li>
</ul>
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<ul>
 	<li class="p1">generate profit</li>
</ul>
<p class="p1">Multiple motivations may drive someone to create or spread a story not based on evidence. But when spreading truth is not one of the story creators’ concerns, you could justifiably call that story “fake news.” I try not to use that term these days though; it’s too loaded with politics. I prefer to call “news” unconcerned with truth by its more scientific name…</p>

<h2 class="p2">BULLSHIT!</h2>
<p class="p3"><em>Bullshit is a scientific term for information spread without concern for truth.</em></p>
<p class="p1">Think I’m bullshitting you when I say bullshit<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>is the scientific name for fake news? Well, I’m not. There are information scientists and philosophers who study different types of bad information, and here are some of basic overviews of their classifications for bad information:</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p1"><em>misinformation</em><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>= inaccurate information; often spread</li>
</ul>
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<p class="p1">without intention to deceive</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p1"><em>disinformation</em> = information intended to deceive</li>
 	<li class="p1"><em>bullshit</em> = information spread without concern for whether or not it’s true</li>
</ul>
<p class="p2">Professors Kay Mathiesen and Don Fallis at the University of <span class="s1">Arizona </span>have written that much of the “fake news” generated in the recent election season was bullshit, because producers were concerned with winning influence or profit or both, but were unconcerned with whether it was true.</p>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online <span class="s1">here: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77</a></span></p>
<p class="p3">Bullshit and other deceptive “news” stories were particularly prevalent around the 2016 Presidential election, when tensions were high and influence on the minds of US voters held great value.</p>
<p class="p4">It is not always possible to know the motivation(s) behind a story’s creation. Indeed, it can be difficult to determine the source of information on social media. But there have been some cases where identified sources were clearly trying to deceive, or were bullshitting – creating content that would spread fast without caring whether it was true.</p>
<p class="p4">Cases of bad information spread reveal different intentions, including destabilization of the US government, and profit. There have been multiple cases of “news” story “factories,” in which people work together informally or are even employed to create news stories. The New York Times investigated <span class="s2">one factory in </span><span class="s2">Russia</span>, a nation whose government’s interference in the US election was the subject of a federal investigation. And Wired <span class="s1">Magazine </span>reported on a factory in Macedonia <span class="s1"> in which teens </span>created election-related news stories for profit.</p>
<p class="p4">There is <span class="s2">evidence </span> that the systematic creation of election-related stories had a considerable eject on the 2016 US Presidential election. Donald Trump’s victory was considered a victory by self-proclaimed “trolls” (see Chapter 3 for a longer discussion of this</p>
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<p class="p1">phenomenon) and others who collaborated in publishing online content to defeat Hillary Clinton. Some of these content creators celebrated their campaign, including its disregard for truths, in an event they called the <span class="s1">Deplora-Ball.</span></p>
<p class="p1">Mark Zuckerberg initially denied responsibility for Facebook’s spread of deceptive stories. Now <span class="s1">Facebook moderators are </span>beginning to fag “disputed news.” <span class="s2">But it is likely “news” factories </span>will continue to produce stories not based in truth as long as there are readers who continue to spread them.</p>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online <span class="s1">here: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77</a></span></p>

<h2 class="p3">THE ALT-RIGHT: FROM FAKE NEWS TO DOMESTIC TERRORISM</h2>
<p class="p4">2016 saw the fast growth online of a right-leaning political aggregate in the US known as the Alt-Right (erst mentioned in Chapter 5). The Alt-Right and related “white nationalist” <span class="s1">groups </span>have framed themselves in response to movements based <span class="s2">on identity politics </span> – groups that rally or identify around a race, ethnicity, upbringing, or religion rather than a political party. <span class="s1">But </span>many refute the notion that these groups are formed around <span class="s2">identity</span> , particularly when white supremacy – which centers on oppressing other races – has been so closely associated with Alt-Right media and demonstrations.</p>
<p class="p4">What seems to have brought the Alt-Right together more than identity politics is their approach to news – which they often discount as biased – and truth or “reality” – which in their culture it has been acceptable to manufacture for political use. Karl Rove of the second Bush administration was an early purveyor of Alt-Right ideology, who insisted that people in power create their own reality (and therefore truths.) The Alt-Right movement has followed this philosophy, recruiting followers through memes <span class="s2">that imagine </span>situations that et with their politics. <span class="s1"> One Alt-Right blogger </span>professed clear political intentions behind disinformation he <span class="s1">spread </span>in a profile by the New Yorker Magazine <span class="s1"> – disinformation </span>which spread widely prior to the 2016 election.</p>
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<div class="textbox shaded"><em>We’re an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality. And while you’re studying that reality—judiciously, as you will—we’ll act again, creating other new realities, which you can study too, and that’s how things will sort out. We’re history’s actors … and you, all of you, will be left to just study what we do. ~ Karl Rove to a NYTimes reporter in 2002</em></div>
<h2 class="p2">BULLSHIT THAT REALLY TOOK OFF</h2>
<p class="p3">According to <span class="s1">PolitiFact, </span>some big headlines from 2016 of stories not based in truth included these:</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p3">Hillary Clinton is running a child sex ring out of a pizza shop.</li>
 	<li class="p3">Democrats want to impose Islamic law in Florida.</li>
 	<li class="p3">Thousands of people at a Donald Trump rally in Manhattan chanted, “We hate Muslims, we hate blacks, we want our great country back.”</li>
</ul>
<p class="p3"><span class="s1">Buzzfeed </span>tracked the rates at which election stories spread on Facebook in 2016, and found these false stories out-performed true election stories:</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p3">“Pope Francis Shocks World, Endorses Donald Trump for President”</li>
 	<li class="p3">“WikiLeaks CONFIRMS Hillary Sold Weapons to ISIS”</li>
 	<li class="p3">“IT’S OVER: Hillary’s ISIS Email Just Leaked and It’s Worse Than Anyone Could Have Imagined”</li>
</ul>
<p class="p3">None of the listed stories was based in truth, but readers spread them wildly across their social networks and other online spaces. And many readers believed them. Take <span class="s1">“pizzagate”: </span>In response to the pizza shop story, one man showed up with a gun at the pizza shop at the center of the story and fired shots, attempting to break up what he believed was a massive pedophilia operation.</p>
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<p class="p1">Which leads to a new question. We now understand some of the reasons bullshit and other bad information spreads online. But why are readers and social media users so ready to believe it?</p>

<h2 class="p2">BUGS IN THE HUMAN BELIEF SYSTEM</h2>
<p class="p3"><em>Fake news and bad information are more likely to be believed when they confirm what we already believe.</em></p>
<p class="p1">We believe bullshit, fake news, and other types of deceptive information based on numerous interconnected human behaviors. Forbes recently presented an article, <span class="s1">Why Your Brain May Be Wired </span><span class="s1">To Believe Fake News</span>, which broke down a few of these with the help of the neuroscientist Daniel Levitin. Levitin cited two well-researched human tendencies that draw us to swallow certain types of information while ignoring others.</p>
<p class="p1">• One tendency is belief perseverance: You want to keep believing what you already believe, treasuring a preexisting belief like Gollum treasures the ring in Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings series.</p>
<p class="p1">• The other tendency is confirmation bias: the brain runs through the text of something to select the pieces of it</p>
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<p class="p1">that confirm what you think is already true, while knocking away and ignoring the pieces that don’t confirm what you believe.</p>
<p class="p1">These tendencies to believe what we want to hear and see are exacerbated by social network-enabled filter bubbles (described in Chapter 4 of this book.) When we get our news through social media, we are less likely to see opposing points of view, which social networking sites filter out, and which we are unlikely to see on our own.</p>
<p class="p1">There is concern that youth and <span class="s1">students are particularly </span><span class="s1">vulnerable </span>to believing deceptive online content. But I believe that with some training, youth are going to be better at “reading” than those older than them. Youth are accustomed to online content layered with pictures, links, and insider conversations and connections. The trick to “reading” in the age of social media is to read all of these layers, not just the text.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">DR. DALY’S STEPS TO “READING” SOCIAL MEDIA NEWS STORIES IN 2020:</h2>
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Illustration of a woman reading in a room filled with books
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<p class="p1"><strong>Reading today means ingesting multiple levels of a source simultaneously.</strong></p>
<p class="p2">1. <strong>Put aside your biases</strong>. Recognize and put aside your belief perseverance and your confirmation bias. You may want a story to be true or untrue, but you probably don’t want to be fooled by it.</p>
<p class="p2">2. <strong>Read the story’s words AND its pictures</strong>. What are they saying? What are they NOT saying?</p>
<p class="p2">3. <strong>Read the story’s history AND its sources</strong>. Who / where is this coming from? What else has come from there and from them?</p>
<p class="p2">4. <strong>Read the story’s audience AND its conversations</strong>. Who is this source speaking to, and who is sharing and speaking back? How might they be doing so in coded ways? (<span class="s1">Here</span>‘s an example to make you think about images and audience, whether or not you agree to Filipovic’s interpretation.)</p>
<p class="p2">5. <strong>Before you share, consider fact-checking</strong>. Reliable fact-checking sites at the time of this writing include:</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p2">politifact.com</li>
 	<li class="p2">snopes.com</li>
 	<li class="p2">factcheck.org</li>
</ul>
<p class="p2">That said – no one fact-checking site is perfect.; neither is any one news site. All are subjective and liable to be taken over by partisan</p>
<p class="p2">interests or trolls.</p>

<h2 class="p3">Core Concepts</h2>
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<p class="p1"><strong>fake news</strong></p>
<p class="p2">a term recently popularized by politicians to refer to stories they do not agree with</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>misinformation</strong></p>
<p class="p2">inaccurate information spread without the intention to deceive</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>disinformation</strong></p>
<p class="p2">information intended to deceive those who receive it</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>bullshit</strong></p>
<p class="p2">information spread without concern for whether or not it’s true</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>knowledge construction</strong></p>
<p class="p2">the negotiation of multiple truths as a way of understanding or “knowing” something</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>confirmation bias</strong></p>
<p class="p2">the human tendency for the brain to run through the text of something to select the</p>
<p class="p2">pieces of it that conerm what you think is already true, while knocking away and ignoring</p>
<p class="p2">the pieces that don’t conerm what you believe</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>belief perseverance</strong></p>
<p class="p2">the human tendency to want to continue believing what you already believe</p>
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<h2 class="p1">Core Questions</h2>
<p class="p2">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here:</p>
<p class="p3"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77#h5p-32" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77#h5p-32</a></span></p>
<p class="p2">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here:</p>
<p class="p3"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77#h5p-33" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=77#h5p-33</a></span></p>
<p class="p4">RELATED CONTENT</p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/3a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch8-Information26pp.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">3a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch8-Information=26pp</a></span>
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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Information"</strong>:</h2>
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[h5p id="16"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>133</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-17 15:06:11]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-17 20:06:11]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:39:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:39:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[text-daly-book-humans-r-social-media-ch8-information26pp__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647272398]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[text-daly-book-humans-r-social-media-ch8-information26pp]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---4."Activism" (Main theoretical reading)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=144</link><pubDate>Wed, 17 Nov 2021 20:33:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=144</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2 class="p1">CHAPTER 6 – Activism</h2>
<p class="p3">Before the internet was an ejective product marketing tool, it was a tool of activism – and social media has extended and complicated the ways activists can use it (in other words, its activist affordances). This chapter takes a few key movements as examples – from 1994 when Mexico’s Zapatista movement forced the Mexican government into a ceasefire, to 2017 when Black Lives Matter hashtags now quickly activate publics in the US and beyond. I refer to these movements under the umbrella of <strong>creative online activism</strong>. What ties these movements together is their creativity in using the affordances of the internet to promote activist agendas and avoid the pitfalls of oversimplification and appropriation.</p>
<p class="p3">Note: This chapter focuses on movements that have coalesced (formed) around racial and ethnic identity groups, as well as income inequality and political decisions.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">The Zapatistas</h2>
<p class="p2">In early 1994, only a tiny percentage of the world was online, and the term “social media” did not exist. The internet was very young and very Web 1.0, with static pages that did not allow visitors to contribute. (You can review Web 1.0 vs Web 2.0 in Chapter 2). Yet our first example of creative online activism begins here, with Mexico’s Zapatistas.</p>
<p class="p2">Creative deployment of the affordances of a young, sparse internet both saved indigenous protesters in Chiapas, Mexico from slaughter and allowed them to influence the new global economy.</p>
<p class="p2">NAFTA signing by leaders of Mexico, Canada, and the US The beginning of the story <span class="s1">was </span>the end of life as many in rural Mexico knew it<span class="s1">. </span>Governments of the US, Canada, and Mexico began negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in the early 1990s, forging interdependence between their economies. Among other deals, this trade agreement would subsidize corporations taking over Mexican land to grow cheap crops. Many Mexicans – particularly the native, or indigenous, people – foresaw that this would lead to drastic</p>
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<p class="p1">alteration of the land and to farming by genetic crop modification and spraying of chemical pesticides.</p>
<p class="p1">As their political leaders worked toward NAFTA, Mexican farmers fought it using traditional methods. In the early 1990s, protestors staged in-person demonstrations at the zocalo (town square) in Mexico City. And they organized and wrote <span class="s1">impassioned </span><span class="s1">statements in print media </span>about the devastating consequences NAFTA would have on farming and many other aspects of life in their country. But North American governments ignored these offline pleas and signed NAFTA into eject in 1992 and 1993.</p>
<p class="p1">On January 1st, 1994, NAFTA became the law of the land in the US, Mexico, and Canada – and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) rose up against the Mexican Government under the leadership of a masked man known as Subcomandante (Subcommander) Marcos. This army of “Zapatistas” – an army of mostly poor, rural, indigenous people inspired by the historic Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata – peacefully occupied the city of San Cristóbal de las Casas in the state of Chiapas, to demand that their protests against NAFTA be seen and heard. Rising up against the Mexican government seemed like a catastrophic move by the EZLN occupiers, many of whom were poor indigenous farmers from the Chiapas area.</p>
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<p class="p1">The Mexican government was enthusiastic about NAFTA, as they would benefit financially from corporate NAFTA investment even if their farmers suffered. So it seemed certain the formidable Mexican army would covertly slaughter the small EZLN forces before their protest could make Mexico look bad as corporate investment. But ironically, in this case the internet was what Martinez-Torres <span class="s1">describes </span>as Janus faced, helping governments repress people while helping those people protest that repression at the same time. While young, online global networks made it possible for economies to globalize and to crush poor people in the process, they also made it possible to mobilize networks of popular protest and fight back.</p>

<h2 class="p3">Enter information warfare</h2>
<p class="p1">When on-the-ground resistance alone got the Zapatistas little traction in their resistance to NAFTA, they turned to the internet and began a campaign of information warfare – the strategic use of information and its anticipated ejects on receivers to influence the power dynamics in a conflict. Thanks to the affordances of the early internet to connect people in similar struggles in different places, international peace activists were already networked online in the <span class="s1">mid-1990s; the </span>Internet Archive has lists and snapshots of pages describing some of these organizations<span class="s1">. Some of these activist </span>organizations were witnessing or supporting similar struggles in other countries, as poor people battled transnational trade agreements that would destroy their ways of life.</p>
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<p class="p1">The EZLN Army got the international word out about their cause with remarkable speed, thanks to these online peace networks. With the charismatic masked leader Subcommandante Marcos as a spokesperson, the EZLN Zapatistas created a dramatic campaign online. Their vivid imagery of the EZLN’s masked army of farmers spread rapidly across international online networks.</p>
<p class="p1">At the height of their online visibility, twelve days after declaring war on the Mexican Government, the Zapatistas publicly called for a ceasefire. The Mexican government still had the physical power to annihilate EZLN – but now the world was watching. Once EZLN called for peace, any action against their forces <span class="s1">including women </span><span class="s1">and children </span>would make Mexico look evil – and risky as a corporate investment destination. As a result, the Mexican government was forced to accept the EZLN ceasefire. They could not reverse NAFTA; it would take more than an awareness campaign to reverse such a powerfully backed agreement. But <span class="s1">the </span>EZLN protesters lived and continued their demands for social change<span class="s2">.</span></p>
<p class="p1">The EZLN’s Information War has inspired many civil society movements visible today. These include current movements against genetically modified food and for “fair trade” compensation of farmers. In terms of online strategies, the Zapatistas’ activist campaign was an early example for activists of how media can be used sociopolitically to demand civil rights – and to recognize how, Janus-faced, <span class="s1">those same media </span>can also work against those rights.</p>
<p class="p1">In the next sections I demonstrate now the Zapatistas’ strategies</p>
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<p class="p1">fall under the umbrella of creative online activism and why such strategies remain powerful.</p>

<h2 class="p2">CREATIVE ONLINE ACTIVISM IN RECENT TIMES</h2>
<h2 class="p3">POLITICAL CAMPAIGNING IN THE 21ST CENTURY</h2>
<h2 class="p3">Student Contribution, Fall 2020</h2>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67</a></span></p>
<p class="p3">Music: Automaton en Avant by Scanglobe, <span class="s1">CC-BY -NC</span>.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">The Accessibility of Politics on Social Media</h2>
<p class="p2">One of the main features I enjoy about social media is the level of accessibility it provides. In one tap, you can connect with an old friend, end entertainment, get news and so much more. One “old school’ medium that has found new life on social media is politics. The accessibility of politics via social media has made politicians and issues easily available to the general public thanks to their integration of the new media into campaigns.</p>
<p class="p2">Tana Mongeau is a twenty-two year old influencer who gained a lot of followers from her Youtube “storytime” videos. She tries to be as transparent as possible with her audience, and is not afraid to be herself. Mongeau has over 5 million Youtube subscribers which means that a lot of people value her opinions. I have watched Tana Mongeau’s Youtube videos before and I always admired how authentic she was with her audience. Tana usually tries to stay out of controversial situations because she has gotten herself into trouble in the past on social media leading to her almost being cancelled. This is why I was a little surprised to see her actually campaigning which usually means half the people in your audience will disagree with you. I do not look into politics on social media because I never know if there is misinformation from an unreliable source. I will also see a lot of disinformation where people will intentionally spread fake news to make one politician look better than the other.</p>
<p class="p2">Because social media allows for everyone to have a voice, there is a lot of that gets spread around by people who do not actually care about politics, but rather the attention. When I first saw “Booty For Biden”, I thought that it was probably just a meme trying to get Biden’s name out. However, Tana was very passionate about campaigning for Biden and said that it was true. This campaign strategy has proven to be successful with “naked philanthropists” such as Kaylen Ward who fundraised over 1 million dollars for Australia during their ere crisis. They tend to reward people who donate, or in this case vote, with a naked picture of themselves.</p>
<p class="p2">However, once again, Tana got a lot of backlash about her Biden endorsement campaign. Lots of people noticed that what she is doing can be considered “vote buying” which is an electoral crime. Vote buying is defined as, “when offering an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote or to vote for or against a candidate”. Punishments can include fines and up to two years in prison. It is also illegal to take a</p>
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<p class="p1">picture of your ballot in sixteen states and unclear in thirteen. In light of this knowledge, Tana decided to change her requirements. Instead of sending her a photo of your ballot, you could just send her a video saying that you voted for Biden. With these lower demands, it is hard to account for how many people truthfully sent her proof, but Mongeau claims that she got “tens of thousands” of people to say they are voting for Biden.</p>
<p class="p1">Tana’s campaign ended up costing her some Youtube subscribers. She lost twenty thousand subscribers in September, which was around the start of her “Booty For Biden” campaign. Even though her channel took a hit, I believe her passionate dedication to the Biden campaign is admirable even if she may have lost some followers. In the end, she was able to use her platform to shine a light on a topic she was passionate about, which may have even swung some votes and led to Biden’s victory. Having her political view accessible to social media allowed for her to be even more transparent with her audience as well as earn herself some credibility by addressing a newsworthy national topic. “Booty For Biden” generated a lot of attention for the Biden campaign. Whether someone was pro-Biden or not, they were engaged in the political process albeit in a somewhat roundabout way. Perhaps that led to people ending more information on politics, even though it may have simply stemmed from wanting to see a nude pic.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>About the Author</strong></p>
<p class="p1"><em>Jessica Nickerson is a sophomore at the University of Arizona studying Pre-Business. She enjoys spending time with her hedgehog and going on long drives. Jessica has been active on social media ever since 2011. </em></p>
<p class="p1">Organizers have continued using the internet to mobilize, and their work has arguably been made easier with the development of</p>
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<p class="p1">mobile phone apps and social media. This <span class="s1">timeline </span>by Mashable gives a selective overview of noted online activist movements through 2011.</p>
<p class="p1">Creative online activism has developed in conjunction with social media apps since the mid-2000s. These apps are certainly not created equal when it comes to facilitating activism; in fact, some have been found to intentionally hinder the exposure of social injustice. For example, although they have had a huge user base for the last <span class="s2">decade, </span>Facebook algorithms have been found to hide or slow controversial and “negative” stories from its users’ feeds<span class="s2">, making it </span>a poor platform for activism.</p>
<p class="p1">But the platform is only a small part of the recipe for an activist movement. Human creativity has facilitated the use of technologies in activism in ways software developers never imagined. In a typical example of human shaping of technology, <span class="s1">Twitter leadership didn’t </span><span class="s1">build hashtags </span>into the platform intentionally and even rejected the idea that they would be widely used; human users proved them wrong. Several years later, <span class="s1">Twitter hashtags </span>began playing important roles in online activism, including in the <span class="s1">Arab Spring </span>protests<span class="s2">.</span></p>

<h2 class="p3">#SETTLEFORBIDEN</h2>
<h2 class="p3">Student Content, Fall 2020</h2>
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<p class="p1">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-90" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-90</a></span></p>
<p class="p3"><strong>About the Author</strong></p>
<p class="p4"><em>Lilly is a first year student at the University of Arizona who enjoys traveling and having a good time.</em></p>
<p class="p5">Social media platforms like Twitter are sometimes practically credited with creating movements, but this technological determinism fails to recognize how much complex human wrangling is required to run an online campaign and <span class="s1">keep control </span><span class="s1">of its message</span>. Only a small percentage of protestors used Twitter to exchange key information and then disseminated that information through face-to-face communication and other media. All messages that spread widely online face the threat of oversimplification and appropriation; only the best-executed retain their depth and complexity. And, regardless of platform, the real</p>
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<p class="p1">work for social change still happens across various digital and analog (non-digital) platforms – and most crucially, on the ground.</p>

<h2 class="p2">THE BLACK LIVES MATTER MOVEMENT</h2>
<p class="p1">One of the most well-known online movements to date is <span class="s1">Black </span><span class="s1">Lives Matter</span> . The central phrase and hashtag of this movement came from Alicia Garza and Patrisse Marie Cullors-Brignac in July 2013 in response to the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the killing of 12-year-old Trayvon Martin. Armed with this concise phrase – and fueled by outrage over injustices against black citizens by American institutions including law enforcement today – Black Lives Matter<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>has built into a sophisticated movement online and offline with profound influence on government policy and popular consciousness.</p>
<p class="p1">Although its signature phrase began online, <span class="s1">the Black Lives</span></p>
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<p class="p1">Matter movement gained traction <span class="s1">over the next year as Twitter </span>users deployed #blacklivesmatter to mobilize on the ground. Subsequent hashtags used in connection with #blacklivesmatter networked protestors and helped them assemble massive on-the-ground demonstrations very quickly after subsequent police killings. These included #ferguson to organize protests in Ferguson, Missouri after police were acquitted in the killing of Michael Brown there in November 2014.</p>

<h2 class="p3">SOCIALLY AWARE BRANDING</h2>
<h2 class="p3">Student Contribution, Fall 2020</h2>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67</a></span></p>

<h2 class="p3">Project 3</h2>
<p class="p4">I chose the public of The Mayfair Group because it is an account that I am very familiar with and have been following for a long time. I think the content they create and post is</p>
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<p class="p1">incredibly inspiring and relatable to all. Their profile is very unique and full of creativity. It is a newly founded company and does a great job of reflecting some of the younger generations’ ideas. The Mayfair Group specializes in the sectors of public relations, social media, sales, graphic design, branding, events and creative content. Their Instagram account inspires me to think out of the box, reflect on my life, and to be more original.</p>
<p class="p1">The Mayfair Group’s Instagram account affords exposure because it draws matters society guards as private into the public sphere. For example, they post very honest quotes about deeper emotions and the sides of life people do not normally portray. They feature real-life issues such as climate change, mental health, politics, and female empowerment. The brand specifically focuses on gender equality. They provide very positive content, especially things that improve your mental health. It is evolving and revolutionizing as a company and has grown immensely. With a following of over 400k on Instagram, The Mayfair Group has a great deal of influence. Their posts receive a lot of comments from people sharing their own thoughts and beliefs about the topics being discussed. It goes beyond their platform as they plan collaborations, events, social and PR campaigns for specific brands to give them exposure.</p>
<p class="p1">The account brings a lot of people from many backgrounds together to fight for one cause. This is a great example of an organizational layer. Modern activist movements are often ignited through interactions between key personalities, and networked groups of people who respond together. On posts discussing activism topics, the comment section is flooded with users who all share the same belief.</p>
<p class="p1">The Mayfair group also is a fashion company and many of their products reflect these strong positive quotes and movements. This will bring a greater exposure because as the products and garments are worn, others who are not involved in the public will see it and possibly look into the brand. I am also especially interested in this brand and their public because it relates very well to my current major. I am majoring in marketing and i am extremely passionate about fashion, and the entertainment industry as a whole. The modern feel of this company is something I hold very high and hopefully will be able to work for a brand similar to The Mayfair Group. I pay close attention to the way they market their products and their choices of posts because everything is connected. I end it incredible that they have never paid for ads, followers, promotion. This a very successful marketing story and I can learn a lot from this brand. The CEO says, “It all comes down to hustle and building relationships – that’s how a business should be built”.</p>
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<p class="p1"><strong>About the Author</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><em>Created by student for iVoices Media Lab.</em></p>

<h2 class="p3">CREATIVE ONLINE ACTIVIST STRATEGIES IN BLACK LIVES MATTER AND BEYOND</h2>
<p class="p1"><em>A Black Lives Matter demonstration: broad, inclusive online activism for the 21st century</em></p>
<p class="p4">Black Lives Matter campaigns have deployed several strategies that were key to the EZLN campaign, as well as to other online activist movements. To make it easy to understand the strategies these movements deployed in common, I will list them and describe them in the next section.</p>
<p class="p4">Five strategies deployed by creative online activist movements:</p>

<ul>
 	<li class="p4">1. Speed</li>
 	<li class="p4">2. Visuals</li>
 	<li class="p4">3. Performances</li>
 	<li class="p4">4. Inclusiveness</li>
 	<li class="p4">5. “Masked” leadership</li>
</ul>
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<p class="p1"><em>Speedy response has been key in the Black Lives Matter movement</em></p>

<h3 class="p2">1. Speed</h3>
<p class="p2">Like the Zapatista online campaign, it was crucial in 2015 that Black Lives Matter protestors mobilize with speed. Responding fast to the actions of government or authorities allowed both movements to gather large publics when outrage over authorities’ decisions was high. In Black Lives Matter, an immediate response also sent the message that this public would not tolerate police violence any longer – ejective immediately.</p>
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<p class="p1"><em>Hands up, don’t shoot is a powerful phrase: It became a hashtag, an easily recognized gesture, and an on-the-ground synced performance.</em></p>

<h3 class="p2">2. Visuals</h3>
<p class="p2">In both the Zapatista and Black Lives Matter movements, campaign organizers gathered attention through effective use of<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>visual content. Images of the masked Zapatista army are still widely circulated online. This <span class="s1">article </span>in WIRED Magazine explores the spreadable content of the Black Lives Matter movement, especially the visuals – photographs easily shared online that evoked the in-person experience of being black, in protest.</p>

<h3 class="p2">3. Performances</h3>
<p class="p2">We must also remember the<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>performances involved in each of these protests. The Zapatistas called a truce at a dramatic moment that would have cast the Mexican government as the villain if they continued to fight the small EZLN army. In Black Lives Matter, hashtags like #handsupdontshoot remind us that these protestors moved together in synced gestures that gave tremendous energy to their on-the-ground protests. Reenactment has also been an ejective performance strategy, exemplified in protestors using the</p>
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<p class="p1">#icantbreathe hashtag to reenact the video of Eric Garner dying</p>
<p class="p1">after police ignored his repeated pleas of “I can’t breathe.”</p>
<p class="p1">Online activism scholar <span class="s1">Paulo Gerbaudo </span> phrases it this way: Online media can be used for the “choreography of assembly ” in organizing on-the-ground demonstrations. That is, online organizers can choreograph individual acts of cultural repetition (memes, discussed more in Chapter 7), such as clothing or gestures protestors can repeat to recognize and reinforce one another’s work. And they can organize the meeting places, escape routes, and conduct of massive groups of people. Gerbaudo notes that these actions can influence public consciousness most powerfully when they occur in a symbolic center<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>– some meaningful public place that serves as a theatrical stage for activism to be seen and performed. A park at a city center, a football field, the Olympic medal ceremonies, a memorial statue: All of these have been symbolic centers for protest in the US and abroad.</p>

<h3 class="p1">4. Inclusiveness</h3>
<p class="p1">Black Lives Matter’s strategy was also similar to the Zapatistas’ in the inclusiveness<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>of the campaign. It was understood and stated by those in the movement that women must have equal access to the rights being fought for, and that in-family violence was part of what they were fighting. In Black Lives Matter, rights around gender and sexuality were always part of the discussion, as exemplified in this movement “<span class="s1">herstory</span> .”</p>
<p class="p1">Today’s social media-fueled movements tend to use rhetoric that acknowledges differences in power among the people they fight for or represent. This sets modern rights campaigns apart from some rights movements in the past. Both the Civil Rights and Black Panther movements focused on black men more than other citizens. The 20th-century women’s rights movements focused more on white women than any others. The 20th-century gay rights movement centralized the identities of white gay men. “Not your grandfather’s civil rights movement,” is one way Black Lives Matter has been described, reminding us that today’s movements broaden</p>
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<p class="p1">the focus from fathers and grandfathers to the rest of the family, the organization, and the community.</p>

<h2 class="p1" style="text-align: center"><strong>Zapatistas</strong></h2>
<p class="p2"><em>Powerful Zapatista Imagery</em></p>

<h3 class="p1">5. “Masked” organizers</h3>
<p class="p1">In modern online activism, leaders wear masks – literally, and sometimes, figuratively. In the 20th-century, a much-remembered feature of social activism campaigns like the Civil Rights Movement was their visible leadership and culture of “heroes.” Dr. Martin Luther King is commonly remembered as the “father” of the Civil <span class="s1">Rights Movement. Meanwhile, as </span>this article by Jamil Cobb on Black <span class="s2">Lives Matter reminds us, </span>there were other strategies at work in the Civil Rights movement as well as leaders who shunned the spotlight, like Ella Baker of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Today, the branding has shifted, with many declaring today’s online activist movements “leaderless.”</p>
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<p class="p1"><em>Anonymous as masked activist</em></p>
<p class="p2">The Zapatista spokesman Subcomandante Marcos was a bridge between these two styles of organization, the 20th-century heroic leader versus the 21st-century decentralized campaign. Marcos was the Zapatistas’ most visible “hero.” But he wore a mask, hid his true identity, and chose the false title of “Subcommander” (subordinate Commander) rather than “Commander.” A decade later, the “hacktivist” group Anonymous began organizing actions on 4chan in which the identities of the organizers and participants were not known; Anonymous made significant appearances during protests against the World Trade Organization. More recently, there have been figurative masks on many popular online movements including Occupy Wall Street, with all insisting there are no leaders. The strategy of “masked” organizers makes a</p>
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<p class="p1">movement difficult to defeat, while also resisting the persistent surveillance that is a function of the internet, and that can get activists jailed or killed.</p>

<h2 class="p2">ADVANCING AND AND COMPLICATING SOCIAL ACTIVISM THROUGH ONLINE ENGAGEMENT</h2>
<p class="p1">There are many critiques of online activism as <span class="s1">inferior </span> to more traditional forms of activism. For example, techno-sociologist Zeynep Tufecki argues that by removing the hard work and shared risk of social organizing, social media technologies gather demonstrators too quickly for them to understand one another and think together. In another critique, scholar Evgeny Morozov uses the term “<span class="s1">slacktivism</span> ” to characterize certain low-risk levels of “activism” such as signing online petitions, which offer participants the illusion they are contributing significantly, at zero risk to themselves. While these critiques may overlook the subtle shifts in the public consciousness that online chatter can eject, they have merit. As illustrated by the Zapatistas in Chiapas and Black Lives Matter in Missouri, online activism is at its most powerful when on-the- ground action provides roots to online campaigns.</p>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online <span class="s1">here: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67</a></span></p>
<p class="p3">However they are branded, successful online activism movements are never dependent only on leaders, and they are also never leaderless. Rather, modern activist movements in the US in particular are often ignited through interactions between key driving forces or personalities, and then mobilized networked groups of people who respond together. This idea, which author David Karpf has called an “<span class="s2">organizational layer</span>” of American political</p>
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<p class="p1">advocacy, may be the closest we can come to accurately describing the real ejects of the internet on how we do activism.</p>

<h2 class="p2">CORE CONCEPTS AND QUESTIONS</h2>
<h3 class="p3">Core Concepts</h3>
<p class="p4"><strong>creative online activism</strong></p>
<p class="p5">activist movements that deploy creativity in using the affordances of the internet to promote activist agendas and avoid the pitfalls of oversimplification and appropriation</p>
<p class="p4"><strong>Zapatistas</strong></p>
<p class="p5">an army of mostly poor, rural, indigenous people rose up against the Mexican government in 1994, and successfully used the early internet to reach out for witnesses and support</p>
<p class="p4"><strong>Janus Faced</strong></p>
<p class="p5">a symbol, derived from ancient Roman mythology, of something that simultaneously works toward two opposing goals</p>
<p class="p4"><strong>information warfare</strong></p>
<p class="p5">the strategic use of information and its anticipated ejects on receivers to influence the power dynamics in a conflict</p>
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<p class="p1"><strong>North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)</strong></p>
<p class="p2">an agreement between the US, Mexico, and Canada in the early 1990s forging interdependence between their economies, including subsidies for corporations taking over Mexican land to grow cheap crops</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Black Lives Matter</strong></p>
<p class="p2">a sophisticated movement online and offline, fueled by outrage over injustices against black citizens by American institutions including law enforcement today</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Five strategies deployed by creative online activist movements:</strong></p>
<p class="p2">Speed, Visuals, Performances, Inclusiveness, Masked leadership</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>choreography of assembly</strong></p>
<p class="p2">Paulo Gerbaudo’s term describing how successful online organizers preplan social activist movements that will ensue on the ground</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>symbolic center</strong></p>
<p class="p2">Paulo Gerbaudo’s term for a meaningful public place that serves as a theatrical stage for activism to be seen and performed, such as park at a city center, a football field, the Olympic medal ceremonies, or a memorial statue</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>slacktivism</strong></p>
<p class="p2">coined by Evgeny Morozov, this concept relates to critiques of online activism as inferior to more traditional forms of activism, with organizing online perceived as so fast, easy, and risk-free, it results in insufficient gains or change</p>
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<p class="p1"><strong>organizational layer</strong></p>
<p class="p2">political scientist David Karpf’s term for the networked groups of people responding together who he argues form the most important agents for change in American political advocacy today</p>

<h2 class="p3">Core Questions</h2>
<p class="p4">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-24" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-24</a></span></p>
<p class="p4">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-25" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-25</a></span></p>
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<p class="p1">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-26" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-26</a></span></p>
<p class="p1">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-27" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-27</a></span></p>
<p class="p1">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-28" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=67#h5p-28</a></span></p>
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<h2 class="p1">RELATED CONTENT</h2>
<h2 class="p2">CONSIDER IT: A NEW ERA IN ONLINE ACTIVISM?</h2>
<p class="p3">First, read the article “<span class="s1">The Second Act of Social Media Activism</span>” by Jane Hu, published in June 2020 in New Yorker Magazine.</p>
<p class="p3">Also consider endings from the <span class="s1">Pew Research Center’s 2018 study </span>of American perceptions of the internet as a tool for social activism.</p>
<p class="p3">Techno-sociologist Zeynep Tufecki argued in 2015 that the tools to organize activist movements online may move too fast to build coalitions that “think together”. Whether that was true then, is it now? Support your answer, including what might you say to others in the Pew polls who think differently than you in order to explain your views.</p>
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2 charts
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1 chart
<p class="p1">Graphics by Pew Research Center.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">READ IT: GRASSROOTS ACTIVISTS MUST CONSIDER THE COSTS OF DIGITAL CAMPAIGNS (DELIA DUMITRICA, THE CONVERSATION)</h2>
<h2 class="p2">GRASSROOTS ACTIVISTS MUST CONSIDER THE PERSONAL COSTS OF DIGITAL CAMPAIGNS</h2>
<p class="p3"><em>Attendees at the women’s March on Edmonton, Alta on Jan. 21, 2017. Mylynn Felt, Author provided</em></p>
<p class="p4">Delia Dumitrica<span class="s1">, </span>Erasmus University Rotterdam <span class="s1">and </span>Mylynn Felt<span class="s1">, </span>University of Calgary</p>
<p class="p3">Widespread use of social media has made it easier to mobilize collective action, yet citizen activists struggle to navigate these digital tools and increasingly report feeling burned out. Our research on grassroots digital activism in Canada has revealed some of the <span class="s2">strategies </span>organizers employ when dealing with the technological, interactional and personal barriers of digital activism<span class="s1">.</span></p>
<p class="p3">People’s use of social media for activist purposes clashes with the commercial goals of</p>
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<p class="p1">these platforms. For example, as these platforms prioritize popular and recent content, activist messages have to be constantly updated and liked or shared in order to remain visible to wider audiences. This places the burden to adapt upon activists, who must make the best of these tools within the constraints set by the platforms’ algorithms.</p>

<h2 class="p2">DILUTION OR DISSEMINATION?</h2>
<p class="p1">Social media can enhance activist communication at the cost of loss of control over the message. This matters in collective action, because a clearly communicated set of demands and complaints is essential to obtaining political recognition.</p>
<p class="p3">During the 2014 teachers’ strike in British Columbia<span class="s1">, three parents came up with the idea of </span>hosting playdates in front of the offices of members of the B.C. Legislative Assembly (MLAs). The parents wanted to pressure the provincial government to negotiate with teachers and end the strike. As they circulated the idea of <span class="s2">#MLAPlaydates </span>on social media, they reflected on the possibility of message dilution:</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><em>It’s not the traditional command and control. It’s like: here’s an idea, why don’t you play with it and see what you can do. You share, you pass on stuff.… So, it’s a different framework of activism.… It’s like beta testing, you don’t know where it’s going to fly.</em></div>
<p class="p1">Their solution was a form of “open-source activism,” which entailed monitoring social media to reinforce the message and prevent it from being co-opted, while inviting supporters to adapt and personalize this message.</p>

<h2 class="p2">ECHO-CHAMBER EFFECT</h2>
<p class="p1">Filter bubbles of like-minded people make it difficult for digital activists to get their messages outside of individual networks. Yet, some platforms are more public than others, using different algorithms to make content visible to their users.</p>
<p class="p1">Organizers of <span class="s2">Alberta’s #SafeStampede </span>wanted to call attention to the rape culture around the annual Calgary Stampede. They found that:</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Facebook is far and away the best place to have actual discourse [around these issues], but again, you’re mostly talking to your own friends, so it does become a bit of a feedback loop.</em></div>
<p class="p1">To combat this barrier, organizers created public profiles on more open platforms like Twitter and Tumblr to breach the echo chamber eject.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">POPULARITY CONTESTS</h2>
<p class="p2">On social media, visibility is often enabled by the newness and reactions a message receives. Activists need to constantly monitor how algorithms push content to the top of other users’ newsfeed. This pressures them to think and act like digital marketers, strategizing their message production and circulation.</p>
<p class="p2">The digital activists in our research spoke to the necessity of adapting to platform-specific practices, as well as the learning curve of understanding these practices in the erst place.</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><em>You have to be careful of the algorithms, so if you’re posting too much, you’re not going to get as wide of an audience.… With Instagram, if you posted three or four really good pictures with good descriptions and hashtags a week, you’re going to get more of a response than if you’re posting like, you know, eve times a day every day. So, you want to be kind of conscientious in what you’re posting, and how often.</em></div>
<h2 class="p1">ALLIES AND TROLLS</h2>
<p class="p2">Alongside algorithms, interaction on social media brings along its own challenges to digital activism.</p>
<p class="p2">For <span class="s1">the #SafeStampede organizers</span>, social media platforms helped them end each other through their existing networks. Online connections grew into face-to-face meetings and relationships, facilitating critical backstage efforts to their public social media campaign:</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><em>I don’t think anything exclusively happens on social media anymore. There needs to be a point where things transcend social media and you end up having real conversations with people and you build relationships.</em></div>
<p class="p2">Social media also opened the campaign up for abuse and trolling. This was also the experience of another gender-related movement, the <span class="s1">Women’s March in Alberta</span>. The organizers described how people searching terms like “transgender” and “pussy hat” launched a gender-biased calculated attack a few days before the march. To deal with the backlash, the organizers resorted to a strategy of “block, delete, report, repeat,” pointing out that:</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><em>It had to be done, and we just tried really hard not to let all of our time and emotional energy get sucked up by that.</em></div>
<p class="p2">The camaraderie built online and online helped mitigate the toll of these confrontations. Still,</p>
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<p class="p1">online attacks and trolling can easily deplete the already scarce resources that citizen activists have at their disposal.</p>

<h2 class="p2">BURNING OUT AND DROPPING OUT</h2>
<p class="p1">While our participants minimized the personal and professional costs of their digital activism during our conversations, they also spoke of burnout making long-term involvement unsustainable.</p>
<p class="p1">The emotional cost of trolls, backlash and hyper-aggression on social media was difficult for organizers to escape as social media tied their public names to their activism:</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><em>You attract negative comments on you … attract people who feel they have the right to attack you … I try not to think about this too much, having too much information out there leaves me open to potential stalkers, or people who want to harm me or my child.</em></div>
<p class="p1">Distancing one’s self, either from the movement or from the potential risks of your activities, seems to be the only possible strategy for organizers in these situations.</p>
<p class="p1">Furthermore, because social media algorithms display the messenger alongside the message, organizers also expressed concern that their visible activism may create potential career risks.</p>

<h2 class="p2">DIGITAL ORGANIZING STRATEGIES</h2>
<p class="p1">The citizen activists interviewed in our research employed various strategies to navigate barriers to digital activism. Here are some of their lessons for other activists:</p>
<p class="p1">• Stay up-to-date with how algorithms are designed and updated for the platforms you are using.</p>
<p class="p1">• Use multiple platforms to reach different audiences and mitigate the ejects of echo chambers.</p>
<p class="p1">• Allow some for some change in your message, but monitor the conversation in order to maintain its core.</p>
<p class="p1">• Connect with fellow organizers and supporters online.</p>
<p class="p1">• Join a local, regional or national collective so you have fellow activists to lean on</p>
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<p class="p1">and pass the baton to when you need to step away.</p>
<p class="p1">• Anticipate the costs and risks of activism, and reflect on where you need to draw your own boundaries.</p>
<p class="p1">• Build flexibility and adaptation into your tactics of action.</p>
<p class="p1">While digital activism can be a crucial part of any successful campaign, activists needs to remain aware about the costs and limitations of social media.</p>
<p class="p1"><span class="s1">Delia Dumitrica</span>, Associate professor, Department of Media and Communication, <span class="s1">Erasmus </span><span class="s1">University Rotterdam </span>and <span class="s1">Mylynn Felt</span>, PhD Candidate, Communication, Media and Film, University of Calgary</p>
<p class="p1">This article is republished from <span class="s1">The Conversation </span>under a Creative Commons license. Read <span class="s2">the </span>original article<span class="s2">.</span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/4a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch6-Activism35pp.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">4a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch6-Activism=35pp</a></span>
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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Activism"</strong>:</h2>
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[h5p id="21"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>144</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-17 15:33:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-17 20:33:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:41:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:41:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[text-daly-book-humans-r-socialmedia-ch6-activism35pp__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647272518]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[text-daly-book-humans-r-socialmedia-ch6-activism35pp]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---5."Equity" (Main theoretical reading)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=156</link><pubDate>Wed, 17 Nov 2021 21:00:07 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=156</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 class="p1">CHAPTER 5 – Equity</h1>
<p class="p3">This is a special chapter devoted to a selection of activist causes to improve the lives of women. We look closely at two online movements outside of the US, one in each hemisphere. Both integrate the global and the local; both work to liberate women from systematic violence. Then we look at a few movements in the US.</p>
<p class="p3">But first let’s briefly broaden our lens to online activism in general.</p>
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<p class="p1"><em>Passionate public protests: Many protests for women’s rights use the publics of the web to expose private worlds of violence, enacted behind closed doors and silenced with shame.</em></p>
<p class="p2">In the following chapter, we will discuss eve strategies evident in creative online activist movements today, including speed, visuals, performances, inclusiveness, and masked leadership. These eve strategies can be found in many gender-focused online movements as well. But from my perspective, what is salient – what stands out – about women’s movements are the ways the internet is used to enable public conversation around topics previously kept private. Social media in particular affords exposure, the affordance of</p>
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<p class="p1">social media to draw matters society guards as private into the public sphere.</p>
<p class="p1">People who identify as “men” and people who identify as “women” have lived in the same neighborhoods and households across cultures and time periods. This quality makes gender relationships and activism distinct among activist movements. Issues that arise between groups of different ethnicities, races, and classes are often clearly expressed out in the open; but gender issues are not expressed as openly. Because men and women co-exist so closely in every community, issues between people of different gender identities tend to leak out in whispers and remain more hidden.</p>

<h2 class="p2">WOMEN AS A GENDER IDENTITY: A DISCLAIMER</h2>
<p class="p1">In order to look closely at two important online movements for women, I have had to exclude many other movements, moments, and identities from this chapter. The premise of the chapter admittedly works against complex understandings of gender, by presenting “women” as a fixed identity group. My goal in chapters 5 and 6 is to give you a selection of histories, tools, and examples to help you understand online activist movements.</p>
<p class="p1">As <span class="s1">the Wikipedia page on gender </span>reflects, a deep understanding of gender and sexuality must also consider where the boundaries between genders come from and what is left unspoken when we rely on binary gender categories. Movements for the rights of transgender women have evolved within, alongside, and sometimes in response to movements by cisgender women, but these histories are often collapsed into a single narrative. I encourage you to explore and analyze these complex histories with the tools we will discuss in chapters 5 and 6.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">CHALLENGING GENDER NORMS: A EXAMINATION OF AN ANDROGYNOUS SOCIAL MEDIA INFLUENCER</h2>
<h2 class="p1">Student Content</h2>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57</a></span></p>
<p class="p3">I decided to take a look at a public figure, and that public figure is Jeffree Star. I chose to examine Jeffree’s instagram account for qualitative observation because in the influencer and social media culture, he is a very controversial and interesting figure to observe.</p>
<p class="p3">As I explained in my video and to give a little background, Jeffree Star is one of the biggest Youtubers of our time, as he has 17.1 million subscribers. Not only does he have a ton of Youtube subscribers, he has almost 15 million followers on Instagram as well. It’s compelling to check out his instagram feed…when you have a lot of followers, a lot of opinion and judgement comes with the territory. You are constantly on display. Some people are crazy about him, and some hate him to the core. I think it’s both important and fascinating to see everyone’s beliefs on such a well known social media figure.</p>
<p class="p3">Jeffree Star provides makeup tutorials while promoting his own makeup line and accessories. He elms his famous youtube debriefs about on-trend beauty looks and makeup. He has built an empire and gotten very wealthy in the process! Part of his appeal is his dramatic look, the self expression, his outrageous remarks, and the sometimes offensive images he uses. On a variety of topics, Jeffree seems completely comfortable giving his precise and very blunt opinions. Sometimes the comments are crazy and even racist in nature. The man has no filter whatsoever, and is apparently not concerned with backlash or hateful comments from anyone, as he continues to say and do ridiculous things that frequently gets him cancelled from his channel. Not only does him to do and say as he pleases, but he is consistently caught in the midst of crazy drama, leading some to believe the whole persona is made up and attention-seeking. I would say I consider him as more of a “lone wolf” in the influencer industry because of his narcissistic, yet courageous ways.</p>
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<p class="p1">I feel like Jeffree Star definitely includes <strong>exposure</strong> into his life because he doesn’t care about personal, private information getting out and is willing to share anything to get a rise out of people for publicity.</p>
<p class="p1">When looking over his Instagram feed, I noticed the comments on specific posts about his beauty line, makeup, and glam image are overall positive. His fans are very vocal, supportive and fond of who he is and what he does, as it shows in his likes.</p>
<p class="p1">Jeffree uses <strong>crowd culture</strong> by promoting and selling his beauty items through his Instagram and Youtube channel to his fans.</p>
<p class="p1">As for the posts that contain sexual, explicit and profane content, there are less likes and more hostility all around. You can really tell that most of those comments come mainly from his haters, because there is much more hostility expressed than with other posts. They attack his sexuality, his morality, and more, showing they do not condone what he stands for. Whether you like him or not, he is highly entertaining and his controversial brand is what makes him so popular.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>About the author</strong></p>
<p class="p1"><em>Mikaela Zamora is a student at the University of Arizona. She is originally from Boulder, Colorado. She loves spending most of her time with friends and family and walking her dog.</em></p>

<h2 class="p3">SAUDI WOMEN: ONLINE AND DRIVING CHANGE</h2>
<p class="p4">Saudi Arabian laws and culture <span class="s1">enforce </span> a system of male guardianship<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>over women, whereby every woman must get the approval of a male guardian for decisions about her body and life including passport applications, travel, and marriage. Online activism helps women who are resisting the system of male</p>
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<p class="p1">guardianship to connect with fellow activists, read the climate for what they are asking, and connect with specific publics who may support their causes.</p>

<h3 class="p2">#savedinaali</h3>
<p class="p1">Like campaigns for other identity groups, many social media campaigns for women are branded as leaderless or have masked leadership. A particular feature of social media campaigns for women is the naming of the campaign after a woman who has been persecuted, even though she is not organizing the campaign. Sadly, due to the violence women face that leads to these campaigns, the woman the campaign is named after is often one whose persecution has already ensued.</p>
<p class="p1">One example is the campaign to <span class="s1">#savedinaali. </span> Dina Ali fed Saudi Arabia but was detained in the Philippines and returned to her family, whom she said would kill her. It is unknown if Dina Ali is severely injured or even alive, but organizers started the #savedinaali campaign to help her and women in similar situations, and draw attention to the human rights abuses of Saudi women. Raising awareness around the situations of particular imprisoned women may lighten the punishment inficted on them – though it does not guarantee safety or survival.</p>

<h2 class="p3">RECOGNIZING THE SMALL BEGINNINGS OF LARGE MEDIA CAMPAIGNS</h2>
<p class="p1">Activist movements that become large usually began as small, local efforts for change. This is especially true around women’s rights; whispers about a case or pattern of abuse erst spread locally, then grow into regional or global social movements once it’s clear that the abuse is systematic. Take for example the extensive Human Rights Watch campaign (also linked above) to end Male Guardianship in Saudi Arabia. It was many small campaigns like</p>
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<p class="p1">the one to save Dina Ali that led Human Rights Watch to produce <span class="s1">a 2016 report entitled </span>Boxed In: Women and Saudi Arabia’s Male <span class="s2">Guardianship System. </span> The campaign uses the hashtag #TogetherToEndMaleGuardianship along with video and other content.</p>
<p class="p1">Human Rights Watch (HRW) is a large, global organization, but small movements gave them key examples and networks on which to build a larger campaign. HRW’s decision to focus on Twitter as a platform required the organization to monitor smaller movements for evidence that Saudis would use and respond to Twitter hashtags for activism. Those small movements provided the core of the larger networks HRW would use in their campaign.</p>
<p class="p1">One prior online network example for campaigns for Saudi women is the campaign to allow them to drive. Women have been putting themselves on the front lines and driving – and celebrating this civil disobedience online. In 2011-2013 the hashtag #W2drive (women to drive) was used by Saudi activists to gather a public interested in women’s right to drive, as did the account @SaudiWomenSpring on Facebook.</p>

<h2 class="p3">SOCIAL MEDIA AND THE RIGHT TO VOTE</h2>
<h2 class="p3">Student Content, Fall 2020</h2>
<h2 class="p4">My Perspective and Experience with Social Media</h2>
<p class="p5">I have come a long way with social media. I have encountered the negatives, as well as the positives that come with using social media. In my personal experience, I have always been involved with the use of social media, especially at a very young age. Being exposed at a very young age to so much criticism and opinions all on different platforms in my opinion is a factor of shaping who you are and how your views on certain topics are made. I am positive that with my generation, while growing up in an age where we were the internet</p>
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<p class="p1">generation also known as Generation Z, that we all had experiences with how social media influenced us at a young age.</p>
<p class="p1">Which is why I wanted to touch upon the political side of how the internet allows and influences us in many ways, while also giving everyone a platform to voice our opinions to each other. Many of those times that I have seen result in arguments caused by a disagreement in the comment section of a post. In today’s time, the internet is filled with hateful comments towards one another about having opposite opinions. Today you see grown adults shaming young adults for the decision they made in the comments of the post.</p>
<p class="p1">In my experience during election time, I end that I see lots of advertisements, and political campaigning that takes place, and inevitably consumes a lot of what people see and hear surrounding the election. I found this organization this past year amidst the fact that the year 2020 is the year of the most recent election. I began to see lots of my own peers ending themselves conflicted and even considering not voting in the 2020 election. Quite honestly, I found myself in the same position. This is the erst time I am able to vote in a presidential election. I should have been excited to exercise my fifteenth amendment right, but I was not solely because of the hateful opinions on social media. I felt that I was going to be judged by people for who I voted for and ultimately felt discouraged. I later began looking into different organizations whom I supported and saw how patriotic they were about voting and especially because I am Native American our voice, in my opinion, is suppressed. I began to see things in a new light and later made my mind up about actually going out and voting. I then began to advocate for all voices to have a say in how we vote and how our vote counts, the difference it makes when people do vote.</p>
<p class="p1">I find that these types of organizations are truly helpful for those such as myself that really focus on influencing positivity on social media. Social media can be extremely toxic to your mental health and I think overthinking things such as what I did can really affect certain outcomes. If I had not looked into organizations that I like and follow I would not have gotten the courage to really be proud of having the right to vote.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">Also by this author: Rock the Vote!</h2>
<p class="p2">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57</a></span></p>
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<p class="p1"><strong>About the Author</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><em>Trinity Norris is a sophomore majoring in Journalism with an emphasis in Digital Journalism. Minoring in Information Science and Esociety.</em></p>

<h2 class="p3">MEMING OF HASHTAGS AND MORE</h2>
<p class="p4">The use of any hashtag can expand and complicate the spread of a message across a global audience, particularly if the meme flips to become sarcastic or changes direction.</p>
<p class="p4">Hashtags relating to Saudi women’s rights led to numerous memes, but most just added force to the movement. #TogetherToEndMaleGuardianship was of course translated – you might also say, imitated or memed – into Arabic, and it is that tag which Arabic-speaking social media users began spreading prolifically. #StopEnslavingSaudiWomen is another tag channeling similar publics. Like #HandsUpDontShoot in the Black Lives Matter movement, it is a phrase speaking directly to an oppressing force, telling them to change their behavior.</p>
<p class="p4">However, there is some evidence of the spread of misinformation through hashtags related to Saudi women. For example, <span class="s1">a story </span>about Saudi male scientists declaring women “not human” started out on a satirical website, but it spread to other publics – including some who believed it was true, and others who found it useful in spreading fear of Islam. As this example shows, hashtags are easy targets for appropriation – use for a different cultural purpose than originally intended.</p>

<h2 class="p3">HOW SOCIAL MEDIA CAN HELP WOMEN’S CAUSES IN</h2>
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<h2 class="p1">PARTICULAR</h2>
<p class="p2">To understand women’s online movements, including those for Saudi women and women in the Americas (in the next section), it is important to consider relationship communication. First, let’s consider who Saudi women can and cannot speak to and when or where those conversations take place. In traditional Saudi society, women have limited face to face contact; they rarely gather or communicate with people beyond their immediate family, and external communications may be under constant surveillance. This limits the communication of women activists with those who are geographically close to them and to moments of low surveillance.</p>
<p class="p2">However, communities devoted to women’s activism can interact online on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, and other social media platforms. So the most important affordance of social media for women’s movements is this: movement organizers can orchestrate gatherings and strategies through the use of social media. An example of this is the campaign #women2drive, which Saudi women have been pushing for several years to challenge male guardianship incrementally by focusing on the right to drive.</p>
<p class="p2">Another affordance of social media for women’s movements is this: social media can extend and deepen communication among activists, transforming short or casual encounters into opportunities for a more profound exchange of ideas. Social media can allow people who will be gathering in person to get a sense before the event of what others are thinking. It also allows people to continue</p>
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<p class="p1">sharing their <span class="s1">“staircase thoughts” </span> after they leave the meeting (think of the old TV series Columbo, where the detective seems to be leaving the suspect alone but then turns around just before going downstairs and says: “Oh, there’s just one more thing…”). Staircase thoughts are sometimes considered simply wit that we thought of too late. But l’esprit de l’escalier or “wit of the staircase” as French philosopher Denis Diderot called it, can deepen communication, especially in activist movements that involve covert communications.</p>
<p class="p1">A third affordance: Social media gathers and focuses global publics. The web is chaos! But social objects like hashtags cut across the chaos to connect publics focused on certain topics, at times despite great geographic dispersal and distance. Publics drawn to pay attention to online activism include people who are not necessarily organizers of an activist movement but who are paying attention to activist causes.</p>
<p class="p1">Some of the publics gathered by social media include large organizations with resources to support movements, leading to a fourth affordance in creating a global movement: Social mediaconnects activists with their publics. Saudi women can feel the support of women activists across the globe with the hashtag #suffrage, and I imagine that is important at moments when the national culture seems to be changing too slowly. Connecting with supportive publics can also lead to organizational and financial support.</p>
<p class="p1">The publics gathered through hashtags around Saudi women’s rights and specifically the push to end male guardianship in that</p>
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<p class="p1">country demonstrate how publics can build on and connect to one another, through hashtags among other tools. Saudi women have pushed to end male guardianship in the past, and the gathering of publics by these early movements led to the taking up of the cause by larger organizations.</p>

<h2 class="p2">DEMONSTRATIONS ONLINE AND ACROSS THE AMERICAS AGAINST GENDER VIOLENCE</h2>
<h2 class="p2">NI UNA MENOS, VIVAS LAS QUEREMOS</h2>
<p class="p1">Beginning in 2016, a new hemispheric movement is underway expressing outrage over violence against women in the Americas. Ni Una Menos began in summer 2014 in Argentina, culminating in an August 2016 demonstration in Lima that was <span class="s1">characterized as the </span>largest demonstration ever seen in Peru. <span class="s2">It was reactivated in South </span>American cities including Buenos Aires and Rio Di Janeiro in <span class="s2">October 2016, in </span>response to the drugging, rape, and murder <span class="s2">of a </span>16-year-old Argentinian girl.</p>
<p class="p1">Hemispheric hashtags coordinating these movements include #niunamenos (not one less or not one fewer) and <span class="s1">#vivaslasqueremos </span>(we want them alive) – proactively worded demands that not a single woman or girl be killed by systematic violence. This proactive framing makes every death cause for further protest.</p>
<p class="p1">One striking strategy in this movement is its theatricality. From <span class="s1">dressing as death in Mexico </span>to applying makeup to simulate bruised and bloodied faces and crotches in this <span class="s1">demonstration in</span></p>
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<p class="p1"><span class="s1">Buenos Aires, Argentina</span>, these movements rely upon visual impact. In the United States, it is common to embody the unjustly dead – in #blacklivesmatter, the #icantbreathe hashtag for Eric Garner and hoodie-posing to say “we are Trayvon Martin” are two of many examples of resurrection through performance. But this practice of embodying a bruised, bloodied woman is distinct from most feminist protests seen in the US. The performative, graphic strategies in the Latin American #niunamenos demonstrations were not replicated in the massive Women’s March in the US in January 2017, although many women face violence in the US. Perhaps marchers in the US sought to embody the “they go low, we go high” <span class="s1">approach </span>– as in Michelle Obama’s speech at the DNC following the recording of Trump boasting of using his wealth and stature to grab women “by the pussy.” But the difference may come down to class more than nationality.</p>
<p class="p1">The performative demonstrations in Latin America reflect the grim reality of being unable to “go high” and hide abuse for many of its survivors. Many abused women wear their visible bruises on their faces. The sounds of abuse are more evident on city streets and in smaller apartment buildings than in large houses and suburbs. Abuse of poor women is more visible than abuse of wealthier women – even when poor women don’t live on the streets, lower-class status is generally accompanied by a lack of personally owned or controlled space. As <span class="s1">Margaret Rodman has </span><span class="s1">written</span>, “The most powerless people have no place at all.” In these</p>
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<p class="p1">hemispheric demonstrations, the streets become women’s place, with demonstrators of all classes increasingly marching them. By making the marks of women’s abuse and murder public, they drag into the public eye what has long been understood as a feature of women’s private lives in the Americas.</p>

<h3 class="p2">Update: #metoo</h3>
<p class="p1">After this book was released, the #metoo movement ensued, in late 2017. As I write this update, <span class="s1">the #metoo movement is sweeping </span><span class="s1">the US and other nations</span>, as charges and evidence of long histories of sexual harassment and abuse circulate in the media and online. The movement has pervaded the academic and political spheres in the US and other nations as well.</p>

<h2 class="p3">SEXTORTION</h2>
<h2 class="p3">Student Content, Fall 2020</h2>
<h2 class="p4">500 Word Reflection</h2>
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Sextortion: A serious crime that occurs when someone threatens to distribute your private and sensitive material if you don’t provide them images of a sexual nature, sexual favors, or money. Sextortion is a serious crime that occurs when someone threatens to distribute your private and sensitive material if you don’t provide them images of a sexual nature, sexual favors, or money. Often used through social media.</em></div>
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<p class="p1">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57#h5p-68" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57#h5p-68</a></span></p>
<p class="p3">Have you ever posted a photo on social media? Have you ever let a random person follow you on social media? Have you ever heard of Photoshop? Have you ever heard of a person’s face being photoshopped onto another person’s naked body? Have you heard of those people, no, victims being extorted for money, fame, worldly possessions or even real naked photos? If you have then you know what sextortion is. That’s right it has a name, and as you can tell from the audio story I attached above my friend was a victim of this. Sextortion is a serious crime that occurs when someone threatens to distribute your private and sensitive material if you don’t provide them images of a sexual nature, sexual favors, or money.</p>
<p class="p3">I think that the story I spoke about gives me a unique perspective of social media because it is such a understated problem related to the Internet. Quite frankly, a lot of people don’t know what they’re posting when they post something, nor do they know who is actually seeing it. This experience was very painful for my friend who had this happen, as well as eye-opening for me as an observer. I watched firsthand the absolute panic and potential crumbling of her future happen before my eyes.</p>
<p class="p3">When a provocative photo of you, whether it be real or not, is posted and shared around the Internet it can follow you around for the rest of your life. Plenty of people used sex tapes to extort famous people for money and shared fame. Or they use it against politicians and judges to discredit them, but you don’t think it will happen to a 19-year-old girl who hasn’t begun her professional life. This experience gives me my own personal and cultural knowledge of social media that is different from others due to the fact that I am more aware and a lot more careful with who I allow to follow me on social media platforms.</p>
<p class="p3">I know a lot of young women my age who are public and have a ridiculous amount</p>
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<p class="p1">of followers for just being an average college student. These women don’t know where their photo is going, they don’t know what could be done on Photoshop nor do they use caution when posting. I thoroughly encourage all young men and women on the Internet to use protection and take precautions in regards to sharing their face, name, school, family and especially where they live. You never know when a person you’ve never met will use sextortion to change or potentially ruin your life.</p>
<p class="p1">Our experience with the police in regards to the sextortion scandal was very concerning. The blatant disregard for her panic as well as the assumption that she was lying about the photos, really showed the older generation’s attitude towards this type of extortion. He spoke very condescendingly, he shook his head and said “you’re just a young girl, why would you send a photo like this” and shook off any idea that it wasn’t actually her in the photos. I feel like the younger generation needs to be made aware of this type of scandal as well as the older generation. Because when people who are my age get extorted like this, they need the help from the older generations and when they don’t even know what sextortion is, then nothing can be resolved. I know that my friend’s case file is just sitting on a computer or in a cabinet, soon to be thrown out with the trash. I am saddened by our absence of knowledge regarding this crime, and hope we educate ourselves soon.</p>
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<p class="p1"><strong>About the author</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><em>Melanie Norris is a sophomore at the University of Arizona. She can often be found spending time with her roommates and friends!</em></p>
<p class="p3">Critiques of the #metoo movement are also circulating. One example is the <span class="s1">response </span>#whataboutus by working-class <span class="s1">women </span>that draws attention to the limits of #metoo in telling their stories. Another critique elevates <span class="s1">discomfort among feminists </span>with #metoo’s simplistic image of women as victims, and of the collapsing of such a vast range of behaviors into the concept of “harassment.”</p>
<p class="p3">The creative online activism explored in these chapters is remarkable for its inclusiveness and complexity in the face of these critiques. Branding is hard. Oversimplification is a threat faced by any spreading movement; in this phenomenon, complex causes can be reduced to a simplistic phrase or meaning as the movement spreads. Oversimplification of a message seems inevitable for it to gain national or global traction, as critiques of the #metoo movement charge. Yet the Black Lives Matter movement has remained complex, so why not #metoo?</p>
<p class="p3">As of this writing, I do not include the US-based #metoo among the movements I label creative online activism – yet. Although the Hollywood actresses whose accounts received the most attention</p>
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<p class="p1">are very visible, the movement’s strategies are not highly visual, or performative; rather, the movement has gained traction through the voices of people who already have access to significant public attention and national platforms. Imagine if they used their skills at performance and visibility to redirect the attention of their audiences to working-class women and women in nations with oppressive regimes? I hope #metoo advocates where the movement is most visible will turn attention to the women who need help most, rather than celebrating #metoo as a simple success.</p>

<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Social and activist movements take time. Decades may pass before the ejects of a movement are in full view.</em></div>
<p class="p1">In the next chapter – as we explore cultural branding – keep activist movements in mind. But also remember that whereas the goal of cultural branding is immediate influence, the goal of social and activist movements is long-term cultural change.</p>

<h2 class="p3">CORE CONCEPTS AND QUESTIONS</h2>
<h2 class="p4">Core Concepts</h2>
<p class="p5"><strong>exposure</strong></p>
<p class="p2">the affordance of social media to draw matters society guards as private into the public sphere</p>
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<p class="p1"><strong>male guardianship</strong></p>
<p class="p2">the system in Saudi Arabia whereby every woman must get the approval of a male guardian for decisions about her body and life including passport applications, travel, and marriage</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>appropriation</strong></p>
<p class="p2">use for a different cultural purpose than originally intended</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>staircase thoughts</strong></p>
<p class="p2">the affordance of social media to allow people who will be gathering in person also to get a sense of what others are thinking before they meet face to face, and continue sharing their ideas after they leave the meeting</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>Ni Una Menos</strong></p>
<p class="p2">translated from Spanish as “not one less”, this is a hemispheric movement expressing outrage over violence against women in the Americas, this movement began in Argentina and led to an August 2016 demonstration in Lima that was characterized as the largest demonstration ever seen in Peru</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>oversimplification</strong></p>
<p class="p2">the threat faced by any spreading movement for complex causes to be reduced to a simplistic phrase or meaning as the movement spreads</p>

<h2 class="p3">Core Questions</h2>
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<h2 class="p1">A. Questions for qualitative thought</h2>
<p class="p2">1. Start looking at hashtags online used alongside #metoo and also look at stories posted in #metoo over the last several years. In your groups, choose one</p>
<p class="p2">or two posts to discuss. What do the stories using like hashtags have in common, and what are some ways that they differ?</p>
<p class="p2">2. What are the some of the smaller impacts you have noticed in the years since#metoo and companion hashtags and practices have come about? In your own experiences or those you know about.</p>
<p class="p2">3. If you were aware of the women’s movements discussed in this chapter before, what had you heard about them? Do these movements influence you to think differently about women’s roles in the cultures from which these movements came? Explain.</p>

<h2 class="p1">B. Review: Which is the best answer?</h2>
<p class="p3">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57#h5p-22" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57#h5p-22</a></span></p>
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<p class="p1">An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57#h5p-23" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=57#h5p-23</a></span></p>

<h2 class="p3">RELATED CONTENT</h2>
<h2 class="p4">CONSIDER IT: AMERICANS’ EXPERIENCES AND BELIEFS AROUND #METOO</h2>
<h2 class="p5">WORRIED ABOUT SEXUAL HARASSMENT – OR FALSE ALLEGATIONS? OUR TEAM ASKED AMERICANS ABOUT THEIR EXPERIENCES AND BELIEFS</h2>
<p class="p6">From The Conversation</p>
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<p class="p1">In a survey, 81% of women and 43% of men said that they had experienced sexual harassment or assault at least once.</p>
<p class="p2">Mihai Surdu/shutterstock.com</p>
<p class="p2">Anita Raj<span class="s1">, </span>University of California San Diego</p>
<p class="p1">Since the launch of #MeToo, there’s been <span class="s2">a lot of attention </span>on problems of sexual harassment and assault in the U.S.</p>
<p class="p1">Unfortunately, this has not amounted to much progress in terms of reductions in sexual harassment and assault or improvements in conviction rates. This is in part due to the social and political dissension regarding <span class="s2">the veracity of accusations </span>and what constitutes fairness of due process when cases arise<span class="s1">.</span></p>
<p class="p1"><span class="s2">Our new study</span>, published April 30 by nonprofit Stop Street Harassment, in partnership with our team at UC San Diego’s Center on Gender Equity and Health, as well as others, looks closely at the scope of these issues in our country.</p>
<p class="p1">The headline figure is that, as has long been known, sexual harassment affects most women and many men.</p>
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<p class="p1">However, our study dug deeper, providing insight into three questions that are central to today’s media coverage of #MeToo.</p>

<h3 class="p2">1. HAVE THE RATES OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND ASSAULT CHANGED WITH THE #METOO MOVEMENT?</h3>
<p class="p1">In the nationally representative sample of the approximately 2,000 Americans whom we surveyed in early 2019, 81% of women and 43% of men said that they had experienced sexual harassment or assault at least once in their lives.</p>
<p class="p1">Eighteen percent of women and 16% of men reported recent sexual harassment or assault in the last six months, which is <span class="s1">not a significant change from 2018</span>.</p>
<p class="p1">The overall prevalence of sexual harassment or assault throughout one’s lifetime also showed no change.</p>
<p class="p3"><span class="s2">These endings suggest that </span>improved awareness of #MeToo <span class="s2">and </span>potential backlash <span class="s1">against it </span>have not altered the incidence or reported prevalence of these abuses.</p>
<p class="p1">However, while these data indicate no change in survey reports, U.S. crime data indicate <span class="s2">that more people are </span>reporting sexual harassment and assault to the police<span class="s2">, possibly due </span>to greater comfort engaging the criminal justice system thanks to #MeToo.</p>
<p class="p1">Nonetheless, high rates of sexual harassment and assault, particularly for women, continue to be a norm in the U.S.</p>

<h3 class="p2">2. HOW SAFE FROM SEXUAL HARASSMENT ARE STUDENTS AND WORKERS?</h3>
<p class="p1">Our study suggests that most sexual harassment occurs on the street or in other public venue.</p>
<p class="p1">However, 38% of women and about 15% of men have experienced sexual harassment in the workplace and at school.</p>
<p class="p3"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/FWbhJ/1/" style="color: #0000ff">https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/FWbhJ/1/</a></span></p>
<p class="p1">Harassment in high school was particularly common, reported by 27% of women and 11% of men. Smaller but significant groups said they had experienced harassment at their middle school and college campuses.</p>
<p class="p1">This suggests that, despite concerns about sexual harassment in U.S. schools and</p>
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<p class="p1">workplaces, long-standing federal policies from <span class="s1">the Department of Education </span>and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission <span class="s2">against these abuses are not effectively </span>preventing perpetrators from acting anyway, typically with impunity.</p>

<h3 class="p3">3. HOW SAFE ARE BOYS AND MEN FROM FALSE ALLEGATIONS OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND ASSAULT?</h3>
<p class="p1"><span class="s1">False allegations </span>of sexual harassment and assault against high-profile individuals are a growing public concern. Some have expressed worry that there is great risk for <span class="s1">unfair and </span>unfounded accusations against men and boys<span class="s2">.</span></p>
<p class="p1">These fears were raised by some, for example, in national discussions of the allegations against <span class="s1">President Donald Trump </span>and Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh.</p>
<p class="p1">While our data reveal that most people believe survivors to varying degrees, one in 20 women and one in 12 men felt that most or all of the allegations in recent high-profile cases were “false and that accusers are purposefully lying for attention or money.”</p>
<p class="p2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/hDB3F/2/" style="color: #0000ff">https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/hDB3F/2/</a></span></p>
<p class="p1">While one-third of respondents reported ever perpetrating sexual harassment or assault, only 2% of men and 1% of women said they had ever been accused of these abuses. That shows that, while ongoing public perceptions of false accusations as a major risk persist, any accusation, including false accusations, is in fact very rare.</p>

<h3 class="p3">WHAT DOES THIS ALL MEAN?</h3>
<p class="p1">Sexual harassment and assault is a persistent issue in the U.S. Our study underscores that it’s particularly common for American children, disproportionately girls. Furthermore, many are also enduring this harassment in the workplace.</p>
<p class="p1">When these abuses occur, most bear them in silence, without accusations against those at fault. How do I know this? Well, this is the part where I cannot tell you based on our research, but because I did not tell anyone when I was sexually harassed in school and early in my career: #MeToo.</p>
<p class="p1">We say nothing because it is not worth the burden – of tackling institutional accountability when there is <span class="s1">little likelihood of repercussions </span>for those who victimize us; of trying to justify or prove ourselves in environments where people continue to <span class="s1">believe that</span></p>
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<p class="p1">false accusations and confused memories are common<span class="s1">; of taking the time to process what </span>happened rather than just focusing on moving forward, and avoiding those trying to harm or impede us.</p>
<p class="p2">I believe that the U.S. does too little to educate the public regarding the nature and scale of problem, or the fact that men are far more likely to be victims of these abuses rather than of false allegations related to their perpetration.</p>
<p class="p2">My team’s hope with this work is to give light to the risk and harms of sexual harassment and assault as a social epidemic in our country. Given how rare it is for those affected to seek help, the U.S. needs to prioritize its prevention for the benefit of all, regardless of gender.</p>
<p class="p2"><em><span class="s2">Anita Raj</span>, Professor of Society and Health, Medicine, and Education Studies, and Founding Director of the Center on Gender Equity and Health, <span class="s2">University of California San </span>Diego</em></p>
<p class="p2">This article is republished from <span class="s2">The Conversation </span>under a Creative Commons license.</p>
<p class="p1"><span class="s1">Read the </span>original article<span class="s1">.</span></p>
&nbsp;

<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/5a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch5-EquityMeTooTwitter46pp.pdf">5a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch5-Equity,MeTooTwitter=46pp</a>
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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Equity"</strong>:</h2>
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[h5p id="26"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>156</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-17 16:00:07]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-17 21:00:07]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:48:31]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:48:31]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[text-3__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647272911]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[text-3]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---6."Theorizing The Future" (Main theoretical reading)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=177</link><pubDate>Wed, 17 Nov 2021 21:33:13 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=177</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 class="p1">Section 1 – Theorizing the Future</h1>
<h2 class="p2">1.1 Where is my jetpack?</h2>
<p class="p3">Sound familiar? This was supposed to be the time of ubiquitous flight and mars travel, cured cancers and realistic virtual reality. Sure, there were major changes, the cost of communication services dropped dramatically, computer parts became impossibly cheap, and the barriers that once imposed scarcity onto communication have come crashing down. But the future looks a lot more like the past than not. Predictions are hard, especially when they are about the future.</p>
<p class="p3">What we understand as the past, to be studied as history, as largely collected through traces that are unreliable. What do we actually know about what voters thought in the 1928 election? For that matter, what do we know about voters in the 2016 election? Contemporary communication technologies allow ubiquitous access to information and widely distributed contact with individuals. New models are trumpeted as offering access to additional information and possibility, ecommerce technologies that would promise to know consumers better than they know themselves. At the same time, these technologies seem incapable of actually resolving the problem of public opinion formation and collective action. The underlying problem of the public sphere is not one of technology, but one of passion. So, you don’t have a jetpack and the forces of hate seem to be gaining strength.</p>
<p class="p3">Consider the rise of the everything store, once known as the Sears catalog, now Amazon.com.<span class="s1">1 </span>There is nothing particularly remarkable about the idea that people would like access to a wide array of goods, delivered to their homes, at reasonable prices. Jobbers delivered an assortment of goods with non-fixed prices, department stores developed additional inventory and fixed prices (a great improvement over constant negotiation).<span class="s1">2 </span>Grocery stores and discounters appeared not as a paradigm shift, but as a continuation of the same trend. At times, firms might opt for smaller assortments, but this is merely the play of strategy as the desires of the population are neatly mapped by business operations. The future of retail is also the past.</p>
<p class="p3">What continued for all of this time is the desire of the public to be warm, housed, and fed. It is not remarkable that the desires of the public are continuous over time. Deep structures like hunger continue.</p>
<p class="p4">1. Derek Thompson, “The History of Sears Predicts Nearly Everything Amazon Is Doing,” The Atlantic, September 25, 2017, https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2017/09/sears-predictsamazon/540888/.</p>
<p class="p4">2. Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization and Perception of Time and Space (University of California Press, 1986).</p>
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<p class="p1">What varies is the vast array of symbolic expressions of these needs, which come through fashions, cuisines, and other cultural codes. Which is not to say that codes do not become an end in themselves, the rich intertextual life of the public is just as real as the physical life. Manuel Delanda recognized this when he juxtaposed two distinct gradients for the legitimation of a state: symbolic and material.<span class="s1">3 </span> A system that provides sustenance with no meaning or intersubjective investment is objectionable, just as a system that has a vast symbolic life with little effect would be an utter failure. Failed symbolic legitimacy can overwhelm physical plenty.</p>
<p class="p1">This textbook is not an account of the reasons why jetpack development has been so slow. For the most part these would be effectively explained by elementary physics and engineering. In an article on the topic of jetpacks in The Guardian , Cardiff University Lecturer and science columnist Dean Burnett laid out the key issues with jetpack technology: gravity is a substantial force and most flying machines use properties like aerodynamic lift (wings) to generate enough lift, managing the size and deployment of the engine itself.<span class="s1">4 </span> After all, it is not enough to build an engine that might lift a human successfully, but you need to attach it to a human being. The Evergreen Aviation museum, a world leader in obscure craft which includes the Spruce Goose, features a number of single user escape helicopters. James Bond, eat your heart out. Attaching a thruster to a human body is tricky and we haven’t even gotten into special issues in buckle development. Burnett’s argument did not hinge on the difficulty in building the machine, but in the fact that it is not desirable. Jetpacks are far more dangerous than bicycles, people would make terrible choices with them, and they would produce vast emissions of greenhouse gasses. You don’t want a jetpack – notice that word: want.</p>
<p class="p1">This is the inflection point for our studies of the future. In communication, the question is rarely if something is possible, but if it is probable or desirable. The title is New Media Futures, our subject matter: what are the possible and probable future technologies for the creation of meaning.</p>

<h2 class="p2">1.2 Disciplinary Context</h2>
<p class="p1">This book was written for use in a broad New Media program based in the Communication Studies tradition. There are a number of disciplinary threads that tie our traditions into their current administrative alignments. The rhetorical wing of communication traces their origins to a walkout from a writing conference. Mass communication research on the other hand would emphasize the role of social research and media studies from the outset of communication.<span class="s1">5 </span> Others would choose moments that resonate with</p>
<p class="p3">3. Manuel De Landa, Philosophy and Simulation: The Emergence of Synthetic Reason (London; New York, NY: Continuum, 2011).</p>
<p class="p3">4. Dean Burnett, “Jetpacks: Here’s Why You Don’t Have One | Dean Burnett,” The Guardian, September 23, 2014, sec. Science, https://www.theguardian.com/science/brain-flapping/2014/sep/23/jetpacks-science-scientists.</p>
<p class="p3">5. John Peters, “Democracy and Mass Communication Theory: Dewey, Lippmann, Lazarsfeld,” Communication 11, no. 3 (1989): 199–220.</p>
<p class="p4" style="text-align: right"><em>6 | Section 1: Theorizing the Future</em></p>


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<p class="p1">their particular moment of transdisciplinary contact, from art history to sociology. Communication is not an unusual academic field in this sense.</p>
<p class="p1">All academic fields depend on a largely arbitrary disciplinary moment, a point where some critical ontological or epistemological choice was made that determines the answers to many subsequent questions. What does that mean? Economists often begin from a disciplinary fable about the rationalization of barter. Sociologists may reduce interactions to the result of a social force. Artists explore the moment of genius where creative energy seemingly appears from nowhere. Psychologists find the core of all behavior in the cognitive structure of the individual with a lurking basis in the brain.</p>
<p class="p1">The tighter the story, the more likely your discipline is to have prestige. It is not that these stories are entirely wrong, but that they always necessarily tell part of the story.</p>
<p class="p1">Communication is a great field because it is organized around a number of weak stories. At the same time, this is a curse when dealing with organization of the university system. Is communication a point to organize around or a virus that is withering the marrow of disciplinary rigor?</p>
<p class="p1">The critical moments for the study of communication would be decisions about people and context (meaning networks and objects), proximal and distant.</p>

<table style="border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%;height: 45px" border="0">
<tbody>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 9.61186%;height: 15px"></td>
<td style="width: 40.2974%;height: 15px"><strong>People</strong></td>
<td style="width: 50.0906%;height: 15px"><strong>Context</strong></td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 9.61186%;height: 15px"><strong>Proximal </strong></td>
<td style="width: 40.2974%;height: 15px">Interpersonal and small group</td>
<td style="width: 50.0906%;height: 15px">Biological and Technological determinism</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td style="width: 9.61186%;height: 15px"><strong>Distant </strong></td>
<td style="width: 40.2974%;height: 15px">Rhetoric and public culture</td>
<td style="width: 50.0906%;height: 15px">Infrastructures</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p class="p1">This is not to say that scholars may not connect multiple areas of research, but that most research tends to fall into these slots. The truth is likely between all: it is not that the infrastructure is enough to cause the movement, but that the movement surely would not have formed without it. Academics select an angle because it provides explanatory leverage, that when placed in conversation with other perspectives, can provide rich understanding of the world.</p>
<p class="p1">Beyond communication, this book is situated with regards to Futures studies. This is only one of many possible names for this academic trajectory, along with foresight and many others. In his 1932 call for aid, “Wanted – Professors of Foresight!” H.G. Wells called for the development of a field of foresight, this new field would deal with unanticipated consequences that accompanied the development of new technology. The question for Wells: why are publics so reckless when confronting technologies that vastly increase the speed or range of processes? What additional skills could be brought to bear to more effectively engage with these problems:</p>
&nbsp;
<p class="p1 indent hanging-indent">   There are no Professors of Foresight as yet, but I am by way of being an amateur. Let me draw a plain conclusion from tonight’s audition. Either we must make peace throughout the world, make one worldstate, one world-pax, with one money, one police, one speech and one brotherhood, however hard that task may seem, or we must prepare to live with the voice of the stranger in our ears, with the eyes of the stranger in our homes, with the knife of the stranger always at our throats, in fear and in danger of death, enemy-neighbours with the rest of our species. Distance was protection, was safety, though it meant also ignorance and indifference and a narrow, unstimulated life. For good or evil, distance has been done away with. This problem of communications rushes upon us today – it rushes upon us like Jehu the son of Nimshi. It drives furiously. And it evokes the same question: is it peace?</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>Section 1: Theorizing the Future | 7</em></p>


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<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    Because if it is not to be peace foreseen and planned and established, then it will be disaster and death. Will there be no Foresight until those bombs begin to rain upon us?<span class="s1">6</span></p>
<p class="p1">This is a conservative idea, Wells calls for a futurism that could imagine a peace that could be created with existing technology. Distance is gone, the question becomes how to deal with closeness in the name of peace. The default condition lacked contact, now that contact has been established, how do we deal with it?</p>
<p class="p1">In this same time period, the Futurist movement in Italy took the opposite approach: instead of preserving or creating piece, conflict was desirable. For the futurist, nostalgia is the problem, an oppressive force that prevents the technologies of acceleration from transforming society in new profound ways. Consider this excerpt from a futurist work by Martinetti:</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    This is how we deny the obsessing splendor of the dead centuries and collaborate with victorious Mechanics, the force that grips the earth in its network of speed.</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    We are collaborating with mechanics in destroying the old poetry of distance and wild solitudes, the exquisite nostalgia of departure, and in its place we urge the tragic lyricism of ubiquity and omnipresent speed.</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    Our Futurist sensibility, in fact, is no longer moved by the dark mystery of an unexplored valley, of a mountain pass that we, in spite of ourselves, picture as crossed by the elegant (and almost Parisian) ribbon of a white road, where an automobile gleaming with progress and full of cultured voices abruptly pulls up, sputtering; a boulevard corner camped in the middle of solitude.</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    Every pine woods madly in love with the moon has a Futurist road that crosses it from end to end. The simple, doleful reign of endlessly soliloquizing vegetation is over.</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    With us begins the reign of the man whose roots are cut, the multiplied man who merges himself with iron, is fed by electricity, and no longer understands anything except the sensual delight of danger and quotidian heroism.<span class="s1">7</span></p>
<p class="p1">The sensibility here should remind you of the ideology of contemporary technology conglomerates. It isn’t that technology makes things better, but that technology transforms all of life, and those ways that came before are not simply obsolete but regressive. We should consider this not to celebrate futurism, but to see how this set of ideas about speed and destruction recur. Schumpeter did not invent creative destruction – it was baked into the aesthetics of this movement.<span class="s1">8 </span>Martinetti pushes us toward an anti-romantic view of the world. At the same time the masculine ideal of this movement is exclusionary, the celebration of rootlessness costs the stability of the tree. When Mark Zuckerberg promoted the slogan “move fast and break things,” it was intended to exemplify the challenge to the status quo.<span class="s1">9 </span>This was a new kind of organization that wouldn’t follow rules. Now, a decade later, we can see that rules of political communication and media ethics</p>
<p class="p2">6. H G Wells, “Wanted – Professors of Foresight!,” October 1, 2018.</p>
<p class="p2">7. F.T. Martinetti, “We Abjure Our Symbolist Masters, The Last Lovers of the Moon,” in Futurism: An Anthology (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 94.</p>
<p class="p2">8. Joseph Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Reprint. edition (Harper, 1975).</p>
<p class="p2">9. Nick Statt, “Zuckerberg: ‘Move Fast and Break Things’ Isn’t How Facebook Operates Anymore,” CNET, accessed October 2, 2018, https://www.cnet.com/news/zuckerberg-move-fast-and-break-thingsisnt-how-we-operate-anymore/.</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>8 | Section 1: Theorizing the Future</em></p>


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<p class="p1">were hard won and necessary. Zuckerberg wasn’t new, the Futurists understood the appeal of destruction and the power of novelty.</p>
<p class="p1">In 1967, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences published “Toward the year 2000: Work in Progress.”<span class="s1">10 </span>Unlike the romantic appeal for peace of Wells or the anti-romantic zeal of Martinetti, Daniel Bell’s position comes closest to ours in this book (and likely your course):</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    Time, said St. Augustine, is a three-fold present: the present as we experience it, the past as a present memory, and the future as a present expectation. By that criterion, the world of the year 2000 has already arrived, for the decisions we make now, in the way we design our environment and thus sketch the lines of constraints, the future is committed. Just as the gridiron pattern of city streets in the nineteenth century shaped the linear growth of cities in the twentieth, so the new networks of highways, the location of new towns, the reordering of graduate-school curricula, the decision to create or not create a computer utility as a single system, and the like will frame the tectonics of the twenty-first century. The future is not an overarching leap into the distance; it begins in the present.<span class="s1">11</span></p>
<p class="p1">Bell sees change as occurring in systems. The contributors to the project span the social sciences with a range of prescient insights about the power of computer systems to transform decision making and emerging technologies. This model of future study depends on systems theory and a clinical detachment from what a future would be like. The account in this book differs in that we are not concerned with abstract visions, such as Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s thoughts on the near future of non-educational transfers in cooperative versus wedding cake federalism, but in the creation of things and experiences.<span class="s1">12</span></p>
<p class="p1">This is not an exhaustive list of works on the future, there are many more that could easily fall within the purview of a course on the History of the Future and that in a course on the future of futures would be relevant. It is entirely possible that your instructor will include a great many more futurists for your consideration during lecture or in other readings. What I want to pull out of these three works in particular are three themes:</p>
<p class="p1">• Wells sees the risk of collapsed distances and accelerating systems. He calls to the fore assumptions about the conditions that stabilize systems that could be eroding. Future thinking can lead to peace.</p>
<p class="p1">• Martinetti sees the future as a chance for a new aesthetic, a chance to throw off the restrains of the old order. Future thinking can lead to more productive conflict.</p>
<p class="p1">• Bell sees the future as a logistical reality. Future thinking emphasizes the conditions of possibility of the present and probabilistic models of what is to come.</p>
<p class="p2">10. This book is a fascinating achievement that covers much of the same potential ground as this book. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “The Relationship of Federal to Local Authorities,” in Toward the Year 2000: Work in Progress (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000).</p>
<p class="p2">11. Moynihan, 1.</p>
<p class="p2">12. Moynihan, “The Relationship of Federal to Local Authorities.”</p>
<p class="p3" style="text-align: right"><em>Section 1: Theorizing the Future | 9</em></p>


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<h2 class="p1">1.3 Key Concepts</h2>
<p class="p2">In this section, I will be describing a number of key concepts in the study of future media. These theoretical interventions will be helpful as they allow you to effectively sort a large number of ideas and see the development of arguments over time. At first this might appear to be jargon — overly technical and specific. Experts use specialized vocabulary for the sake of efficiency. There is no reason why we should say a paragraph when a well-established word would do. By reaching agreement about key discourses and ideas, further ideas can be developed more quickly and with greater depth. Spending time considering the theoretical structure is important in this sense as it allows us to have a discussion about key concepts and classes of ideas without laboriously naming every concept. Intentionally obfuscating ideas is a problem, but we should also be reticent of the idea that all non-technical ideas should be reduced to sound bites or simple binary oppositions. These concepts need to be interesting enough to get at the debates of this time, but not confusing.</p>

<h2 class="p1">1.3.1 Continuity and Rupture</h2>
<p class="p2">One of the most important tropes in this culture involves the term “modern.” What it is to be modern is to be current and enlightened, modern is new and smart. That which came before is backward. Bruno Latour developed this idea in his book We Have Never Been Modern, where the assumption that the rift between prior practices and new practices is called starkly into question.<span class="s1">13 </span>By pushing off the old to the pre-modern false novelty provides an illusion of knowledge, a distinction without a difference. This discourse appears in many forms.</p>
<p class="p2">James Carey and John Quick described the idea of the electrical overturning of social structure as the “electrical sublime.”<span class="s1">14 </span>The utopian hope that electrification would transform social relations has been an ongoing theme. Carey and Quick describe the Innis-McLuhan exchange, where Canadian theorist Harold Innis argued that electrification would only continue existing power relations, and McLuhan took the position that electrification would enable new modes of life that would restore our everyday space.<span class="s1">15 </span>Innis was not opposed to technology, you likely hear the oppositional voice on a nearly daily basis. The point is that ubiquitous technology is neither the key to utopia or the gateway to despair. Questions of value and structure exist independently of the technical details of society. The ubiquity of electricity transformed society, but not in the mythic dimension of producing an entirely new human.</p>
<p class="p2">Vincent Mosco made a similar case in his critique of the digital sublime: the ostensibly new digital world</p>
<p class="p3">13. Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Harvard University Press, 2012).</p>
<p class="p3">14. James W. Carey and John J. Quirk, “The Mythos of the Electronic Revolution,” The American Scholar 39, no. 3 (1970): 395–424</p>
<p class="p3">15. The critique of McLuhan’s utopianism appears in Bell’s work as well.</p>
<p class="p4" style="text-align: right"><em>10 | Section 1: Theorizing the Future</em></p>


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<p class="p1">had entirely different rules and marked a transformation in the ways that things are done.<span class="s1">16 </span>It is not the single online video that transforms televisuality, but the Netflix platform delivered through multiple devices. Cultural theorizing that relied on observations of first adopters would miss the actual interactions of the multitudes of users who had not yet arrived online. Instead of online interaction leading to a destabilization of identity, the identifiers of the users were amplified and the editorial function of prior bottlenecks decreased.</p>
<p class="p1">The meta-analysis of prediction offers further warnings. Philip Tetlock argues in his classic, Expert Political Judgement, that predictions by experts can be scored for relative accuracy.<span class="s1">17 </span>The general outcome of the study suggests that well-designed formal models do an excellent job predicting the future.<span class="s1">18 </span>People with open minds and the liberal arts sensibility, my way of describing “foxes,” do reasonably well. The more deeply entrenched in a particular world-view, the worst the predictive accuracy, with undergraduates coming in last. Perhaps this is why we have curriculum committees and professional advisors. The best predictions would seem to come from people who have a fox-like cognitive style, with reduced hindsight bias, a higher propensity for integrative thinking and cautious probability judgements, with few attempts to invoke belief defense mechanisms.<span class="s1">19 </span>Tetlock’s advice was in my mind throughout the planning and execution of this textbook:</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    We often learn we have gone too far in one direction only after it is too late to pull back. Executing this balancing act requires cognitive skills of a high order: the capacity to monitor our own though processes for telltale signs of excessive closed or open-mindedness and to strike a reflective equilibrium to cultivate the art of self-overhearing, to learn how to eavesdrop on the mental conversations we have with ourselves as we struggle to strike the right balance between preserving our existing worldview and rethinking our core assumptions. This is no easy art of master. If we listen to ourselves carefully, we will often not like what we hear.<span class="s1">20</span></p>
<p class="p1">You should also keep this in mind through your life, especially the part about not changing your world-view too quickly. This is not a call to change your mind quickly, but to really think about how you think.</p>
<p class="p1">For the most part there is a great deal of continuity – people and their desires remain fairly similar over time. There are also moments of rupture. Theorizing these moments is far more interesting, often taking far more energy and attention that theorizing the continuation of the present. It is critical to balance our theorizing of that which changes and does not change.</p>
<p class="p1">At the same time, Nassim Taleb has argued that the approach to theorizing from continuity is backward. The optimal theory for the future in this view would depend on the analysis of structures from the</p>
<p class="p2">16. Mosco, Vincent, The Digital Sublime (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2006).</p>
<p class="p2">17. Phillip Tetlock, Expert Political Judgment: How Good Is It? How Can We Know? (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2006).</p>
<p class="p2">18. Ibid, 76.</p>
<p class="p2">19. Ibid, 143.</p>
<p class="p2">20. Ibid, 215.</p>
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<p class="p1">perspective of “black swan” events and more complex dynamics that come with non-linear systems.<span class="s1">21 </span>Antifragility is a critical contribution by Taleb for our theoretical approach – instead of assuming that systems evolve toward some harmonious order, he proposes a rigorous accounting of structures, forces, or ideas that thrive on disorder.<span class="s1">22</span></p>
<p class="p1">Changes are real and theorizing the big ones is important. In the context of a future oriented media studies be careful not to confuse the possibility of rupture with the likely continuation of the status quo. At the same time, beware of the convenient continuation of the status quo – it can change.</p>

<h2 class="p2">1.3.2 Convergence and Emergence</h2>
<p class="p1">Among the most interesting and important features of any theory are those that explain the relationships between micro and macro factors. Process development often hinges on factors that are difficult to observe, exist between levels of explanation, or are paradoxically hidden by the very constructs that would make them meaningful in the first place.</p>
<p class="p1">When we describe emergence, it is not that some media are “emerging” but that some ideas appear as constellations that then are recognized only once they are in effect in the world. Emergence and convergence are not opposites. It is important to note that this book is written from the perspective that emergence is not unobservable or unknown, but along the lines proposed by Mario Bunge where emergence</p>
<p class="p1">is a combination that produces novelty:</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    In other words, we explain the emergence, behavior, and dismantling of systems in terms not only of their composition and environment, but also of their total (internal and external) structure. Nor is this enough: we should also know something about the system’s mechanism or modus operandi: that is what process makes it behave – or cease to behave – the way it does.<span class="s1">23</span></p>
<p class="p1">A certain structural functional logic can guide our analysis of emergence in media systems. Our emergent combinations are not the mystical combination of parts which make more than their sum, but are embedded in complex assemblages that are already designed to incorporate the possibility of desire. These models also have assumptions and rhetorical frames, generally the social designs that are supposed are biological or mechanical. Despite this oversight, there are important lessons to draw from systems theory, one that is</p>
<p class="p3">21. Nassim Taleb, The Black Swan: Second Edition: The Impact of the Highly Improbable Fragility", 2nd ed. (New York: Random House, 2010).</p>
<p class="p3">22. Nassim Nicholas Taleb, Antifragile: Things That Gain from Disorder (Random House Trade Paperbacks, 2014). The assumptions of order and natality are among the most important reasons for the continuation of psychoanalysis as a field.</p>
<p class="p3">23. Mario Bunge, Emergence and Convergence: Qualitative Novelty and the Unity of Knowledge (University of Toronto Press, 2015).</p>
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<p class="p1">particularly pithy and for Bunge useful: don’t skip levels. A theoretical explanation needs to account for the micro, mezzo, and macro, even if just in a cursory way.</p>
<p class="p1">Convergence on the other hand implies that two things are merged together. This can be more or less intentional. Sociology and anthropology converge at the cultural dimension of meaning and the model of structures. These modes of convergence do not produce novelty, instead they are ways of arriving at particular structural functions or changes through combination. Convergence tends then to describe the ways that we discuss financial structures that allow a large conglomerate to function or the sort of devices that will provide us with an infinite supply of reruns.</p>
<p class="p1">Scalable, planned interventions collide with the everyday knowledge of the field. Michael deCerteau famously framed this as the distinction between the strategic and the tactical.<span class="s1">24 </span> James C. Scott used an analog of this insight in his critique of high modern social planning. Plans fail because the way that planners see for scale makes it almost impossible to comprehend the situation in the same way that people on the ground do. When we think about successful convergence, as expressed as a transmedia property, the result is the opposite of novelty. Exposition of an already existent novel story system is the most effective way to generate a return.</p>
<p class="p1">This is not to say that convergence cannot produce novel results, but that if the overt design of a system is to produce more of the same it seems unlikely that the conditions for novelty will be truly present.</p>
<p class="p2"><em>Figure 1.1: A picture I took on Kings in Corvallis.</em></p>
<p class="p1">What do you notice in this picture? A poorly placed sidewalk. The users of this environment have a clear</p>
<p class="p3">24. De Certeau, Micheal, The Practice of Everyday Life, 2nd ed. (Berkley: University of California Press, 2002).</p>
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<p class="p1">preference to walk directly ahead, down the sidewalk that was once placed in this location. Now the sidewalk has been moved slightly people continue to walk where they want.</p>
<p class="p1">Desire lines exist in many places, you likely know of locations where the sidewalks were laid out as a grid where people would clearly prefer curves or angles. Robert Moor, reviewing the problem of desire lines, noted that the policy of Central Park in New York City had been to pave the desire lines: to use them as a guide to where sidewalks should go.<span class="s1">25 </span>If they had followed this approach the park would have been filled with sidewalks. Purely emergent sidewalk design also fails. The question for designers: how can we balance the factors, honoring the desire of the users of a space without destroying the experience of it?</p>

<h2 class="p2">1.3.3 The Conditions of Possibility</h2>
<h3 class="p3">A. The Simple Conditions</h3>
<p class="p1">There is an important distinction to begin with between necessary and sufficient. Consider the development of a fire, it is necessary for fuel, a source of oxygen, and heat to be present for a fire to ignite. Remove any one of these three necessary elements and there are no longer are sufficient conditions for fire. Warmth and air are a summer day.</p>
<p class="p1">Developed by Immanuel Kant in book The Critique of Pure Reason, the conditions of possibility argument provide important resources for media research as it avoids the search for pure forms.<span class="s1">26 </span>Instead of a metaphysical position that treats human sensory experience as secondary, Kant produced a system that allows sensation to be the primary focus of philosophy. Within the world of experience, Kant considers some experiences to be special, those that lift us up out of our normal perception – Slavoj Zizek proposes that these experiences are double, they are both sublime and disappointing as they remind us that we exist in a world of perception. Excavation of the conditions of possibility for the media present is an essential task for future studies. The following are two examples of this sort of analysis:</p>
<p class="p1">First, in his 2005 classic, Convergence Culture, Professor Henry Jenkins argues that new participatory cultures will be enabled by the convergence of media technologies.<span class="s1">27 </span>When students encounter the book they are often quizzical: they live in a nearly completely converged world, the idea of medium specificity or a rigid break between the internet and the television is alien. Convergence is a fact of their lives, it did not have the positive and progressive implications described in the book.</p>
<p class="p1">What readers miss in the account of convergence culture is that the underlying drive would be that of a robust culture encountering lower barriers for interaction online. It was not the convergence of the devices</p>
<p class="p4">25. “Tracing (and Erasing) New York’s Lines of Desire | The New Yorker,” accessed October 2, 2018, https://www.newyorker.com/tech/annals-of-technology/tracing-and-erasing-new-yorks-linesof-desire.</p>
<p class="p4">26. Slavoj Žižek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (Verso, 1989), 203.</p>
<p class="p4">27. Henry Jenkins, Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide, n.d.</p>
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<p class="p1">that would have transformed social life, but the changing culture. Accounting for the forces within the convergence story is the reason why we assign this book to this day.</p>
<p class="p1">Second, it would be folly to say that all of the implications of convergence culture would have been possible if the culture had simply tried harder. Digital Non-Linear Editing software transformed the workflows of the contemporary media producer. Rapid, ubiquitous time-axis manipulation of video is remarkable and definitely necessary for the development of our current media culture. DNLE did not cause social change alone – it was merely a critical part.</p>
<p class="p1">In more concrete terms, the conditions of possibility for a thing are all the things that must be true for it to exist. A house with wooden studs requires a timber industry to produce materials, the entire chain of material operations necessary to make the house are required, but are not necessarily apparent in the consideration of the style of the windows. The conditions of possibility are often invisible and taken for granted.</p>
<p class="p1">Distinguishing between necessary and sufficient in this case assumes causation. Although metaphysical speculation is interesting and occasionally useful, for our purposes we can assume that there are causes and effects in this world. Causation is special, and mere correlation is blocked from taking on the power of a cause.</p>

<h3 class="p2">B. Episteme</h3>
<p class="p1">This analysis of the procession of ostensibly invisible forms is apparent in discourse as well. In his remarkable book, The Order of Things, Michael Foucault describes an episteme, which investigates the discursive conditions of possibility for the present.<span class="s1">28 </span>The layering of ideas and the progress of those ideas can also be excavated for analysis, this task is called genealogy. Foucauldian analysis asks the reader to consider the history of an idea and to take seriously the idea that one system of ideas can inflect another.</p>
<p class="p1">A powerful effect of this shift is the “death of the author.”<span class="s1">29 </span>Roland Barthes criticized the romantic genius and the way that the idea of the author allows a search for a “secret, an ultimate meaning, to the text.”<span class="s1">30 </span>This insight has been found in other communication fields as well, Ed Black in the critique of neoaristoelianism: we should judge speeches on the basis of their effect in circulation, not in the intention of the speaker.<span class="s1">31 </span>The horizon of meaning must exceed individual intent.</p>
<p class="p1">Michael Foucault goes further to attack the institution of authorship and the privilege of the subject in producing text. This post-structural provocation is powerful, as many of the technologies considered in this book, and in communication research today, involve autopoesis – texts produced by automation. Think of the authorship of a Facebook feed – the means by which the feed you view was produced is the selective production filtered by relevance and recency of content created by a number of other people. The website/ app load you experience is untouched by human hands: there was no author as such. This does not mean</p>
<p class="p3">28. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things (Routledge, 2005).</p>
<p class="p3">29. Michael Foucault, “What Is an Author?” (Lecture, 1969).</p>
<p class="p3">30. Roland Barthes, Mythologies, trans. Jonathan Cape (Paris: Noonday Press, 1991).</p>
<p class="p3">31. Edwin Black, Rhetorical Criticism: A Study in Method (Univ of Wisconsin Press, 1978), 75.</p>
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<p class="p1">that the assumptions that were used to produce the program building are somehow non-human. At this point we tend to infuse the creators of systems like this with the romantic genius quality of the author. Characters like Mark Zuckerberg or Bill Gates replace Shakespeare.</p>
<p class="p1">Staging the larger debate about the role of structure and human agency is critical. Some scholars emphasize the profoundly human dimension of communication, framing research through the stories of people. This anthropological strand of communication research is important and stands in juxtaposition to the sociological strands that would focus on the mathematics of diffusion, or the critical/cultural which would decenter the story of the actor and the network for a genealogy of the discourses which made sense of both the network and the actors. The disciplinary matrix of Communication will be explored at length in another section of this book.</p>
<p class="p1">How we understand human agency is a profoundly important episteme.</p>

<h3 class="p2">C. Modal Logic</h3>
<p class="p1">Necessity requires that something be not possibly false. Contingency would allow a conjecture that would be possibly true and false. Those claims which are truly necessary would be limited in the sense that that they would not include the conjectural information. Necessity is boring. Analytic results in general are powerful as they are restricted to simple qualities. The associated theory of positivism depends on the elimination of ambiguous or multiple signs. This presents an important limit on the use of analytic propositions for the study of communication.</p>
<p class="p1">If a connection to formal logic is desirable for you as a learner (or instructor) the theory proposed in this introduction would require a rigorous modal logic. Keep in mind, that we are not looking at single qualifiers, but hundreds of nested and reflexive logical structures. At some point, it will be necessary to suspend the expansion of the formation, this choice points toward the concern with infinite regression.</p>

<h3 class="p2">D. Modes of Proof</h3>
<table style="border-collapse: collapse;width: 73.6661%" border="0">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="width: 29.5365%">Mode of Reason</td>
<td style="width: 44.1305%">Description</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 29.5365%">Deduction</td>
<td style="width: 44.1305%">Working down from principles</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 29.5365%">Induction</td>
<td style="width: 44.1305%">Working up from examples</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 29.5365%">Reduction to the absurd</td>
<td style="width: 44.1305%">Working until the results are obviously wrong</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 29.5365%">Abduction</td>
<td style="width: 44.1305%">Working with the probability that a claim is true</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p class="p1">It is important to consider the kind of proof you are employing. For the most part, you use reduction and abduction in everyday life. Deduction and induction are useful for mathematical processes but are difficult to find in the real world. Much of contemporary argumentation theory offers ways of theorizing the various logical leaps that are made with abductive reason (more on this later).</p>
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<h2 class="p1">1.3.4 Time and Temporality</h2>
<p class="p2">When are we? I ask this question often of students, there are many satisfying answers. Some answers conceive of time as an objective thing. As the agents of the Federation Bureau of Temporal Investigations explain to a befuddled Captain Sisko, “time is what keeps everything from happening all at once.”<span class="s1">32 </span>There is a powerful truth here: time as we perceive it is real (Time is a condition of possibility – it surely exists, and to consider what it is would be fully speculative) and some events are path dependent. You cannot have microcomputers without transistors. This is the time of chronos: when we are and how events process. At the same time, without the performative dimension of the initial public offering, the moment of the microcomputer revolution would be unmarked.</p>
<p class="p2">Kairos positions time as a point, this is the moment of now.<span class="s1">33 </span>The means by which the moment is produced are central to communication theory as a whole. Time as a moment is inherently synthetic. Chronos continues to proceed even if we ignore it. Time telescopes as you get older, facts that you once knew that seemed fresh and important can become painfully dated. Consider the way that people talk about electricity generation. In the early nineties, it was a meaningful thing to say that the “technology isn’t ready yet.” If this is baked into your conception of the current moment you have missed decades of innovation. Underlying truisms about how electricity moves. Gone are the days of Enron engineered blackouts, which made sense as California would be an energy importer.<span class="s1">34 </span>California now has been known to send solar energy out to avoid over-supply.<span class="s1">35 </span>Publics often remain in moments long after the clock has moved on.</p>
<p class="p3">32. “‘Star Trek: Deep Space Nine’ Trials and Tribble-Ations (TV Episode 1996) - IMDb,” accessed October 2, 2018, https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0708655/.</p>
<p class="p3">33. John Durham Peters, “Calendar, Clock, Tower” (Media in Transition 6, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009), http://web.mit.edu/comm-forum/mit6/papers/peters.pdf.</p>
<p class="p3">34. Julian Borger, “Tapes Reveal Enron’s Secret Role in California’s Power Blackouts,” The Guardian, February 5, 2005, sec. Business, https://www.theguardian.com/business/2005/feb/05/enron.usnews.</p>
<p class="p3">35. Ivan Penn, “California Invested Heavily in Solar Power. Now There’s so Much That Other States Are Sometimes Paid to Take It,” www.latimes.com, accessed October 2, 2018, http://www.latimes.com/projects/la-fi-electricity-solar/.</p>
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<p class="p1">Figure 1.2: US Central Intelligence Agency, 2012 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:World_Time_Zones_Map.png</p>
<p class="p2">24/7, 365. A cliché intended to express that someone is continuously engaged or about an idea. The problem: there are more than twenty-four hours demarcated at any given moment on earth. Assuming that it is 1500 pacific daylight time on a Thursday, it is 1200 Friday on Teraina Island, and 1000 Thursday on Baker Island.<span class="s1">36 </span>These times are GMT -12 and +14 respectively.</p>
<p class="p2">The standardization of time is a political process featuring precise engineering, not a scientific truism.</p>

<h2 class="p3">1.3.5 Probability</h2>
<p class="p2">For the most part, students encountering this book will have been educated in a fairly standard model of frequentist probability. The basic dynamic presented is that of a random generator, usually presented as a fair coin, which then produces a string of results that are totally independent. Does a string of wins or losses mean anything in this context? No.</p>
<p class="p2">Instead of theorizing the probable in terms of a random device, increasingly the public is presented with dynamic scores that consider the probability of an event, given information, anterior and posterior to a</p>
<p class="p4">36. Spend some time looking at this time zone map and it will become clear that time zones are political. https://www.timeanddate.com/time/map/</p>
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<p class="p1">new event that provides information. In an election, there is a likely winner and a likely loser. Adding new information like scandals or policy proposals can change the current probability of a win or loss.</p>
<p class="p1">The model for understanding the event of the upcoming election depends on an understanding of the relative durability of our assumptions. Adding new information, like a new poll, to the model would not change how we think of the race from a default position of 50/50, instead based on chronological time and the impending kairotic event, a score could be derived.</p>
<p class="p1">Simple probability of course remains, but is not particularly helpful in resolving the implications of multiple factors on a single relationship. If you are expecting probability to be handled in this book as the consideration of a pair of discrete outcomes, you will be lost. More on the mathematics and the Bayesian shift in Section four.</p>

<h2 class="p2">1.3.6 Speculative</h2>
<p class="p1">A common adjunct term used in the discussion of the future is speculative. Dunne and Raby, in their book Speculative Everything , pose that speculative methods for design are intended to provide a grounded opportunity for the evaluation of potential worlds. Existing within the clear boundaries of the possible, speculation is intended to break the linkage between the probable and the plausible, allowing the consideration of the preferable.<span class="s1">37 </span> Fantasy (and metaphysical speculation) are not particularly useful for speculative research.</p>
<p class="p1">Dunne and Raby take direction from Ricard Barbrook’s (known for his development of the Californian Ideology) position on future imagination, which begins with a consideration of the way that the image of the future has often been forgotten.<span class="s1">38 </span> A limitless future had been promised repeatedly, none of the promises of current boosters are particularly unique.<span class="s1">39 </span> In rhetorical studies, this appears in the use of the phrase “future anterior,” invoked as a device where a utopian future potential is leveraged against the present. This is in an important sense the inverse of “tarrying with the negative” where the scales of evaluation are shifted by the application of a nebulous negative value. Although Barbrook does not use this phrase in his writing, the critique comes through clearly in his descriptions of Bell Labs and the wildly optimistic presentations of participatory culture. The utopian promise of technology is always just around the corner, whether that is Walter Cronkite promising a world without hunger or swarms of robots making labor obsolete.</p>
<p class="p1">Among the central problems in the existing regime of design thought is the sort of vision employed by these organizations. Design has become a quick gloss for looking to aestheticize their products or plans. Those organizations have a high-modern sensibility which is intrinsically strategic – this idea already</p>
<p class="p3">37. Anthony Dunne and Fiona Raby, Speculative Everything: Design, Fiction, and Social Dreaming (MIT Press, 2013), 5.p 5</p>
<p class="p3">38. Richard Barbrook, Imaginary Futures: From Thinking Machines to the Global Village (Pluto, 2007), 8; Richard Barbrook and Andy Cameron, “The Californian Ideology,” Science as Culture 6, no. 1 (1995): 44–72. imaginary futures, 8</p>
<p class="p3">39. Barbrook, Imaginary Futures, 243.</p>
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<p class="p1">appears in the discussion of desire and communication. What speculative storytelling often does is emphasize the everyday dimension, the sort of experience that high modern imagination loses.</p>
<p class="p1">Speculative design is intended as a political program that can unmoor the tools of design as an academic pursuit from the rough docks of problem solving methods. Instead of a design theory that finds answers to questions posed by powerful institutions, speculation allows designers to find their own questions and to design for society, rather than a particular client. Problem solving is only one of a number of epistemic possibilities, speculation as much as it enables argumentation and debate, is an academic technology that can produce new knowledge in fruitful ways. It is not a new insight that design and argument are deeply linked, what is fascinating are the manifold of discourses presented to justify the lack of creativity in the design process itself.</p>
<p class="p1">Where the perspective by communication researchers differs from designers is that we generally are very interested in the ways that discourses would need to change to arrive at a possible future. It would be reasonable to conclude that communication is slightly more conservative in disciplinary outlook then design or architecture. It would also be reasonable to see this as a reflection of larger disciplinary coordinates, as communication is not locked into a problem-solving epistemology.</p>
<p class="p1">We should consider some of the methods for speculation proposed by Dunne and Raby:<span class="s1">40</span></p>
<p class="p1">• Fictional worlds – literary and artistic contributions can challenge the stability of signs and promote new combinations</p>
<p class="p1">• Utopia/Dystopia – work through the ideas to either of the two extreme conclusions: the juxtapositions are productive</p>
<p class="p1">• Extrapolation – follow the dreams that lead to existing designs, let the dreams play out all the way to their conclusions</p>
<p class="p1">• Idea Stories – writing concepts as narratives; they use the example of red plenty (a new technological planned Soviet economy); use the narrative and look for resonances</p>
<p class="p1">• Thought Experiments – collide ideas in a non-narrative form, work with the abstraction of the formula</p>
<p class="p1">• Reduction to the Absurd – take the idea to the point that it fails and literalize it</p>
<p class="p1">• Counterfactuals – flip one of the actually flippable switches at a moment in history and suppose how that specific change would have affected the present</p>
<p class="p1">• What-ifs – flip one of the switches for the conditions of the present and work forward \</p>
<p class="p1">The most important point: this is already how people work and think in design, the real reality is bracketed behind a discourse of problem-solving and reality that is itself a discourse. Speculation is powerful because it allows us to retake the imaginative language of design without being loaded into a static concept of reality. Within these categories play with the dimensions of narrative (concrete)/non-narrative (abstract), present experience/past memory/future expectation.</p>
<p class="p2">40. Dunne and Raby, Speculative Everything, 67–88.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">1.3.7 Virtual</h2>
<p class="p2">Virtual does not refer to a device, be that goggles or a suit, but to the prospect of a synthetic perception. Brian Massumi, Canadian Communication professor and specialist in sensation and communication research, has argued that the virtual only exists in the combination of position and moment, as an effect of an endless loop of sensation, “When its effects are multiple, the virtual fleetingly appears. Its fleeting is in the cracks between and the surfaces around the images.”<span class="s1">41 </span>Contemporary affect theory in communication has linked the physical, textual, and relational, “Affects are virtual synthetic perspectives anchored in (functionally limited by) the actually existing particular things that embody them.”<span class="s1">42 </span>What does this mean? How you actually feel when you experience something matters. Your body and perspective are not barriers to understanding the world, they are the world. Andrew Murphie describes this as an enfolding, the multiple faces of what is ultimately a single surface.<span class="s1">43</span></p>
<p class="p2">The virtual as a form of synthetic perception is deeply connected to the imagination. Once we establish a theory of virtuality that exceeds the sum of parts and perception, the analysis of the virtual comes to include physical and discursive considerations. Virtual worlds are then the worlds we inhabit as well as the imaginary worlds that we feel into possible existence. This book has an expansive orientation toward text, sensation, and technology because it is necessary.</p>

<h2 class="p1">1.3.8 Ideology</h2>
<p class="p2">Ideology is a commonly used word, generally referring to a system of ideas that provide a coherence to thinking that exceeds the basic descriptive facts of the world. In this sense, everyone is ideological. If you were to remind someone that their world view was in a sense ideological they would likely be offended, there is a connotation in the term which supposes that an ideology is artificial. To consider what ideology is and why it is important, we should consider a few practical ideas.</p>
<p class="p2">How do we deal with people who have wrong perspectives? A straight-forward case here would be the consideration of individuals opposed to the vaccination of children. Vaccines are a safe and effective way to decrease the prevalence of infectious disease. The solution to non-vaccination would seem to be to challenge the ideology of the individuals, telling them that experts have determined that vaccination is safe. It must be that some bad piece of information is blocking their mind from arriving at the truth. Remove the bad block and they will think correctly. This doesn’t work. Brendan Nyhan and Jason Reifler’s research has been exemplary in demonstrating boomerang effects where seemingly ideology solving messages actually</p>
<p class="p3">41. Brian Massumi, Parables for the Virtual: Movement, Affect, Sensation (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002), 133. 133</p>
<p class="p3">42. Massumi, 35.</p>
<p class="p3">43. Andrew Murphie, “Putting the Virtual Back into VR,” in A Shock to Thought: Expression After Deleuze (New York: Routledge, 2002), 188–215.</p>
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<p class="p1">backfire, increasing the underlying belief.<span class="s1">44 </span>What the seemingly crude theory of ideology misses is the idea that expertise, a form of backing that would be taken very seriously in some ideological frames, is negative in the conspiratorial frame of the anti-vaccine movement. Rather than operating as a bad idea that somehow clouds the mind, conspiracy discourse has a much richer symbolic life.</p>
<p class="p1">Conspiracy theories are a popular topic for research as they are a wicked problem for moving society forward. Jodi Dean, a leading political theorist, went as far as to ground the conspiracy as one of the foundational units for political analysis today.<span class="s1">45 </span>The underlying structure of conspiracy includes the dominant duped view, which is maintained by a nefarious actor who knows secret information, that secret information would lead to a complete overturning of the dominant discourse. A participant in a conspiracy theory is not passive, they are actively working to reveal to you, the revealer the degree to which you are duped by ideology. Elizabeth Anker has argued that the dominant affective position of American politics is melodrama, of which conspiracy is a key form.<span class="s1">46 </span>Conspiracy theories are both satisfying and practical. Qanon conspiracy discourses allow supporters of the Trump administration to incorporate bad news into their framework by inverting the roles of other characters in the drama.</p>
<p class="p1">If one wears a Q shirt to a rally and demands the release of the OIG report, they likely are aware of the controversy that is the Qanon conspiracy theory and have considered it as such. This is where Dean, citing Zizek and Sloterdjik, have formulated ideology as “enlightened false consciousness.”<span class="s1">47 </span>People know that there are inconsistencies in their beliefs but they choose to continue. Ideology is not something that happens to people like a nightmare where they should be woken up, instead ideology is something people do for themselves to make their worlds. Ideological critique has languished in recent years as the mere identification of an ideology means very little and the application of new information likely doesn’t lead to attitude change.</p>
<p class="p1">This is not to say that attitude change is impossible, we have decreased tobacco and increased condom use, but that the underlying relationships around belief are not linear or based on simple delusion. Joshua Kalla and David Brockman have found that persuasion related to social issues, such as gay marriage, is</p>
<p class="p2">44. Brendan Nyhan and Jason Reifler, “When Corrections Fail: The Persistence of Political Misperceptions,” Political Behavior 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 303–30, https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-010-9112-2.</p>
<p class="p2">45. Dean, Jodi, Publicity’s Secret (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002).</p>
<p class="p2">46. Elisabeth R. Anker, Orgies of Feeling: Melodrama and the Politics of Freedom (Duke University Press, 2014).</p>
<p class="p2">47. The key idea in the psychoanalytic critique of ideology is to acknowledge that people are often actively participating in the reproduction of a discourse, they are not duped by ideology, they are manufacturers of it. As a theoretical construct, this compliments the social science research and provides a forward looking sense of the narrative structure around ideology today. Peter Sloterdijk, Critique of Cynical Reason (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987); Žižek, The Sublime Object of Ideology; Dean, Jodi, Publicity’s Secret.</p>
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<p class="p1">possible but most effective when not tied to an impending political measure.<span class="s1">48 </span> People are willing to have interesting conversations, as long as they are not motivated as such.</p>
<p class="p1">It also becomes clear why marketplace of ideas models fail – ideas are often mislabeled, mishandled, and the buyers are often also sellers already coming to market with strict shopping lists. Changing attitudes depends on affective change, a virtual dimension, that is much more interesting for our consideration of potential futures.</p>
<p class="p2">48. Joshua Kalla and David E. Broockman, “The Minimal Persuasive Effects of Campaign Contact in General Elections: Evidence from 49 Field Experiments,” SSRN Scholarly Paper (Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network, September 25, 2017), https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=3042867.</p>
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<p class="p1"><em>Figure 1.3: person filling up soda cup at soft drink dispenser by Franchise Opportunities, 2017. www.franchiseopportunities.com/ www.franchiseopportunities.com/</em></p>
<p class="p2">In the May 2012, New York Mayor Bloomberg proposed a ban on giant cups of soda. The reasoning: the consumption of sweetened beverages is a public health problem, if people were made to “double-fist” their nectar they might drink less. You could still buy a ton of soda, it would just be less convenient. The push back was intense: limiting people to 16 ounce cups was a major loss of freedom. Eventually, the regulation was struck down as exceeding the authority of the department of Health and Mental Hygiene.</p>
<p class="p2">Behavior change is important, especially in the context of population health. If a substance is truly dangerous it is highly regulated. Tobacco and alcohol are good examples here. What do we do with times</p>
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<p class="p1">when the case for regulation isn’t so clear or when an overt ban would be heavy handed? Cass Sunstein (a law professor) and Richard Thaler (a behavioral economist) proposed a theory called libertarian paternalism where instead of overt strong prohibitions on conduct a series of small changes in design called nudges could be employed to subtly change behavior.<span class="s1">49 </span>Changes in “choice architecture” could lead to different results by manipulating: defaults, expected error, action mapping, feedback mechanisms, layouts, and incentives.<span class="s1">50 </span>If one were to simply change the context around the individual, they would make the “right” choice. What is striking here is the resonance between this position and the crude theory of ideology. There are many times when better designed systems can produce better results, but those situations will rarely align with practical politics or the leverage of the state.</p>

<h2 class="p2">1.3.9 Accelerationism</h2>
<p class="p1">Just as the futurist aesthetic challenges the provincialism of slowness, vegetation, and romanticism, the accelerationists now challenge the axiological assumptions about slowness, stillness, embodiment, mindfulness (and many others) of contemporary theory. The accelerationist turn calls for the assessment of the choice to decelerate and the theoretical constructions associated with traditional humanistic critique. A key reference point in the literature on accelerationism is the Marxian claim that capitalism collapses because of its own internal contradictions, the dependence of accelerationism on this foundation is also contested.<span class="s1">51 </span>Why would this point matter? If we have some predictable end point to social process, it would seem reasonable that if we could engineer that process to accelerate could be beneficial. The inevitable collapse narrative is convenient, but misses the key point made by Friedrich Pollock that as market systems strain under their own contradictions they tend to become authoritarian fusions that he calls “state capitalism.”<span class="s1">52 </span>Depending on which core classes you have taken, you can see a lurking debate about the nature of social theory developing here.</p>
<p class="p1">Without the broader consideration of social theory, we could also see accelerationism as the choice to embrace contemporary technology. Once the choice is made to embrace technology, the study of the internal structure of capitalism as it is, abstraction, and acceleration, the range of possibilities for both research and politics dramatically increase. Williams and Strnick’s “#Accelerate – Manifesto for an</p>
<p class="p3">49. Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein, Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness (Penguin, 2009).</p>
<p class="p3">50. Richard H. Thaler, Cass R. Sunstein, and John P. Balz, “Choice Architecture,” SSRN Scholarly Paper (Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network, April 2, 2010), http://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=1583509.</p>
<p class="p3">51. This introduction is an essential resource for understanding accelerationism. Robin Mackay and Armen Avanessian, “Introduction,” in #Accellerate: An Accellerationist Reader (Fairmouth, UK: Urbanomic, 2014).</p>
<p class="p3">52. Friedrich Pollock, “State Capitalism: It’s Possibilities and Limitations,” in The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, ed. Arato and Gebhardt (New York: Continuum, 1985).</p>
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<p class="p1">accelerationist politics,” poses a different accelerationist future. The traditional points for the critique of the human sciences as romantic returns to what is increasingly a fantasy world. The future is taken by those who actively deploy the tools of modernity toward their own ends:</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    To do so, the Left must take advantage of every technological and scientific advance made possible by capitalist society. We declare that quantification is not an evil to be eliminated, but a tool to be used in the most effective manner possible.</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">…</p>
<p class="p1 hanging-indent">    The tools found in social network analysis, agent-based modeling, big data analytics, and nonequilibrium economic models, are necessary cognitive mediators for understanding complex systems like the modern economy. The accelerationist Left must become literate in these technical fields.<span class="s1">53</span></p>
<p class="p1">The left in the context of this extended block quote can just as easily mean humanists or social scientists or artists. For many years, it was fashionable to critique computational means of thought production and then a necessary defense for meaningful theoretical structures. Today, these moves keep academic debates frozen in time. Among the most important ideas to move beyond is the critique of mastery, the idea that the claim to use technology in a quantitative project was something of a claim to fully represent the world and control that representation.<span class="s1">54 </span> Researchers need to be good with technology. Future media students need to deploy a combination of theoretical, cultural, and technical methods, they don’t need a sophisticated list of excuses for why they don’t know how to do things.</p>
<p class="p1">More metaphysically, Nick Land, a key accelerationist theorist, argues that the accelerationist moment is a feedback loop.<span class="s1">55 </span> By unleashing cybernetic power the accelerationist turn could potentially enable the singularity, which is the concept that a powerful enough computer could allow the uploading of all intelligence into a single artificial meta-structure.<span class="s1">56 </span> The question of the desirability of assimilation into a collective is another question entirely. For advocates of singularity, the prospect of brain-computer interfacing is exciting as it transforms the condition of possibility of embodiment. For those opposed, it is embodiment itself that is the heart of the human condition. At the same time, only the artificial intelligence of capable of producing the singularity can truly be said to be sufficient to cause such an event. It is entirely possible that brain-computer interfacing will never reach this level – more on this in section three. Accelerationism can provide three important insights:</p>
<p class="p1">• If we assume that social processes are knowable and predictable, their engineered outcomes, if positive should be hastened. Fatalism is a choice made by humanists and social scientists, not a necessity.</p>
<p class="p2">53. Alex Williams and Nick Srnicek, “#Accellerate,” in #Accellerate: The Accellerationist Reader (Fairmouth, UK: Urbanomic, 2014).</p>
<p class="p2">54. Williams and Srnicek, 360.</p>
<p class="p2">55. Nick Land, “Teloplexy,” in #Accellerate: The Accellerationist Reader (Fairmouth, UK: Urbanomic, 2014).</p>
<p class="p2">56. “The Singularity Is Near » Homepage,” accessed October 2, 2018, http://singularity.com/.</p>
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<p class="p1">• Humanistic critique often relies on implicit value assumptions that intrinsically conservative, and should be challenged or inverted.</p>
<p class="p1">• The possibility of a wildly divergent future with an alternative cosmology.</p>

<h2 class="p2">1.3.10 Simulation</h2>
<p class="p1">The prospect that reality is an illusion has a long history across many human cultures. Sensation is not satisfying, there must be some other reality out there. Make no mistake, this is not a claim that the physical world does not exist, but that there is no higher essence that could somehow be beyond the world as we understand it.</p>
<p class="p1">Jean Baudrillard provocatively claimed that “the Iraq War did not take place.”<span class="s1">57 </span> What he meant by this was not that there was no military conflict in Iraq, but that role of media performance in the war was such that it produced a new reality of war, a virtual world where one experiences the war through the vision of a military system attacking a building. The kinds of wars, and seemingly spectacular yet invisible costs, could dramatically recalibrate the choice to engage in armed conflict. At the highest level, this forms a simulacrum, a symbolic world more real than reality.<span class="s1">58 </span> Escape is not an option, there is no way out of language, the alternative is to critique the most pernicious forms within our simulation. In opposition to the central thesis of accelerationism, that there is an end point that can be approached to history or a system of symbols, Baudrillard reminds us that there is no end point. History is always already in the dustbin as we are continuously remaking it, there is no end point that we are moving toward: just more discourse.</p>
<p class="p1">The most popular simulation topic today comes in the form of the simulation argument. Presented in this form by Nick Bostrom, we are asked to consider the possibility that we are currently living in a simulation. The essential premise of this argument is that it is likely that a highly technically advanced civilization would have seemingly infinite computing power.<span class="s1">59 </span> From this point, the prospect that a civilization could run an ancestor simulation (a realistic virtual world that we are a part of) is possible, assuming that the processes by which such a civilization would come to pass would not be entirely self-destructive. Bostrom is thus not arguing directly that we live in a simulation, but that we should consider the conditions of possibility for arriving at the state of post-humanity where we might have seemingly infinite computing power.</p>
<p class="p1">Existential risk, the prospect that humanity or any human like civilization could be destroyed, becomes a central concern for the evaluation of possible futures.<span class="s1">60 </span> HG Wells consideration in Professors or Foresight wanted, was the new technologies obliterated distance, it was not that a utopia of infinite communication</p>
<p class="p3">57. Jean Baudrillard, The Gulf War Did Not Take Place (Indiana University Press, 1995).</p>
<p class="p3">58. Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation (University of Michigan Press, 1994).</p>
<p class="p3">59. Nick Bostrom, “Are You Living in a Simulation?,” Philosophical Quarterly 53, no. 211 (2003): 243–55.</p>
<p class="p3">60. Nick Bostrom, “Existential Risks: Analyzing Human Extinction Scenarios,” Journal of Evolution and Technology 9, no. 1 (2002), https://nickbostrom.com/existential/risks.html.</p>
<p class="p4" style="text-align: right"><em>Section 1: Theorizing the Future | 27</em></p>


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<p class="p1">was coming, but that the new technologies heralded new destructive possibilities. Simulation provides us a framework for considering what the world could and should be.</p>
<p class="p1">In a more concrete sense, deepfakes are a profound immanent problem. Deepfakes use neural nets to map images and sounds together.<span class="s1">61 </span>Primarily used for the production of pornography, deep fakes allow the simulation of what would be real material. The status of photographic evidence has already been in decline for many years, the deep fake transitions from the world of the singular fake to the entire moving vivacious simulated fake. The reason why deep fakes are so vexing for the public sphere is their ability to fully break the chain of the indexical trace. Phillip Rosen argued that the fundamental quality of images in the public sphere is their capacity to providing evidence of having been there – that there was something real and evidence of action that could exist.<span class="s1">62 </span>Metaphysical games are fun, pragmatic questions about the status of evidence in court point toward the danger of simulation.</p>
<p class="p1">Simulation is important in three ways:</p>
<p class="p1">• Philosophy has been concerned with the feeling that this is all an illusion or simulation for thousands of years: this is a foundational idea. These are tightly bound up with questions of the meaning of life, hope/despair, genesis/apocalypse.</p>
<p class="p1">• People are often searching for some trace of perception that is a life-line to the “real” world. No such connections exist.</p>
<p class="p1">• Simulations can appear to be more real than reality, are quite useful; dangerous.</p>
<p class="p2">61. “How ‘Deep Fakes’ Became Easy — And Why That’s So Scary,” Fortune, September 11, 2018, http://fortune.com/2018/09/11/deep-fakes-obama-video/.</p>
<p class="p2">62. Philip Rosen, Change Mummified: Cinema, Historicity, Theory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001).</p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/6a.Book-Faltesek-NewMediaFutures-Ch1-TheorizingTheFuture24pp.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">6a.Book-Faltesek-NewMediaFutures-Ch1-TheorizingTheFuture=24pp</a></span>
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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Theorizing the Future"</strong>:</h2>
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[h5p id="31"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>177</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-17 16:33:13]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-17 21:33:13]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:50:40]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:50:40]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[text-4__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647273039]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[text-4]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5b."MeToo and Twitter" (Main reading #2. Main reading #1 is Equity)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=246</link><pubDate>Thu, 18 Nov 2021 19:36:21 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=246</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 class="p1">#metoo and Twitter: The Feminist Movement on Social Media</h1>
<p class="p2">A Sociolinguist's Perspective</p>
<p class="p3">CLAIRE-ANNE FERRIÈRE</p>
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<p class="p1">On October 15, 2017 the actress Alyssa Milano ignited a spark with a Tweet.</p>
<p class="p2">With this tweet, Miliano was urging those in her publics who had ever been victims of sexual assault and/or harassment to identify as such by saying, ‘me too.’ She did not launch the hashtag as such, but it appeared very quickly – in the following minutes.</p>
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<p class="p1">Alyssa Milano and her friend were not the only women who came up with the idea of ‘me too’ to help people express ugly circumstances and violation. Tarana Burke, a civil rights activist, had launched an offline “me too” movement back in 2006 to “give young women, particularly young women of color from low wealth communities, a sense of empowerment from the understanding that they are not alone in their circumstances” (Burke, 2013).</p>
<p class="p1">In 2007, activist Tarana Burke began a movement for women of color which was echoed a decade later by Milano’s tweet and the responses. Milano’s access to expansive networked publics gave a similar sentiment to Burke’s the visibility and affordances of an online movement.</p>
<p class="p1">Burke’s and Milano’s uses of the phrase “me too” have come to be considered as two benchmarks in one movement due to the connected nature of events they describe. Through the hashtag #metoo survivors’ accounts of being harassed and violated are aggregated, or digitally pulled or presented together as related. The societal norms of sexual harassment and abuse became entrenched in the past through many individual incidents that were normalized in families, cultures, and societies. By aggregating survivors’ memories of these events, the Me Too movement has led to a cultural shift that centralizes survivor experiences, and shifts the blame to those who caused their pain.</p>
<p class="p1">The rapid spread of the Me Too movement is directly linked to the Harvey Weinstein case which started on October 5th, 2017,</p>
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<p class="p1">when The New York Times published an article entitled “Harvey Weinstein paid off sexual harassment accusers for years”, written by Megan Twohey and Jodi Kantor (Kantor &amp; Twohey, 2017). Dozensof women have come out denouncing sexual abuse and harassment from the movie mogul, and demanding that the situation in Hollywood change. #Metoo occurs after that case, opening the demands and claims out of Hollywood. Several other events also followed from #metoo, such as the second Women’s March in January 2018 and the opposition to the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court of the United States over the summer of 2018, to mention only a few. All those events are therefore linked together and organized around common claims, which is why we can consider that all those events constitute a movement, and #metoo plays an essential role in the construction of this social movement. However, it does not play exactly the same role as social media did in the movements of performative activism, tackled in the previous chapter.</p>
<p class="p1">In order to get a full grasp of the “me too” movement on social media and how it is used, sociolinguistics comes in handy. Sociolinguistics studies the relationship between language on the one hand (-linguistics – the study of language) and society on the other hand (socio-), more particularly social relations; in other words, it studies how human beings use language and to what purpose. It is therefore an interesting approach to study how social media are used, and how they shape social relations. In this feminist movement, women spoke up, through language, denouncing systemic abuse and demanding that changes be made in society and in social relations between men and women. The movement was built progressively; interestingly, social media was not used the same way throughout the movement, and sociolinguistics helps us understand why it is so.</p>
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<h2 class="p1">1. The Harvey Weinstein Case</h2>
<p class="p2">In order to understand the relevance of the #metoo movement within the larger feminist movement as well as the relevance of the use of social media, we need to go back to the Weinstein case and its characteristics.</p>
<p class="p2">Indeed, if #metoo really turned to social media, the Weinstein case developed primarily through traditional media – i.e. in those forms of mass media that existed before the advent of the digital age (also called the new media age, as a matter of fact), for example, print media, radio broadcasting, and the television among other things. However, it is still important to keep in mind that, even if the denunciations against Harvey Weinstein were mainly done through traditional media (72 out of the 90 denunciations that were made public), all of them can be found on the internet, facilitating their diffusion. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note that those women should first choose traditional media to make their denunciations and claims public. On the contrary, very few were made through social media. One element that is essential to take into account is that the two newspapers that extensively covered the case, with in-depth investigations and analyses, were The New York Times (“Harvey Weinstein Paid Oj Sexual Harassment Accusers for Decades”, by Megan Twohey and Judi Kantor) and the The New Yorker (“From Aggressive Overtures to Sexual Assault: Harvey Weinstein’s Accusers Tell their Stories,” by Ronan Farrow (Farrow, 2017)), two renowned and reliable newspapers. As a matter of fact, these two newspapers were awarded the Pulitzer prize for public service in 2018 for the reporting done by the aforementioned three journalists.</p>
<p class="p2">The stories these women were reporting were disruptive – Harvey Weinstein was a very prominent man in the business and even outside of it – and as such, they needed to establish their legitimacy in order to be believed. One way they had of doing</p>
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<p class="p1">so was actually by having their stories backed up by established, reliable newspapers. Not all newspapers through which the victims testified are as renown as The New Yorker or The New York Times – some denunciations were published in Variety or Deadline, for example – but the important element here is that it feels like the victims are never alone. Either the stories are reported by journalists, who lend their legitimacy to the victims, or if the victims write in their own name in opinion sections, they still have the legitimacy and weight of the newspapers backing them up.<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>The same goes for the TV or radio shows.</p>
<p class="p1">The theory of denunciation<span class="Apple-converted-space">  </span>put forward by Luc Boltanski et al. (Boltanski et al., 1984) supports that idea. In a nutshell, they argue that the higher the profile of the alleged aggressor and the bigger the difference between their status in society and that of the accuser is, the less “normal” the denunciation seems to be, “normal” in the sense of plausible, even possible. To put it bluntly, the more an alleged aggressor has to lose – status, some important position, wealth, etc. – the more suspicious people are because they might believe that the denunciation is not completely disinterested. In our case, even if some of the women who came out erst against Harvey Weinstein were somewhat high-profile people too, Ashley Judd for example, some others were “mere” employees or former employees of one of Weinstein’s companies, and in any case, none of the accusers were actually as high-profile as Weinstein was. Having the support of newspapers such as The New York Times or The New Yorker is therefore extremely important to restore some balance between accuser and alleged aggressor.</p>
<p class="p1">This need to legitimize their stories is also apparent in the language they use, more particularly in how they speak about what they went through. Here is an example of a testimony delivered by one of Harvey Weinstein’s alleged victims, Louisette Geiss.</p>
<p class="p1">(from 5’29 to 10’47)</p>
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<p class="p1">A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online <span class="s1">here: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=107" style="color: #0000ff">https://opentextbooks.library.arizona.edu/hrsm/?p=107</a></span></p>
<p class="p3">In linguistics, we often start from our own impressions, how we react to a text, and then we try and end some formal elements to back this up. We can think in terms of positive impressions, as in I felt/think that, or negative impressions, I didn’t expect that/I would have thought it would be more like that.</p>
<p class="p3">One of the first things that is striking in the denunciations against Harvey Weinstein is the very “stick to the facts” style. Indeed, these</p>
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<p class="p1">denunciations are very descriptive, detailed, and sometimes very graphic in what they describe. They are presented as if everything that was done and said during the assault is being reported. Moreover, the denunciations are symptomatic of what we call a <strong>paratactic style</strong>, also called the additive style: elements are presented, one simple sentence after the other, and there are few elaborate sentences, as follows:</p>

<div class="textbox shaded">After about 30 minutes, he asked to excuse himself and go to the bathroom. He returned in nothing but a robe, with the front open, and he was butt naked. He told me to keep talking about my film and that he was going to hop into his hot tub that was adjacent to the room, just steps away. When I finished my pitch, I was obviously nervous, and he just kept asking to watch him masturbate. I told him I was leaving. I quickly got out of the tub, he grabbed my forearm as I was trying to grab my purse, and he led me to his bathroom, pleading that I just watch him masturbate.</div>
<p class="p3">This gives, once again, the impression that they are just providing the plain truth and facts as they happened. On the contrary, it seems that emotions are not so present, as one could have expected of a woman recounting and reliving the assault she suffered. These denunciations are therefore more fact-oriented than emotion-oriented. This also participates in legitimising and having their denunciations accepted and believed.</p>
<p class="p1">At that stage – or at the very least in the erst ten days of the contestation – the movement was precisely not a movement: it was only centered on one particular man, Harvey Weinstein, and when claims were made; they were also quite specific, around the issues of the relationship between men and women in Hollywood.  It was therefore limited to the world of Hollywood, which is also fitting with Boltanski’s theory of denunciation that was previously</p>
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<p class="p1">mentioned: it is only logical that such a disruptive movement in society should start with women who are renown and have some status compared to “ordinary” people. The movement and its claims needed to be legitimized by well-established people before being broadened to society at large with #metoo.</p>
<p class="p1">What we now consider to be the next stage of the movement, #metoo, is quite different from the Weinstein case, on different accounts.</p>

<h2 class="p2">2. #metoo</h2>
<p class="p1">Tarana Burke gave a Ted talk in November 2018 called <span class="s1">“Me too is a </span><span class="s1">movement, not a moment,” </span>(Burke, 2018) and indeed, this stage of #me too was essential in the development of the Weinstein case as a moment into a fully-fedged feminist movement.</p>

<div class="textbox shaded">First, what we witness quite evidently in the #metoo movement compared to the Weinstein case is an opening up of the denunciations and demands. Indeed, #metoo is not limited to Hollywood anymore, nor is it concerned with the deeds of one particular man.</div>
<p class="p1">With #metoo, tens of thousands of people are saying that they too, were victims of similar kinds of assault. This was made possible through the use of social media, in particular Twitter, as a new and massive medium of protest. Twitter is accessible to anyone with an account: in the United States, in the third quarter of 2017, there were 69 million monthly active users according to the numbers released by Twitter (Clement, 2019). This represents a great change compared to the 90 women or so who reported having been assaulted by Harvey Weinstein. Moreover, more than numbers, the status of the people denouncing abuse changed. They are now “ordinary” people, like you and me, not Hollywood stars: the movement is not limited to Hollywood anymore, but broadened to society in general.</p>
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<p class="p1">This is confirmed by the linguistic analysis of “me too” tweets. More than fifty thousand such tweets were posted in the erst twenty-four hours following Alyssa Milano’s erst tweet; for purpose of ease, we will only focus on the erst hour of “me too”, which represents 3,847 tweets. When analyzed with specific software tools that scan the corpus (here, the set of tweets) to identify some of its linguistic characteristics, those tweets show that the most significant themes and concepts that come up are all linked to sexual assault and harassment that women suffer. Indeed, some of the most recurrent words in those tweets are “me too” of course, but also “sexually,” “harassed,” “assaulted,” and “women.” The results therefore show a direct thematic link with the Harvey Weinstein case, and outline the scope of the movement.</p>
<p class="p1">What these results also show is a tendency towards generalization. Indeed, there are very few details about the types and circumstances of the assault that people tweeting “me to” are reporting; contrary to the Weinstein case in which denunciations were very specific, with the “me too” movement, specificities are somewhat smoothed and all different types of assaults are gathered under the umbrella expression “sexually harassed or assaulted”, which is used 273 times in the erst hour. On the contrary, any more specific kinds of assault, such as reference to rape, being groped, etc. only occur sixty times in the corpus (out of the 3,847 tweets). This tendency not to go into details with the “me too” movement as opposed to what happened in the Weinstein case can of course be imputed to the format of the tweets itself. Indeed, tweets are limited to 240 characters, which prevents victims from giving too much detail of their individual experiences of assault. It is nonetheless significant that the movement should have moved from traditional media to social media, and not any media, to Twitter in particular, with the character limit. It shows that Alyssa Milano’s intention in launching this movement on Twitter was not to provide people with a space to explain what they went through, but rather to identify as part of a community.</p>
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<p class="p1">This community is built on what the members feel they have in common, in this case, the fact that they all suffered experiences of sexual abuse or assault. The specificities of the assault do not matter at this stage anymore. This is also quite evident in the use that is being made of the expression “me too”. What is interesting with this expression is how it is used. Indeed, the software tools can identify what we call collocations, that is to say words that often occur together in the corpus. In our case, some of the most significant collocations are “me too”, which was expected, but also “too me,” “me me,” and “too too,” which is striking. This shows that not only is the expression “me too” often used, it is often used on its own, with no details provided, creating series of tweets only composed of the expression “me too,” which the software tools then identify as collocations. Here is an excerpt taken from the corpus</p>
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<p class="p1">As we can clearly see, there are series of tweets only composed of the expression “me too,” analysed as “me too me too me too me too me too…” by the software tools, hence the collocations that we saw. This confirms the idea that, contrary to the Weinstein case, very few details are given by the victims who posted “me too” and that the expression itself comes to epitomise all kinds of experiences of assault that women suffer.</p>
<p class="p2">This tendency towards generalization is also evident in the reference to women that is made in the corpus. The term women is referenced 471 times in the corpus, and only 65 times in the singular form woman. We can therefore conclude that in this corpus, women are presented as a group, not as individuals, which confirms this generalization tendency: what matters is not the individual experiences of every woman who identifies as a victim, but the commonalities between all the different experiences of these women (which is actually one of the reproaches that was made to the movement).</p>
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<p class="p1">What comes out of the analysis of those erst tweets of the “me too” movement is therefore the generalization process that is put into place. The different experiences and victims are gathered together into one community, a community that is built through this network of tweets. There are several ways through which this network is constructed, and which are already evident in the first hour of the movement.</p>
<p class="p1">First, it is important to keep in mind that the online movement began from one tweet, posted by Alyssa Milano, encouraging people to write “me too” as a reply if they identified as victims of sexual assault too. This process of reply is essential in the building of the network: indeed, out of the 3,847 erst tweets, 2,053 are direct replies to Alyssa Milano’s tweet. All the replies are therefore linked together through the original tweet posted by Alyssa Milano. Moreover, 227 tweets tag Alyssa Milano directly with the @ function of social media, and there are also 1,207 tweets using the hashtag #metoo, although it was not mentioned in Alyssa Milano’s tweet. All those means participate in building a network of tweets, with people identifying with a community of victims of sexual assault, on a general level.</p>
<p class="p1">The “me too” movement therefore stages a depersonalization and a generalization of the movement, from the particular Harvey Weinstein case to thousands of women saying that they too, suffered sexual assault. Specificities and individualities are left aside to focus only on commonalities. What is at stake with the “me too” movement is the move from the personal to the political, which is an essential step in transforming a moment into a movement, to use Tarana Burke’s expressions. This notion of the personal being political dates back to 1970: Carol Hanisch (Hanisch, 1970) explained in an essay bearing the same name that according to her, individual, personal experiences of oppression that women were experiencing were not isolated but on the contrary repeated, systemic at the level of society, and as such, required not individual solutions, but social, political ones. The important step is therefore</p>
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<p class="p1">to recognise the commonality of all individual experiences, to connect them:</p>

<div class="textbox shaded">So the reason I participate in these meetings is not to solve any personal problem. One of the erst things we discover in these groups is that personal problems are political problems. There are no personal solutions at this time. There is only collective action for a collective solution. I went, and I continue to go to these meetings because I have gotten a political understanding which all my reading, all my “political discussions,” all my “political action,” all my four-odd years in the movement never gave me. I’ve been forced to take off the rose colored glasses and face the awful truth about how grim my life really is as a woman. (Hanisch, 1970).</div>
<p class="p1">The meetings she mentions are consciousness-raising meetings at which women share their personal experiences in order for them to recognise patterns in other women’s experiences. This is what the “me too” movement is doing. It is connecting thousands of similar experiences and highlighting the systemic, social character of those experiences in order to move from the personal to the political. Thus, the depersonalisation and generalisation process that is at stake with the “me too” movement also entails a politicization of the movement, that is to say, recognising that this is a social problem that needs to be addressed at the level of society. It is therefore an essential stage in the construction of the movement, which transforms an individual and seemingly isolated case into a social and political movement.</p>
<p class="p1">Nevertheless, social media do not play the same part here as they did with other social movements, such as the Zapatistas, or the Arab Spring movement. In cases of performative activism, social media are an organising and communication tool supporting a movement offline. #Metoo strictly speaking has no reality, existence outside of social media. It led to other stages, such as the Women’s March of January 2018 and the opposition to the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh at the Supreme Court of the United States in the summer of 2018, which, as far as they are concerned</p>
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<p class="p1">can be considered as forms of performative activism. However, the movement #metoo itself only occurred on social media, in particular Twitter. In a sense, we can even say that it was its own performance: the sheer scale of the movement is in itself performance enough in the sense that it makes an impression and is a very clear statement for the rest of the movement.</p>

<h3 class="p2">3. Social media after #metoo</h3>
<p class="p1">The use of social media in the feminist movement after #metoo is quite different and is on the contrary closer to creative online performative activism. Social media was for example used during the different Women Marches to organize the events, communicate, and motivate people. The different elements defining performative activism can be identified here too. For example, after Trump’s election, activists needed to organize with speed to mobilize people for the erst Women’s March, which was held the day after Trump’s inauguration. If speed is less of the essence for the following Marches since organizers could coordinate the events ahead in time, speed was also important for the opposition to the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh. Social media enabled organizers to spread the word and mobilise people.</p>
<p class="p1">As far as visuals are concerned, the different events organized around the feminist movement also rely on symbolic visuals, such as the feminist symbol, pictures from previous marches, or, as in the case of the “National Walk Out” event organized as part of the protest against Brett Kavanaugh, pictures of women walking out of the homes or places of work as a sign of dissent. The visuals are both shared before events to mobilise people and during the performances. Hashtags are also used a lot in the different events, also creating a form of unifying visual element.</p>
<p class="p1">There are performances that are organised, such as marches of course, but also rallies against Brett Kavanaugh when, among other events, hundreds of protesters flooded a Senate office building,</p>
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<p class="p1">shouted slogans, and displayed banners to express their anger. Chants are also used in those events as another form of performance.</p>
<p class="p1">The latest feminist movement really emphasized its inclusiveness to all women – or more particularly to all people who identify as women – all races, religions, social backgrounds, and so on. Inclusiveness, or intersectionality as it is theorised in feminism (the theory according to which different forms of oppression intersect and must be taken into account – for example, a black woman suffers discrimination both from being a woman and a black person. It also aims to recognise that not all experiences of women are similar), is an essential element for the feminists involved in this movement.</p>
<p class="p1">Finally, organizers are not masked per se, on the contrary, they do not hesitate to publicly express their minds, unmasked, and in their own names. Nevertheless, the movement is also coordinated through different organizations, either feminist groups which existed before the movement or organizations created as part of the movement. Organizations such as the Women’s March communicate on social media under the name of the organization, through which activists therefore take a step back and therefore let the faceless organization speak.</p>
<p class="p1">We can therefore clearly see that the use of social media in the #metoo movement and the rest of the feminist movement is not the same. #Metoo is quite particular in this respect and developed solely online, contrary to the other events, for which social media is used as a communication and organising tool and which therefore corresponds to creative online performative activism.</p>

<h2 class="p2">CORE CONCEPTS AND QUESTIONS</h2>
<h2 class="p3">Core Concepts</h2>
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<p class="p1"><strong>aggregate</strong></p>
<p class="p1">to pull or present content together online as related</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>sociolinguistics</strong></p>
<p class="p1">the study of how human beings use language and to what purpose</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>theory of denunciation</strong></p>
<p class="p1">the more a “called out” person has to lose – status, some important position, wealth, etc. – the more suspicious people are of those who call them out or denounced them, because they might believe that the denunciation is not completely disinterested</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>paratactic style</strong></p>
<p class="p1">also called the additive style, this is a linguistic style in which elements are presented, one simple sentence after the other, and there are few elaborate sentences; often used by speakers wanting to be taken seriously</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>collocations</strong></p>
<p class="p1">a collection of words that often occurs together</p>
<p class="p1"><strong>intersectionality</strong></p>
<p class="p1">the theory according to which different forms of oppression intersect and can worsen oppression overall</p>

<h2 class="p2">Core Questions</h2>
<h2 class="p3">A. Questions for qualitative thought</h2>
<p class="p1">1. Why does the author assert women used traditional media rather than social media to initially denounce Harvey Weinstein? What do you believe would have happened had they relied more on social media initially?</p>
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<h2 class="p1">Bibliography:</h2>
<p class="p2">• Allred, G. (2017, octobre 10). Gloria Allred Represents a New Accuser of Harvey Weinstein (Louisette Geiss).</p>
<p class="p2">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O4x4vtuJKDs</p>
<p class="p2">• Boltanski, L., Darré, Y., &amp; Schiltz, M.-A. (1984). La Dénonciation. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales,</p>
<p class="p2">51(1), 3‑40. https://doi.org/10.3406/arss.1984.2212</p>
<p class="p2">• Burke, T. (2013). The me too Movement. JustBeInc. https://justbeinc.wixsite.com/justbeinc/the-me-toomovement-c7cf</p>
<p class="p2">• Burke, T. (2018, novembre 30). Me too is a movement, not a moment. https://www.ted.com/talks/tarana_burke_me_too_is_a_movement_not_a_moment/transcript?language=fr</p>
<p class="p2">• Clement, J. (2019, août 9). Twitter Monthly Active Users in the United States 2019. Statista. https://www.statista.com/statistics/274564/monthlyactive-twitter-users-in-the-united-states/</p>
<p class="p2">• Farrow, R. (2017, octobre 10). From Aggressive Overtures to Sexual Assault : Harvey Weinstein’s Accusers Tell Their Stories. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/from-aggressive-overtures-to-sexualassault-harvey-weinsteins-accusers-tell-their-stories</p>
<p class="p2">• Hanisch, C. (1970). The Personal is Political. In S. Firestone &amp; A. Koedt (Éd.), Notes from the Second Year : Women’s Liberation.</p>
<p class="p2">• Kantor, J., &amp; Twohey, M. (2017, octobre 5). Harvey Weinstein Paid Oj Sexual Harassment Accusers for</p>
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<p class="p1">Decades. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/05/us/harvey-weinstein-harassmentallegations.html</p>
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<a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/5a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch5-EquityMeTooTwitter46pp.pdf">5a.Daly-Book-HumansRSocialMedia-Ch5-Equity,MeTooTwitter=46pp</a>
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to Week 4]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=279</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 00:51:00 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=279</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-4.wav"][/audio]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>279</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-18 19:51:00]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 00:51:00]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:42:06]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:42:06]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[audio-introduction-to-week-4__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647268926]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[audio-introduction-to-week-4]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Audio-Introduction to Week 5]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=282</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 00:52:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=282</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-5.wav"][/audio]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>282</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-18 19:52:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 00:52:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:43:02]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:43:02]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[audio-introduction-to-week-5__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647268982]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[audio-introduction-to-week-5]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Audio-Introduction to Week 6]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=285</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 00:52:59 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=285</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-6.wav"][/audio]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>285</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-18 19:52:59]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 00:52:59]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:43:56]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:43:56]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[audio-introduction-to-week-6__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647269036]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[audio-introduction-to-week-6]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Week 1-Overview [with dates]]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=332</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 16:02:59 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=332</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Week 1 (Thu January 6 to Wed January 12, 2022)</span><span class="textLayer--absolute"> </span></strong>

<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overall Theme #1 (for classes #1 and #2)</span><span class="textLayer--absolute">: </span></strong>

<span class="textLayer--absolute">Primer on the origins of law, human rights, </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">governance structures, and the internet as context for the eventual discussion of the </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">following issues: How authoritarian regimes and rights campaigners use social media in </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">highly contrasting ways as well as international rules governing these technologies (2 </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">weeks)</span>

<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Week #1a – Order from Chaos: The Dawn of Law, Legal Standards, and </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">Structures</span></strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Description</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: why and how law/international law emerged to govern/structure society</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Rationale</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: provide a broad legal context (for later discussion of human rights, </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.) for art students who are likely new to </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">these topics</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Examples</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: legal basics like origins of the Common Law system; natural law vs. positive </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">law, criminal vs. civil law vs. corporate law, sentencing; deviance; etc.</span><span class="textLayer--absolute"> </span></li>
</ul>
<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Week #1b – Rise of the Legal “Person” : Introducing Human Rights</span></strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Description</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: history of, and rationale for, the “person” in law and human rights</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Rationale</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: demonstrate how law broadened to include new rights for more diverse </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">groups</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Examples</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: women becoming legal persons; voting rights; LGBTQI rights; enumerated </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">vs. analogous rights in legal charters</span></li>
</ul>
<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Assignment 1: Introduction to the Class and Human Rights Advocacy </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">(Discussion Board post)</span></strong>Week 1-Overview]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>332</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:02:59]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:02:59]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:03:42]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:03:42]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-1-overview-with-dates__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270222]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-1-overview-with-dates]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Week 2-Overview [with dates]]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=335</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 16:03:51 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=335</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Week 2 (Thu January 13 to Wed January 19, 2022)</strong>

<strong>Week #2a – The Empire Strikes Back: An Introduction to Democracy and Authoritarianism</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: origins/permutations of, comparisons between, democracy &amp; authoritarianism</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide a broad political/governance context for human rights, technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: <em>Democracy</em>: Athenian democracy; social contracts; right to private property; consent of the governed, etc.</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: <em>Authoritarianism</em>: Hitler, Mussolini, Mao Zedong, etc.</li>
</ul>
<strong>Week #2b – Digital Promise: The Internet’s Origins and Use as a Communications Tool</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: technical, communicative, and societal benefits of the internet</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: resurface original idea of the internet as a promising tool for communicating information for later discussion of social media as a problematic tool for mis/disinformation, etc.</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: ARPANET, Tim Berners-Lee, John Perry Barlow, etc.</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 2</strong><strong>: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>335</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:03:51]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:03:51]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:04:50]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:04:50]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-2-overview-with-dates__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270290]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-2-overview-with-dates]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Week 3-Overview [with dates]]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=338</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 16:04:41 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=338</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Week 3 (Thu January 20 to Wed January 26, 2022) </strong>

<strong>Overall Theme #2 (for classes #3 and #4): </strong>

Primer on the formation of, and attacks on, knowledge and information as a context for the discussion of the following issues: How creators, rights activists, lawyers, diaspora networks, and international organizations have responded to misinformation / disinformation campaigns and harassment over time (2 weeks)

<strong>Week #3a – How do We Know What We Know?: Primer on Epistemology, Data, and Information </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: introduction to knowledge &amp; epistemology as a backdrop to data, information, and misinformation / disinformation / fake news efforts; introduction of rhetoric as a means of persuasion</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide historical context for our current online informational woes</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: Descartes’ thoughts on epistemology; Aristotle’s rhetoric, etc.</li>
</ul>
<strong>Week #3b – Talking About a Misinformation Revolution: The Rise of Mis/Disinformation </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: emergence of/contrast between misinformation/disinformation and fake news</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: define information terms, provide historical context for current information problems</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: origins/history of yellow journalism, propaganda, and recent emergence of fake news</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 3: Information vs. Mis/Disinformation (Discussion Board post) </strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>338</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:04:41]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:04:41]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:05:47]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:05:47]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-3-overview-with-dates__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270347]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-3-overview-with-dates]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Week 4-Overview [with dates]]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=341</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 16:12:14 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=341</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Week 4 (Thu January 27 to Wed February 2, 2022)</strong>

<strong>Week #4a – Dialing Up a Revolution: Human Rights Mobilization in an Analog World</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: human rights mobilization before the internet’s mass penetration</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: show modes of human rights efforts before the internet</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: MLK/U.S. Civil Rights Movement (potentially Gandhi; Eleanor Roosevelt; etc.); perhaps show some early political art</li>
</ul>
<strong>Week #4b – (Domestic Frame) Digital Peril: Social Media’s Strengths and Weaknesses</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: social media’s emergence and impact on North American human rights cases</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: forward historical discussion of human rights mobilization into the recent past/present/future</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: North America: #OccupyWallStreet; #BlackLivesMatter; #MeToo. Possibly early uses of the internet for advocacy efforts: Seattle WTO (1999); Anonymous (2003); Kony (2012)</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 4</strong><strong>: Artistic Project Draft (Midterm Project)</strong>

&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>341</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:12:14]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:12:14]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:07:25]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:07:25]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-4-overview-with-dates__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270445]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-4-overview-with-dates]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Week 5-Overview [with dates]]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=344</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 16:13:29 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=344</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Week 5 (Thu February 3 to Wed February 9, 2022) </strong>

<strong>Overall Theme #3 (for classes #5 and #6): </strong>

Primer on political art and propaganda as context for discussing the following issues: Applying course learning in a contemporary context using media and creative tools, through Maria Ressa (2 weeks)

<strong>Week #5a – Creative Resistance: History of Political Art and Visual Propaganda </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: examine historical uses of art for political/rights advocacy</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide students with analogous inspirational examples for their own perspective artistic class work</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: Pablo Picasso; Norman Rockwell; Salvador Dalí; Nakamura Hiroshi; Diego Rivera; Vietnam protests; Keith Haring; Ai Weiwei; perhaps include multimedia forms of protest art (e.g., music, television, film, sculpture, posters, etc.)</li>
</ul>
<strong>Week #5b – (International Frame) Cases of Fighting Back: Using Social Media to Resist State and Social Oppression </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: examples of social media use as a tool against forms of oppression</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide examples of social media use for advocacy</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: International: Maria Ressa (+ potentially Alexei Navalny; Indian farmers; #ArabSpring); perhaps find social media forms of online protest art (e.g., Instagram, Twitter, etc.)</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 5: Political Art and Visual Propaganda (Discussion Board post) </strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>344</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:13:29]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:13:29]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:08:20]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:08:20]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-5-overview-with-dates__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270500]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-5-overview-with-dates]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Week 6-Overview [with dates]]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=347</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 16:14:20 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=347</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Week 6 (Thu February 10 to Wed February 16, 2022) </strong>

<strong>Week #6a – Back to the Future: Where Do We Go From Here? </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: thoughts on the future of human rights, social media, and their intersection / divergence in the fight against global oppression</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: end course by speculating on future trends in human rights, social media, governance</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: find ideas from various futurists (Carl Sagan; Marshall McLuhan; Alvin Toffler)</li>
</ul>
<strong>Week #6b – Moving Forward: Class Human Rights Art Presentations </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: students present/discuss/provide peer feedback on their final art projects</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: celebrate student art work and learning progress; bring course to a satisfying close</li>
 	<li><em>Examples</em>: class presentation of student-created artistic human rights-inspired work</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 6: Human Rights Artistic Advocacy (Final Project) </strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>347</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:14:20]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:14:20]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:09:27]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:09:27]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[week-6-overview-with-dates__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270567]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[week-6-overview-with-dates]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 2, 4, 6 - all together]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=425</link><pubDate>Thu, 25 Nov 2021 20:51:33 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=425</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Assignment 2: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</strong>

Based on the ideas you have learned from the readings/media, write a 250-500 word essay on Human Rights Advocacy. More specifically:

(1) What is a human rights issue, campaign, or activist that you are interested in?

(2) Why do you and other people know about it? In short, how did it become popular?

(3) What is preventing this issue, campaign, or activist from being even better known?

<em>Note</em>: Your choice of human rights issue, campaign, or activist will ideally be used for two other later assignments in this course. As such, try to ensure you choose an issue, campaign, or activist you are truly interested in.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;
<p class="p1" style="padding-left: 40px"><del>Week 2: Human Rights Advocacy Subject (Short Essay)</del></p>
<p class="p1" style="padding-left: 40px"><del>Introduction to the issue, campaign, or activist you will advocate for using your individual/group artistic work</del></p>
<strong>Assignment 4: Artistic Project Draft (Midterm Project)</strong>

Based on the short essay you wrote in Assignment #2, create a rough visual mockup of, or written outline of preliminary ideas for, your Final Project individual/group artistic work.

If you are creating a visual mockup, you may either draw and upload a .jpeg or .png file of your mockup as your Assignment 4. Alternatively, you may want to use a free account from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version instead.

If you are creating a written outline of preliminary ideas for your Final Project individual/group artistic work, describe your ideas in 250-500 words.
<p class="p1" style="padding-left: 40px"><del>Week 4: Artistic Project Draft (Midterm Project)</del></p>
<p class="p1" style="padding-left: 40px"><del>Rough visual mockup of, or written outline of preliminary ideas for, Final Project individual/group artistic work</del></p>
&nbsp;

<strong>Assignment 6: Human Rights Artistic Advocacy (Final Project)</strong>

Based on the draft you created in Assignment #4, create a final individual/group artistic work and presentation.

Students will work individually, or in small groups, to create a piece of art that advocates on behalf of a human rights issue, campaign, or activist.

If you are creating a visual work, you may either draw and upload a .jpeg or .png file of your mockup as your Assignment 4. Alternatively, you may want to use a free account from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version instead.

If you are creating a written outline of preliminary ideas for your Final Project individual/group artistic work, submit your final work in 250-500 words.
<p class="p1" style="padding-left: 40px"><del>Week 6: Human Rights Artistic Advocacy (Final Project)</del></p>
<p class="p1" style="padding-left: 40px"><del>Final individual/group artistic work and presentation. Students will work individually, or in small groups, to create a piece of art that advocates on behalf of a human rights issue, campaign, or activist</del></p>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>425</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-25 15:51:33]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-25 20:51:33]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:36:24]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:36:24]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-2-4-6-all-together__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647268584]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[assignment-2-4-6-all-together]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Extra Media (2 readings/week; APA format)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=450</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 13:00:45 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=450</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>The Conversation</strong>:
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/ca/republishing-guidelines" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/ca/republishing-guidelines</a></span></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><span class="cc-license-title">Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International</span><span> </span><span class="cc-license-identifier">(CC BY-ND 4.0)</span></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/</a></span></p>
&nbsp;
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 1 (Thu January 6 to Wed January 12, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Overall Theme #1 (for classes #1 and #2)</strong>: Primer on the origins of law, human rights, governance structures, and the internet as context for the eventual discussion of the following issues: How authoritarian regimes and rights campaigners use social media in highly contrasting ways as well as international rules governing these technologies (2 weeks)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #1a – Order from Chaos: The Dawn of Law, Legal Standards, and Structures</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: why and how law/international law emerged to govern/structure society</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide a broad legal context (for later discussion of human rights, technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.) for art students who are likely new to these topics</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: legal basics like origins of the Common Law system; natural law vs. positive law, criminal vs. civil law vs. corporate law, sentencing; deviance; etc.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #1b – Rise of the Legal “Person” : Introducing Human Rights</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: history of, and rationale for, the “person” in law and human rights</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: demonstrate how law broadened to include new rights for more diverse groups</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: women becoming legal persons; voting rights; LGBTQI rights; enumerated vs. analogous rights in legal charters</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 1: Introduction to the Class and Human Rights Advocacy (Discussion Board post)</p>
...

<strong>1. Extra Readings and Media</strong>:

Recommended extra readings are in <strong>bold text</strong>:

<strong>Townsend, J., Bunten, A., Iorns, C., &amp; Borrows, L. (2021, June 3). Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it</strong>
<strong><em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117</a></span></strong>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><strong>Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it // </strong><strong>June 3, 2021 1.07pm EDT // </strong><strong>Justine Townsend </strong><strong>PhD Candidate, Department of Geography, Environment and Geomatics, University of Guelph // </strong><strong>Alexis Bunten </strong><strong>Co-Director, Bioneers Indigeneity Program and Consultant // </strong><strong>Catherine Iorns </strong><strong>Professor of Law, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington // </strong><strong>Lindsay Borrows </strong><strong>PhD Candidate in Law, University of Alberta // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117</strong></p>
Krook, J. (2017 August 14). Is law a social science? Lessons from a Canadian law school. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/is-law-a-social-science-lessons-from-a-canadian-law-school-81753" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/is-law-a-social-science-lessons-from-a-canadian-law-school-81753</a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px">Is law a social science? Lessons from a Canadian law school August 14, 2017 8.01pm EDT Joshua Krook Doctoral Candidate in Law, University of Adelaide https://theconversation.com/is-law-a-social-science-lessons-from-a-canadian-law-school-81753</p>
MacLean, J., &amp; Froc, K. A., (2021, July 26). Notwithstanding the notwithstanding clause, the Charter is everyone’s business. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/notwithstanding-the-notwithstanding-clause-the-charter-is-everyones-business-163143" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/notwithstanding-the-notwithstanding-clause-the-charter-is-everyones-business-163143</a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px">Notwithstanding the notwithstanding clause, the Charter is everyone’s business // July 26, 2021 9.34am EDT // Jason MacLean
Assistant Professor of Law, University of New Brunswick // Kerri Anne Froc Associate Professor, University of New Brunswick // https://theconversation.com/notwithstanding-the-notwithstanding-clause-the-charter-is-everyones-business-163143</p>
.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 2 (Thu January 13 to Wed January 19, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #2a – The Empire Strikes Back: An Introduction to Democracy and Authoritarianism</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: origins/permutations of, comparisons between, democracy &amp; authoritarianism</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide a broad political/governance context for human rights, technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Democracy: Athenian democracy; social contracts; right to private property; consent of the governed, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Authoritarianism: Hitler, Mussolini, Mao Zedong, etc.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #2b – Digital Promise: The Internet’s Origins and Use as a Communications Tool</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: technical, communicative, and societal benefits of the internet</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: resurface original idea of the internet as a promising tool for communicating information for later discussion of social media as a problematic tool for mis/disinformation, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: ARPANET, Tim Berners-Lee, John Perry Barlow, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 2: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</p>
...

<strong>2. Extra Readings and Media</strong>:

Recommended extra readings are in <strong>bold text</strong>:

<span style="color: #000000"><strong>Giroux, H. (2017, September 6). Why universities must defend democracy. <em>The Conversation. </em></strong></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><span style="color: #000000"><strong>Why universities must defend democracy // </strong></span><span style="color: #000000"><strong>September 6, 2017 7.06pm EDT // </strong></span><span style="color: #000000"><strong>Henry Giroux // </strong></span><span style="color: #000000"><strong>Chaired professor for Scholarship in the Public Interest in the Department of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University // </strong></span><span style="color: #000000"><strong>https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481</strong></span></p>
<strong>Gaventa, J. (2021, November 17). Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter. <em>The Conversation</em>. </strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><strong>Fresh insights on how to create civic spaces in authoritarian settings: small steps matter // </strong><strong>November 17, 2021 9.00am EST // </strong><strong>John Gaventa // </strong><strong>Professor, Institute of Development Studies // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/fresh-insights-on-how-to-create-civic-spaces-in-authoritarian-settings-small-steps-matter-171749</strong></p>
.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 3 (Thu January 20 to Wed January 26, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Overall Theme #2 (for classes #3 and #4)</strong>: Primer on the formation of, and attacks on, knowledge and information as a context for the discussion of the following issues: How creators, rights activists, lawyers, diaspora networks, and international organizations have responded to misinformation / disinformation campaigns and harassment over time (2 weeks)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #3a – How do We Know What We Know?: Primer on Epistemology, Data, and Information</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: introduction to knowledge &amp; epistemology as a backdrop to data, information, and misinformation / disinformation / fake news efforts; introduction of rhetoric as a means of persuasion</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide historical context for our current online informational woes</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Descartes’ thoughts on epistemology; Aristotle’s rhetoric, etc.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #3b – Talking About a Misinformation Revolution: The Rise of Mis/Disinformation</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: emergence of/contrast between misinformation/disinformation and fake news</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: define information terms, provide historical context for current information problems</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: origins/history of yellow journalism, propaganda, and recent emergence of fake news</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 3: Information vs. Mis/Disinformation (Discussion Board post)</p>
...

<strong>3. Extra Readings and Media</strong>:

Recommended extra readings are in <strong>bold text</strong>:

<strong>Lee, S-F., &amp; </strong><strong>Fung, B. C. M. (2021, November 1). </strong><strong>Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news. </strong><em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186 </strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // <strong>Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news // </strong><strong>November 1, 2021 5.54pm EDT // </strong><strong>Sze-Fung Lee</strong>
<strong>Research Assistant, Department of Information Studies, McGill University // </strong><strong>Benjamin C. M. Fung // </strong><strong>Professor and Canada Research Chair in Data Mining for Cybersecurity, McGill University // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186 </strong></p>
<strong>Kwon, K. H. (2021, November 15). Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea. <em>The Conversation</em>. </strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // <strong>Disinformation is spreading beyond the realm of spycraft to become a shady industry – lessons from South Korea // </strong><strong>November 15, 2021 8.11am EST // </strong><strong>K. Hazel Kwon // </strong><strong>Associate Professor of Journalism and Digital Audiences, Arizona State University // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/disinformation-is-spreading-beyond-the-realm-of-spycraft-to-become-a-shady-industry-lessons-from-south-korea-168054</strong></p>
.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 4 (Thu January 27 to Wed February 2, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #4a – Dialing Up a Revolution: Human Rights Mobilization in an Analog World</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: human rights mobilization before the internet’s mass penetration</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: show modes of human rights efforts before the internet</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: MLK/U.S. Civil Rights Movement (potentially Gandhi; Eleanor Roosevelt; etc.); perhaps show some early political art</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #4b – (Domestic Frame) Digital Peril: Social Media’s Strengths and Weaknesses</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: social media’s emergence and impact on North American human rights cases</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: forward historical discussion of human rights mobilization into the recent past/present/future</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: North America: #OccupyWallStreet; #BlackLivesMatter; #MeToo. Possibly early uses of the internet for advocacy efforts: Seattle WTO (1999); Anonymous (2003); Kony (2012)</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 4: Artistic Project Draft (Midterm Project)</p>
...

<strong>4. Extra Readings and Media</strong>:

Recommended extra readings are in <strong>bold text</strong>:

<strong>Glance, D. (2012, March 19). Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media. <em>The Conversation</em>. </strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // <strong>Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media // </strong><strong>March 19, 2012 3.12pm EDT // </strong><strong>David Glance // </strong><strong>Director, Centre for Software Practice, The University of Western Australia // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925</strong></p>
<strong>Miller, J. (2018, March 30). Langston Hughes’ hidden influence on MLK. <em>The Conversation</em>. </strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/langston-hughes-hidden-influence-on-mlk-91736" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/langston-hughes-hidden-influence-on-mlk-91736</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // <strong>Langston Hughes’ hidden influence on MLK // </strong><strong>March 30, 2018 6.54am EDT // </strong><strong>Jason Miller </strong><strong>Professor of English, North Carolina State University // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/langston-hughes-hidden-influence-on-mlk-91736</strong></p>
.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 5 (Thu February 3 to Wed February 9, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Overall Theme #3 (for classes #5 and #6)</strong>: Primer on political art and propaganda as context for discussing the following issues: Applying course learning in a contemporary context using media and creative tools, through Maria Ressa (2 weeks)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #5a – Creative Resistance: History of Political Art and Visual Propaganda</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: examine historical uses of art for political/rights advocacy</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide students with analogous inspirational examples for their own perspective artistic class work</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Pablo Picasso; Norman Rockwell; Salvador Dalí; Nakamura Hiroshi; Diego Rivera; Vietnam protests; Keith Haring; Ai Weiwei; perhaps include multimedia forms of protest art (e.g., music, television, film, sculpture, posters, etc.)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #5b – (International Frame) Cases of Fighting Back: Using Social Media to Resist State and Social Oppression</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: examples of social media use as a tool against forms of oppression</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide examples of social media use for advocacy</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: International: Maria Ressa (+ potentially Alexei Navalny; Indian farmers; #ArabSpring); perhaps find social media forms of online protest art (e.g., Instagram, Twitter, etc.)</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 5: Political Art and Visual Propaganda (Discussion Board post)</p>
...

<strong>5. Extra Readings and Media</strong>:

Recommended extra readings are in <strong>bold text</strong>:

<strong>Shiels, J. (2019, October 6). Extinction Rebellion: how to craft a protest brand. <em>The Conversation. </em></strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/extinction-rebellion-how-to-craft-a-protest-brand-123084" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/extinction-rebellion-how-to-craft-a-protest-brand-123084</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // <strong>Extinction Rebellion: how to craft a protest brand // </strong><strong>October 6, 2019 2.50pm EDT Updated October 6, 2019 6.54pm EDT // </strong><strong>Julie Shiels</strong>
<strong>Lecturer - School of Art, RMIT University // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/extinction-rebellion-how-to-craft-a-protest-brand-123084</strong></p>
Cobb, R. (2021, July 5, 2021). Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city-162991" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city-162991</a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // Bringing art into public spaces can improve the social fabric of a city // July 5, 2021 11.34am EDT // Rhiannon Cobb // PhD Student, Social and Political Thought, York University, Canada // https://theconversation.com/bringing-art-into-public-spaces-can-improve-the-social-fabric-of-a-city-162991</p>
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<p class="p1"><strong>Week 6 (Thu February 10 to Wed February 16, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #6a – Back to the Future: Where Do We Go From Here?</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: thoughts on the future of human rights, social media, and their intersection / divergence in the fight against global oppression</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: end course by speculating on future trends in human rights, social media, governance</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: find ideas from various futurists (Carl Sagan; Marshall McLuhan; Alvin Toffler)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #6b – Moving Forward: Class Human Rights Art Presentations</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: students present/discuss/provide peer feedback on their final art projects</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: celebrate student art work and learning progress; bring course to a satisfying close</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: class presentation of student-created artistic human rights-inspired work</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 6: Human Rights Artistic Advocacy (Final Project)</p>
...

<strong>6. Extra Readings and Media</strong>:

Recommended extra readings are in <strong>bold text</strong>:

<strong>Gorman, A. (October 7, 2016October 7, 2016). </strong><strong>To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past. <em>The Conversation</em>. </strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // <strong>To boldly go toward new frontiers, we first need to learn from our colonial past // </strong><strong>October 7, 2016 2.56am EDT // </strong><strong>Alice Gorman</strong>
<strong>Senior Lecturer in archaeology and space studies, Flinders University // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/to-boldly-go-toward-new-frontiers-we-first-need-to-learn-from-our-colonial-past-65568</strong></p>
<strong>Markey-Towler, B. (2018, June 21). </strong><strong>Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better. <em>The Conversation</em>.</strong> <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623</strong></a></span>
<p style="padding-left: 40px"><em>The Conversation</em>. // <strong>Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better // </strong><strong>June 21, 2018 2.48pm EDT // </strong><strong>Brendan Markey-Towler // </strong><strong>Industry Research Fellow, The University of Queensland // </strong><strong>https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623</strong></p>
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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>450</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 08:00:45]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 13:00:45]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:12:24]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:12:24]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[additional-media__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647267144]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[additional-media]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=496</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 16:02:37 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=496</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Townsend, J., Bunten, A., Iorns, C., &amp; Borrows, L. (2021, June 3). Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it</strong>
<strong><em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it-157117</a></span></strong>

<strong style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em">Rights for nature: How granting a river ‘personhood’ could help protect it</strong>
<figure class="magazine">
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<div class="wrapper"><header class="content-header-container grid-twelve large-grid-eleven"><time datetime="2021-06-03T17:07:24Z">June 3, 2021 1.07pm EDT</time></header></div>
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<h3 class="border">Authors</h3>
<ol>
 	<li id="author-378865" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/justine-townsend-773514"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/773514/width170/image-20210309-17-79vo3j.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/773514/width170/image-20210309-17-79vo3j.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Justine Townsend</span></a>
<p class="role">PhD Candidate, Department of Geography, Environment and Geomatics, University of Guelph</p>
</li>
 	<li id="author-388939" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/alexis-bunten-1231208"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1231208/width170/image-20210517-17-dz5iqn.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1231208/width170/image-20210517-17-dz5iqn.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Alexis Bunten</span></a>
<p class="role">Co-Director, Bioneers Indigeneity Program and Consultant</p>
</li>
 	<li id="author-387267" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/catherine-iorns-1218664"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1218664/width170/file-20210316-23-1wvsvh2.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1218664/width170/file-20210316-23-1wvsvh2.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Catherine Iorns</span></a>
<p class="role">Professor of Law, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington</p>
</li>
 	<li id="author-388938" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/lindsay-borrows-1231207"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1231207/width170/image-20210517-19-sg3gxd.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1231207/width170/image-20210517-19-sg3gxd.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Lindsay Borrows</span></a>
<p class="role">PhD Candidate in Law, University of Alberta</p>
</li>
</ol>
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</section><section class="content-disclosure-statement">
<h3 class="border">Disclosure statement</h3>
<span>Justine Townsend receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.</span>

<span>Bioneers//Collective Heritage Institute receives external funding from foundations and individuals to support Bioneers Rights of Nature tribal governance initiative.</span>

<span>Catherine Iorns and Lindsay Borrows do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span>

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<p class="disclosure-logo clearfix"><a class="logo" href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-herenga-waka-victoria-university-of-wellington-1200"><img alt="Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington" src="image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAAD/ACwAAAAAAQABAAACADs=" /></a></p>
<p class="funding-statement"><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-guelph-1071">University of Guelph</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-alberta-1232">University of Alberta</a><span> </span>provide funding as founding partners of The Conversation CA.</p>
<p class="funding-statement"><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-herenga-waka-victoria-university-of-wellington-1200">Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington</a><span> </span>provides funding as a member of The Conversation NZ.</p>
<p class="funding-statement"><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-alberta-1232">University of Alberta</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-guelph-1071">University of Guelph</a><span> </span>provide funding as members of The Conversation CA-FR.</p>
<p class="funding-statement"><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-herenga-waka-victoria-university-of-wellington-1200">Te Herenga Waka—Victoria University of Wellington</a><span> </span>provides funding as a member of The Conversation AU.</p>
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The Muteshekau Shipu (Magpie River) runs nearly 300 kilometres in Québec’s Côte-Nord region. The river is culturally significant for the Innu and it is popular with white water paddlers and rafters.

Despite efforts to protect the river, Muteshekau Shipu continues to be threatened by potential new<span> </span><a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/12/19/news/emails-reveal-internal-government-dispute-quebec-over-hydro-expansion">hydroelectric dam development</a>. But, in February, the Innu Council of Ekuanitshit and the Minganie Regional County Municipality declared the<span> </span><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/3/this-river-in-canada-now-legal-person">Muteshekau Shipu (Magpie River)</a><span> </span>a<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/when-a-river-is-a-person-from-ecuador-to-new-zealand-nature-gets-its-day-in-court-79278">legal person</a>, a move that may provide greater certainty for this majestic river’s future.

While a first in Canada, granting legal personhood to natural entities is part of a<span> </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kuFNmH7lVTA&amp;t=642s">global movement</a><span> </span>to recognize the rights of nature in law. Indigenous communities around the world are leading the way in upholding the rights of sacred and ancestral rivers, forests and mountains. Recognizing the rights of nature is an opportunity to elevate the power of Indigenous Peoples’ laws and worldviews to benefit all peoples.

Extractive values — the belief that natural entities are resources that can be used for human benefit with little regard for their well-being and longevity — are deeply embedded in Canada’s legal and economic systems.
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These values influence the ideologies at the root of our biodiversity and climate crises. These ideologies justify the transformation of rivers, forests and the atmosphere into commodities and private property at our own peril. Recognizing natural entities as legal persons and enshrining their rights in law is a promising legal innovation.
<h2>Rights of nature</h2>
On<span> </span><a href="http://files.harmonywithnatureun.org/uploads/upload1070.pdf">Feb. 23</a>, the Alliance for the Protection of the Magpie River/Muteshekau Shipu recognized<span> </span><a href="http://files.harmonywithnatureun.org/uploads/upload1072.pdf">nine rights</a><span> </span>of the river. These include the rights to evolve naturally and be protected, to be free of pollution and to sue.

The members of the Innu Council of Ekuanitshit, part of the alliance, will now be the river’s guardians. This means that those with long-standing relationships to Muteshekau Shipu will be formally entrusted with the river’s care for future generations.

“Designating the river as a legal person was the clearest message we could send,” Chief Jean-Charles Piétacho of the Innu Council of Ekuanitshit told us in an interview. “There will never be dams in this river. The river protects herself, we protect the river, we’re all protected. I think the message is very clear.”
<figure class="align-center ">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="A river winding through lush green valley" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=450&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=450&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=450&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=565&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=565&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=565&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/401391/original/file-20210518-13-grmxxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">In 2017, the New Zealand Parliament recognized what Māori leaders had been saying for generations, that the Whanganui River is a living being and should have the rights, duties, powers and liabilities of a person.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure>
Galvanized by widespread environmental degradation and rising Indigenous rights movements, Indigenous communities around the world are leading the way in upholding the rights of sacred and ancestral rivers. This includes Māori tribal relationships with the<span> </span><a href="https://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/2017/0007/latest/whole.html#DLM6831461">Whanganui River</a><span> </span>in Aotearoa New Zealand, the role of Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities in the<span> </span><a href="https://www.iucn.org/news/world-commission-environmental-law/201909/tour-save-world-colombia-wins-yellow-jersey-rights-nature">Atrato River</a><span> </span>in Colombia, and the Yurok Tribal Council’s granting legal rights of personhood to the<span> </span><a href="https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/yurok-nation-just-established-rights-klamath-river">Klamath River</a><span> </span>through an ordinance in the United States.

The idea that nature is a sentient being isn’t new to Indigenous and other traditional peoples. “The vision of the Innu is that Nature is living. Everything is alive,” said Chief Piétacho.
<h2>Indigenous laws: Relationships and responsibilities</h2>
Recognizing the rights of nature are modern expressions of long-practised Indigenous laws. Indigenous laws are as diverse as Indigenous cultures yet share an understanding that humans are an integral part of the natural world. These laws emphasize respect for all beings and responsibilities to care for lands and waters. Trees, mountains and plants are relatives, not commodities that can be privately owned and exploited.
<figure class="align-center ">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="A dam controls the flow of a river" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=395&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=395&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=395&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=497&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=497&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=497&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/401392/original/file-20210518-21-j4ud0t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Four dams along the Klamath River, which flows through Yurok Territory, are set to be removed to begin the restoration of the river that runs from Oregon to northern California.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Gillian Flaccus)</span></span></figcaption></figure>
The rights-of-nature movement may seem radical to some people. It challenges Eurocentric values such as human dominance over the natural world, which is considered largely inanimate. The conservation movement itself is founded on a worldview that sees<span> </span><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12600">“wilderness” as something separate</a><span> </span>to be protected from humans. The “fortress” conservation movement is ideologically non-commensurate with Indigenous ways of thinking about being a part of nature. This belief was used to justify the forced<span> </span><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57e007452e69cf9a7af0a033/t/5ab94aca6d2a7338ecb1d05e/1522092766605/PA234-ICE_Report_2018_Mar_22_web.pdf">relocation of many Indigenous Peoples</a><span> </span>from their territories to establish parks and protected areas.

Rights understood through a western, liberal and individualistic lens overlook collective responsibilities to the natural world. “I sincerely think Québec and Canada missed their responsibility; they aren’t protecting the river from development,” said Chief Piétacho.

Bridging western and Indigenous legal systems through a rights-of-nature approach is one tool for encouraging a<span> </span><a href="https://doi.org/10.1890/1051-0761(2000)010%5B1327:KEIPOT%5D2.0.CO;2">kincentric view</a><span> </span>of the world, which sees humans as “part of an extended ecological family that shares ancestry and origins.”

Indigenous laws mirror and reinforce relational worldviews that view living entities as relatives, not resources. This in turn shapes social conduct that emphasizes respect and responsibility to the natural world. Innovative governance arrangements are one means through which distinct worldviews and associated laws can be woven together.
<h2>Innovative governance models</h2>
Rivers speak but since western laws and institutions are not designed to listen, people must act as intermediaries voicing perspectives on their behalf. Indigenous laws are well positioned to conceptualize the decision-making structures needed to breathe life into legal personhood.

In 2014, Tūhoe iwi (Māori) and the New Zealand government granted legal personhood to<span> </span><a href="http://www.environmentguide.org.nz/regional/te-urewera-act/">Te Urewera</a>, an ancestral forest and former national park. They created a board responsible for making decisions in the best interests of Te Urewera. Tūhoe, as children of Tu Urewera, give expression to her through the board.

In Northern Canada, Łutsël K’é Dene First Nation established Thaidene Nëné as an Indigenous Protected Area under Dene law. It is also protected as a park and conservation area under Canadian and territorial (Northwest Territories) legislation. The management board,<span> </span><a href="http://www.landoftheancestors.ca/thaidene-neumlneacute-xa769-da769-ya769322t305.html">Thaidene Nëné Xá Dá Yáłtı</a>, is composed of members of Łutsël K’é Dene First Nation, the Government of Canada and the Government of the Northwest Territories. Once appointed, members no longer represent their organizations, they speak for Thaidene Nëné.
<h2>Indigenous-led initiatives</h2>
Examples like Thaidene Nëné are the exception and not the norm in Canada, although this may be changing.<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/environment-climate-change/services/nature-legacy/indigenous-leadership-funding.html">There is a national mandate</a><span> </span>to support Indigenous-led conservation initiatives and advance reconciliation. This support combined with Indigenous leadership and accompanying legal innovations present new opportunities for caring for the land and waters.

Many similar Indigenous-led initiatives are currently underway, supported by programs including the<span> </span><a href="https://bioneers.org/indigeneity-program/">Bioneers Indigeneity Program</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://www.weareriver.earth/">RIVER</a><span> </span>(Revitalizing Indigenous Values for Earth’s Regeneration), the<span> </span><a href="https://conservation-reconciliation.ca/">Conservation through Reconciliation</a><span> </span>partnership,<span> </span><a href="https://www.wcel.org/program/relaw">RELAW</a><span> </span>(Revitalizing Indigenous Law for Land, Air and Water) and the<span> </span><a href="https://www.therightsofnature.org/">Global Network for the Rights of Nature</a>.

The Muteshekau Shipu river declaration — and the legal guardianship role for Innu — is an example governments can learn from. “If the government wants to effectively protect Nature, they should consider this option so protected areas would be protected along with our rights,” said Chief Piétacho.

To create just and liveable futures for all our relatives (human and otherwise), Canadian laws and policies need further innovation. Vesting legal personhood in natural entities is a promising intervention when Indigenous Peoples represent these entities. It elevates the standing of nature for all peoples and respects the laws of Indigenous Peoples.

<em>Georgia Lloyd-Smith, a lawyer with West Coast Environmental Law, co-authored this article. The authors are grateful to Chief Jean-Charles Piétacho for the interview.</em>

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 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/water-71">Water</a></li>
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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>496</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 11:02:37]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 16:02:37]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:34:59]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:34:59]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647268499]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[rights-for-nature-how-granting-a-river-personhood-could-help-protect-it]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Why universities must defend democracy" (Short introductory article)-Original,AllMImages]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=498</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 16:05:30 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=498</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<span style="color: #000000"><strong>Giroux, H. (2017, September 6). Why universities must defend democracy. <em>The Conversation. </em></strong></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481</strong></a></span>
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<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Why universities must defend democracy</strong></h1>
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<time datetime="2017-09-06T23:06:14Z">September 6, 2017 7.06pm EDT</time>

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 	<li id="author-186310" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/henry-giroux-390264"><img alt="" class=" ls-is-cached lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/390264/width170/file-20170713-18558-ebb5sf.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/390264/width170/file-20170713-18558-ebb5sf.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Henry Giroux</span></a>
<p class="role">Chaired professor for Scholarship in the Public Interest in the Department of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University</p>
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<span>Henry Giroux does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span>

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The march in Charlottesville, Va., earlier this summer by white supremacists, neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists illuminated the growing danger of authoritarian movements both in the United States and across the globe.

It’s signalling a danger that mimics the increasingly forgotten horrors of the 1930s.

Neo-Nazis in the United States, and<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/is-trump-emboldening-right-wing-extremism-in-canada-82635">possibly those worldwide</a>, appear especially emboldened because they’ve found a comfortable, if not supportive, place at the highest levels of the U.S. government.

President Donald Trump’s administration has included white supremacist sympathizers like Steve Bannon, Jeff Sessions and Stephen Miller. All three embrace elements of the nefarious racist ideology that was on full display in Charlottesville.
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Trump’s refusal to denounce their Nazi slogans and violence in strong political and ethical terms<span> </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/opinion/trump-charlottesville-hate-stormer.html?ref=opinion&amp;_r=1">has suggested his own complicity with such movements.</a>

It should surprise no one that David Duke, a former imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, told the media in the midst of the violence in Charlottesville that white supremacists were “going<span> </span><a href="http://example.com/http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/346326-david-duke-charlottesville-protests-about-fulfilling-promises">to fulfil the promises of Donald Trump</a><span> </span>… to take our country back.”
<h2>‘God bless him’</h2>
Nor should it surprise anyone that Trump’s silence delighted the far right.

The Daily Stormer, a white supremacist website,<span> </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2017/08/13/one-group-loved-trumps-remarks-about-charlottesville-white-supremacists/?utm_term=.7574d26286ef">even had this to say</a>: “No condemnation at all. When asked to condemn, he just walked out of the room. Really, really good. God bless him.”

It appears that the presence of Nazi and Confederate flags celebrating a horrendous history of millions lost to the Holocaust and slavery, of lynchings and church bombings, and the assassinations of Black civil rights leaders like Medgar Evans and Martin Luther King, Jr., did little to move Trump.

Charlottesville has resurrected elements of a past that resulted in some of the worst crimes in human history. The ideology, values and institutions of a liberal democracy are once again under assault by those who don’t believe in equality, justice and democracy.

All of these alarming developments raise serious questions about the role of higher education in a democracy.

What role, if not responsibility, do universities have in the face of a new wave of authoritarianism?

What purpose should education serve when rigorous knowledge is replaced by opinions, the truth is labelled “fake news” by the president of the United States and his devotees, unbridled self-interest replaces the social good and language operates in the service of fear, violence and a culture of cruelty?
<h2>Universities must hold up democratic ideals</h2>
Surely, institutions of higher education cannot limit their role to training at a time when democracy is under assault around the world.

Colleges and universities must define themselves anew as a public good, a protective space for the promotion of democratic ideals, of the social imagination, civic values and a critically engaged citizenship.

Renowned education professor Jon Nixon<span> </span><a href="https://www.timeshighereducation.com/features/hannah-arendt-thinking-versus-evil/2018664.article">argues that education</a><span> </span>must be developed as “a protected space within which to think against the grain of received opinion: a space to question and challenge, to imagine the world from different standpoints and perspectives, to reflect upon ourselves in relation to others and, in so doing, to understand what it means to assume responsibility.”

Given the ongoing attack on civic literacy, truth, historical memory and justice, surely it’s all the more imperative for colleges and universities to teach students to do more than master work-based skills.

Instead, we must educate them to become intelligent, compassionate, critically engaged adults fully aware of the fact that without informed citizens, there is no democracy.

There’s much more at stake here than protecting and opening the boundaries of free speech. There is the more crucial necessity to deepen and expand the formative cultures and public spheres that make democracy possible.

Educators cannot forget that the struggle over democracy is about much more than the struggle over economic resources and power. It’s also about language, agency, desire, identity and imagining a future without injustice.
<h2>Return to authoritarianism not far-fetched</h2>
As the historian Timothy Snyder<span> </span><a href="https://www.democracynow.org/2017/5/30/on_tyranny_yale_historian_timothy_snyder">has observed</a>, it’s crucial to remember that the success of authoritarian regimes in Germany and other places succeeded, in part, because they were not stopped in the early stages of their development.

The events in Charlottesville provide a glimpse of authoritarianism on the rise and shine a spotlight upon the forces that are trying usher in a new and dangerous era, both in the United States and worldwide.

While it may seem far-fetched to assume American-style totalitarianism will soon become the norm in the United States, a return to authoritarianism is clearly no longer the stuff of fantasy or hysterical paranoia.

That’s especially since its core elements of hatred, exclusion, racism and white supremacy have been incorporated into both the highest echelons of political power and throughout the mainstream right-wing media, especially Fox News and Breitbart.

The authoritarian drama unfolding in the United States includes<span> </span><a href="http://www.theherald.com.au/story/4468728/use-of-force-and-restraints-against-immigration-detainees-doubles-in-nine-months/?cs=7">the use of state force against immigrants</a>, right-wing populist violence against mosques and synagogues and attacks on Muslims, young Blacks and others who do not fit into the vile script of white nationalism.

Charlottesville was just part of a larger trend of domestic terrorism and homegrown fascism that is on the upswing in the United States.

Trump’s administration, after all,<span> </span><a href="https://thinkprogress.org/trump-is-setting-us-free-white-supremacists-celebrate-reports-that-trump-will-dial-down-scrutiny-136039e12fad/">has announced</a><span> </span>it will no longer “investigate white nationalists, who have been responsible for a large share of violent hate crimes in the Unites States.”
<figure class="align-center ">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=400&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=400&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=400&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=503&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=503&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=503&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/184980/original/file-20170906-6491-1uvv0pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">U.S. President Donald Trump speaks to the media in the lobby of the Trump Tower in New York in the days following the white supremacist violence in Charlottesville, Va.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)</span></span></figcaption></figure>
Trump has also<span> </span><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/08/28/politics/police-military-gear-ban-lifted/index.html">lifted restrictions imposed by the Obama administration</a><span> </span>in order to provide local police departments with military surplus equipment such as armed vehicles, bullet-proof vests and grenade launchers.

These actions accelerate Trump’s law-and-order agenda, escalate racial tensions in cities that are often treated like combat zones and reinforce a warrior mentality among police officers.

Equally telling is Trump’s<span> </span><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/08/25/politics/sheriff-joe-arpaio-donald-trump-pardon/index.html">presidential pardon of Joe Arpaio</a>, the notorious white supremacist and disgraced former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona. Not only did Arpaio engage in racial profiling, despite being ordered by the court to desist, he also had a notorious reputation for abusing prisoners in his Tent City, which he once called “a concentration camp.”
<h2>A nod to domestic terrorism</h2>
There is more at work here than Trump’s endorsement of white nationalism; he’s also sending a clear message of support for a culture of violence that both legitimizes and gives meaning to acts of domestic terrorism.

What’s more, there’s a clear contempt for the rule of law. And there’s also an endorsement not just for racist ideology, but for institutional racism and consequently the primacy of the<span> </span><a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/study-finds-huge-racial-disparity-in-americas-prisons-2016-6">race-based incarceration state.</a>

In his various comments, tweets and policies, Trump has made clear that he does not see himself as the leader of the country, but as the head of a right-wing movement fuelled by rage, isolation, social atomization and communal disintegration, galvanized by a culture of fear and bigotry. He preys upon a populist hatred of democracy.

At the moment we’re seeing a looming collapse of civic culture.

A healthy democracy always struggles to preserve its ideals, values and practices. When taken for granted, justice dies, social responsibility becomes a burden and the seeds of authoritarianism flourish.

We may be in the midst of dark times, but resistance is no longer an option but a necessity.

And educators have a particular responsibility to address this growing assault on democracy. Any other option is an act of complicity, and a negation of what it means for education to matter in a democratic society.

</div>
<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">

&nbsp;
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/universities-267">Universities</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/higher-education-269">Higher education</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/education-274">Education</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/holocaust-2172">Holocaust</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/slavery-4624">Slavery</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/donald-trump-10206">Donald Trump</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/anti-semitism-11864">Anti-Semitism</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/authoritarianism-13868">Authoritarianism</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/college-15813">College</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/white-supremacy-18028">White supremacy</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/resistance-31665">resistance</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/steve-bannon-33486">Steve Bannon</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/neo-nazis-42106">Neo-Nazis</a></li>
</ul>
<strong>Quiz</strong>:

<span>[h5p id="37"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="38"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="39"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="40"]</span>

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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>498</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 11:05:30]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 16:05:30]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:24:39]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:24:39]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[why-universities-must-defend-democracy__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647267879]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[why-universities-must-defend-democracy]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news" (Short introductory article)-Original,AllImages]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=503</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 16:08:26 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=503</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Lee, S-F., &amp; </strong><strong>Fung, B. C. M. (2021, November 1). </strong><strong>Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news. </strong><em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186</strong></a></span>
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<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news</strong></h1>
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<time datetime="2021-11-01T21:54:17Z">November 1, 2021 5.54pm EDT</time>

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 	<li id="author-415586" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/sze-fung-lee-1277934"><img alt="" class=" ls-is-cached lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1277934/width170/image-20211018-13-mwcf2a.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1277934/width170/image-20211018-13-mwcf2a.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Sze-Fung Lee</span></a>
<p class="role">Research Assistant, Department of Information Studies, McGill University</p>
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 	<li id="author-415587" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/benjamin-c-m-fung-1282331"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1282331/width170/image-20211018-83508-1qg3wb.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/1282331/width170/image-20211018-83508-1qg3wb.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Benjamin C. M. Fung</span></a>
<p class="role">Professor and Canada Research Chair in Data Mining for Cybersecurity, McGill University</p>
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<h3 class="border">Disclosure statement</h3>
<span>Benjamin C. M. Fung receives funding from Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC), and Fonds de recherche du Québec - Nature et technologies (FRQNT).</span>

<span>Sze-Fung Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span>

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<a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/1984-09-01/dezinformatsia-active-measures-soviet-strategy-new-lies-old">Russian intervention in the 2016 U.S. presidential election</a><span> </span>showed how disinformation could disrupt a democratic process. And due to the current reach of social media, the risk of fake news being disseminated is greater than ever. <a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/sites/default/files/publications/cse-cyber-threat-assessment-e.pdf">Foreign intervention in the Canadian federal election</a><span> </span>was relatively insignificant compared to the U.S. presidential election, but the potential ramifications of fake news in Canada still require extra awareness and effort to counter it in the long run.

Canada needs a broad strategy that combines approaches from national and international governments, private companies like Google and Facebook and third-party entities like<span> </span><a href="https://disinfowatch.org/about/">the fact-checking organization DisinfoWatch</a>.
<h2>Inoculating the public</h2>
Emerging during the Second World War,<span> </span><a href="https://items.ssrc.org/from-our-archives/experiments-on-mass-communication/">inoculation theory concentrated on political persuasion and propaganda campaigns</a>. When U.S. soldiers in the Far East faced the danger of being brainwashed if captured, psychologist William McGuire developed a different focus: to “inoculate” people to resist being “brainwashed.”
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McGuire referred to this as a “<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/figure/A-vaccine-for-brainwash-McGuire-1970_fig2_343511911">vaccine for brainwash</a>” that would boost the population’s resilience to disinformation and decrease their susceptibility to fake news.

Inoculation reduces<span> </span><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12602">the effectiveness of disinformation</a>. Education and training in critical thinking for the public is acutely important, especially for adolescents, whose perspectives and skills like objective reasoning and analysis are starting to develop.

As the risk of electoral intervention increases, Canada has been allocating a tremendous amount of<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-disinformation.html">resources to combat possible occurrences</a>. Content on<span> </span><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/3757094/not-fake-news-classroom-program-aims-to-enhance-news-literacy-among-younger-canadians/">how to identify fake news has even been added to school curricula</a>.

Federal initiatives, like the<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-disinformation.html">Digital Citizen Initiative and Digital Citizen Research Program</a>, also work to strengthen the public’s resistance to persuasion by disinformation.
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<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="dictionary entry for DISINFORMATION" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=391&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=391&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=391&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=491&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=491&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=491&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429169/original/file-20211028-13-1s7adnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Disinformation can have dramatic impacts on political outcomes.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure>
<h2>Fragmented approaches</h2>
Canada does not have one specific unit, department or institution that focuses on fighting disinformation. In addition to police and military departments, there are several branches of government that deal with disinformation and cybersecurity.

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) often publishes<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/csis-scrs/documents/publications/disinformation_post-report_eng.pdf">reports regarding disinformation as a security challenge</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/csis-warns-of-increasingly-sophisticated-state-sponsored-activity-targeting-elections-1.5519606">warns of state-sponsored disinformation campaigns, especially during elections</a>.

Meanwhile, the<span> </span><a href="https://www.cse-cst.gc.ca/en">Communication Security Establishment (CSE)</a>, also a national security and intelligence organization, focuses on cyberthreats, foreign-based terrorism and other espionage. Its<span> </span><a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/sites/default/files/publications/cse-cyber-threat-assessment-e.pdf">July 2021 report</a><span> </span>examines the extent of cyberthreats to Canada’s democratic process.

The Competition Bureau Canada also<span> </span><a href="https://www.competitionbureau.gc.ca/eic/site/cb-bc.nsf/eng/h_04525.html">addresses fake news related to COVID-19 and businesses</a>, while<span> </span><a href="https://www.antifraudcentre-centreantifraude.ca/index-eng.htm">the Canadian Anti-Fraud Centre engages with suspected criminal activities</a>.

Canada lacks an integrated institution that oversees all cybersecurity intelligence and analysis, planning and executing efforts to counter disinformation.
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<figcaption><span class="caption">A panel organized by the London School of Economics looks at the problem of fake news in politics.</span></figcaption></figure>
<h2>Open communication</h2>
<a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/en/guidance/cybercrime-0">Cybercrime is intensifying</a><span> </span>and relations between countries (<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/20/us/politics/six-months-into-bidens-tenure-us-china-relations-continue-to-deteriorate.html">such as the U.S. and China</a>) are worsening. Instances of<span> </span><a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2969&amp;context=ils">foreign involvement in political campaigns</a><span> </span>have been documented.

In this new era of cyberthreats to national security, it will be necessary for governments to communicate openly and share information as authoritarian regimes attempt to undermine their opponents.

A department within the Canadian government with the authority to enforce a whole-of-government approach would be unquestionably vital for Canada’s liberal democratic future.

Internationally, the Canadian government should take more specific actions that align with our allies and like-minded democracies to “<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/democratic-institutions/news/2020/05/government-of-canada-leading-globally-to-promote-cybersecurity-and-counter-disinformation-online.html">strengthen our capacity to prevent malign interference by foreign actors aimed at undermining electoral processes through malicious cyber activities</a>.”

This could start by<span> </span><a href="https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/ntnl-scrt/fv-cntry-mnstrl-en.aspx">establishing an integrated system within the Five Eyes alliance</a><span> </span>that includes the exchange of sensitive information to combat disinformation and, in the future, further extended to more democracies.

There is, unfortunately, no single solution for fighting disinformation. Multidisciplinary approaches by international and national governments, private companies and other organizations are all vital to improve the resilience of national security and protect our democratic society from information warfare.

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<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media</strong></h1>
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<time datetime="2012-03-19T19:12:07Z">March 19, 2012 3.12pm EDT</time>

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 	<li id="author-3895" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/david-glance-148"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/148/width170/RackMultipart20140215-9141-12okmbr.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/148/width170/RackMultipart20140215-9141-12okmbr.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">David Glance</span></a>
<p class="role">Director, Centre for Software Practice, The University of Western Australia</p>
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<h3 class="border">Disclosure statement</h3>
<span>David Glance does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span>

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<figcaption>Kony2012 seemed to be everywhere, but attention has now turned to the makers of the video.<span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reyhan Dhuny</span></span></figcaption></figure>
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There have been enough social media disasters of late to make one thing clear: manipulating sentiment through social networks is next to impossible.

The McDonald’s<span> </span><a href="http://socialmediatoday.com/david-amerland/434385/abject-lessons-learnt-mcdonald-s-social-media-disaster">#McDStories campaign</a><span> </span>in January was supposed to allow the public to share fond memories of eating at McDonald’s. Instead, responses quickly became abusive and negative.

Qantas famously made the<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/qantasluxury-a-qantas-social-media-disaster-in-pyjamas-4421">same mistake</a><span> </span>with their ill-fated #QantasLuxury campaign in November of last year.

At first glance, the<span> </span><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&amp;v=Y4MnpzG5Sqc">Kony 2012</a><span> </span>film seemed an undeniable<span> </span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/patricia-vanderbilt/kony-2012_b_1344050.html">social media success</a>. Purporting to raise awareness about the use of children in the<span> </span><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/08/joseph-kony-lords-resistance-army">Lord’s Resistance Army</a><span> </span>guerilla group, the film agitated for the hunting-down and arrest of the group’s leader, Joseph Kony.
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The film and its director, Jason Russell, were blatant in their intention to use social media to propel the campaign.<span> </span><a href="http://blog.socialflow.com/post/7120244932/data-viz-kony2012-see-how-invisible-networks-helped-a-campaign-capture-the-worlds-attention">Analysis</a><span> </span>of Twitter and YouTube traffic showed how<span> </span><a href="http://www.invisiblechildren.com/">Invisible Children</a>, the charity behind the Kony 2012 video, used its existing social networks to initiate and drive the viral growth of attention to the video.

The obsession of media and marketing with “virality” is something Arianna Huffington – co-founder of the Huffington Post – has<span> </span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-huffington/social-media_b_1333499.html">commented on</a>. While not mentioning the Kony video explicitly, Huffington suggested that when something attains “viral” status, this can signify a positive or negative outcome. But more often than not, it signifies both.

This is exactly what happened in the case of the Kony 2012 video.
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For every<span> </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/blogpost/post/kony-2012-campaign-gets-support-of-obama-others/2012/03/08/gIQArnHkzR_blog.html">celebrity that endorsed the film</a><span> </span>there seemed to be someone<span> </span><a href="http://thestar.com.my/lifestyle/story.asp?file=/2012/3/19/lifefocus/10901832&amp;sec=lifefocus">publishing criticism</a>. These criticisms have been unpacked<span> </span><a href="http://www.ethanzuckerman.com/blog/2012/03/08/unpacking-kony-2012/">elsewhere</a>, including on<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/in-defence-of-the-bandwagon-kony-2012-makers-should-check-their-facts-but-so-should-critics-5773">The Conversation</a>.

Criticism of the campaign would have been alright but the campaign did as much to turn the spotlight on Invisible Children as it did on the problem of the children in Uganda. The charity and director were forced to<span> </span><a href="http://www.invisiblechildren.com/critiques.html">defend</a><span> </span>not only the film but their operations and past record.

Most damning of all were the<span> </span><a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/ugandaspeaks/">criticisms of Invisible Children being made by Ugandans</a><span> </span>and by former “invisible children” themselves.

Kony 2012<span> </span><a href="http://invisiblechildrenstore.myshopify.com/products/konybracelet">bracelets</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="http://invisiblechildrenstore.myshopify.com/collections/bracelet-stories">T-shirts</a><span> </span>became the signifiers of a US Christian organisation that didn’t even have the support of the people they were allegedly trying to help. Ugandan Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi even created<span> </span><a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-03-18/uganda-responds-to-kony-2012-video/3896476">his own video</a><span> </span>to refute allegations made in the Kony 2012 video.

In the video Mbabazi invited the celebrities who promoted the Kony 2012 video – including Rihanna, Bill Gates and Kim Kardashian – to come to Uganda and see the situation for themselves.

All of this would have been bad enough … but it got worse.
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<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=450&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=450&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=450&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=566&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=566&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=566&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/8761/original/n4yqc6gn-1332137003.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption"></span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">Uncommon Fritillary</span></span></figcaption></figure>
Late last week Kony 2012 director Jason Russell<span> </span><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/16/kony-2012-campaigner-detained">was arrested</a><span> </span>in San Diego after police received reports of a man running through the streets and traffic naked, vandalising cars and “masturbating”.

Invisible Children CEO Ben Keesey issued<span> </span><a href="http://invisiblechildrenblog.wordpress.com/2012/03/16/statement-from-ceo-ben-keesey/">a statement</a><span> </span>claiming Russell had been admitted to hospital suffering from exhaustion, dehydration and malnutrition. Unfortunately,<span> </span><a href="http://www.tmz.com/2012/03/18/jason-russell-video-naked-meltdown-kony/#.T2XYSXj0Wec">a video</a><span> </span>has been released seemingly showing Russell in the midst of a<span> </span><a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2012/03/sharing-public-breakdowns-what-we-can-learn-from-jason-russell/254659/">psychotic episode</a><span> </span>of some sort.

Although there have been<span> </span><a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2012/03/sharing-public-breakdowns-what-we-can-learn-from-jason-russell/254659/">statements of compassion</a><span> </span>about Russell’s condition, members of the twittersphere have not been as kind. A new hashtag, #Horny2012, was created with tweets ridiculing him, Invisible Children and the film.

The tragedy of all this is what started out as a probably well-intentioned plan has ended with:
<ul>
 	<li>the central message of the film getting lost</li>
 	<li>a charity losing its credibility, and</li>
 	<li>a man suffering a breakdown and having a personal incident “go viral”.</li>
</ul>
Worse still, Russell made his five-year-old son, Gavin Danger, the centrepiece of the film. Ironically, in a pale reflection of the Invisible Children themselves, Danger was made to take part in something he would have had no say in; something he will now have to deal with for the rest of his life.

This whole debacle serves to remind us we are still barely coming to terms with the nature of what it means to be massively connected on a global scale.

As we saw in attempts to spread the Kony 2012 film, grossly oversimplifying the way social networks function is always going to lead to unpredictable results; results that are often damaging.

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&nbsp;
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/marketing-13">Marketing</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/social-media-109">Social media</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/twitter-927">Twitter</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/kony-2012-2506">Kony 2012</a></li>
</ul>
<strong>Quiz</strong>:

<span>[h5p id="45"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="46"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="47"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="48"]</span>

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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>508</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 11:16:33]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 16:16:33]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:21:19]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:21:19]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647267679]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5."Extinction Rebellion: how to craft a protest brand" (Short supplementary article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=511</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 16:17:56 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=511</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Shiels, J. (2019, October 6). Extinction Rebellion: how to craft a protest brand. <em>The Conversation. </em></strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/extinction-rebellion-how-to-craft-a-protest-brand-123084" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>https://theconversation.com/extinction-rebellion-how-to-craft-a-protest-brand-123084</strong></a></span>
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<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Extinction Rebellion: how to craft a protest brand</strong></h1>
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<time datetime="2019-10-06T18:50:55Z">October 6, 2019 2.50pm EDT</time><span> </span><time datetime="2019-10-06T22:54:57Z">Updated October 6, 2019 6.54pm EDT</time>

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 	<li id="author-287221" class="vcard"><a rel="author" href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/julie-shiels-123739"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/123739/width170/RackMultipart20140422-15569-mgqukw.jpg" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/avatars/123739/width170/RackMultipart20140422-15569-mgqukw.jpg" itemprop="image" /><span class="fn author-name" itemprop="name">Julie Shiels</span></a>
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<span>Julie Shiels is a volunteer artist with Extinction Rebellion.</span>

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Visual arts and performance have always been central to protest and resistance movements in Australia. Posters, street theatre, music and symbolic actions are part of the vocabulary of calls for social and political change.

The cardboard placards, banners and chants of September’s massive school strike for climate connected with this rich creative history. Now<span> </span><a href="https://rebellion.earth/">Extinction Rebellion</a><span> </span>— or XR — has gone a step further, purposefully creating a unified, easily identifiable appearance. A look at the group’s practices shows a new approach to arts activism.
<figure>
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[embed][/embed]

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<figcaption><span class="caption">UK band Radiohead donated the proceeds of their OK Computer Bandcamp to Extinction Rebellion and gave permission for them to use this song.</span></figcaption></figure>
<h2>Museums of modern protest</h2>
Public institutions document our protest history with exhibitions drawing on substantial collections of ephemera: last year the Tasmanian Art Gallery and Museum installed<span> </span><a href="https://www.tmag.tas.gov.au/whats_on/newsselect/2018articles/_..._were_not_going_to_the_mainland">“We’re not going to the mainland”</a><span> </span>to mark three decades of campaigning for LGBTI rights, while exhibitions like<span> </span><a href="https://museumsvictoria.com.au/melbournemuseum/whats-on/revolutions-records-and-rebels/?gclid=EAIaIQobChMI5Lqlirfq5AIVB5SPCh3-iQLAEAAYASAAEgLfmfD_BwE">Revolutions: Records and Rebels</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://www.melbourne.vic.gov.au/arts-and-culture/city-gallery/exhibition-archive/pages/we-protest.aspx">We Protest</a><span> </span>in Melbourne, and<span> </span><a href="https://seditionfestival.com/home">The art of sedition</a><span> </span>festival in Sydney, celebrated the vibrancy of protest in those cities since the 1960s. No doubt there will be more exhibitions next year to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the<span> </span><a href="https://www.nma.gov.au/defining-moments/resources/vietnam-moratoriums">Vietnam Moratorium</a>.
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=413&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=413&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=413&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=518&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=518&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=518&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/295377/original/file-20191003-82491-pflrjs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">A 1952 protest against atomic bomb testing near the Shrine of Remembrance, Melbourne.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/261716">State Library of Victoria</a></span></figcaption></figure>
These retrospectives show us what activism looks like and reveal how the arts shape the visual and cultural expressions of each movement.
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XR, the new kid on the block, has gone a step further, purposefully creating a unified, easily identifiable appearance. Its style verges on corporate branding, which is ironic given that XR identifies as a “do it together movement” and makes all its design and artwork free for non-commercial use “for the purpose of planet saving”.
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<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=400&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=400&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=400&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=503&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=503&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=503&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294686/original/file-20190930-185415-1nlqh2b.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Extinction Rebellion Northcote Drown-In.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">Julian Meehan</span></span></figcaption></figure>
<h2>Looking good</h2>
XR is an international movement that promotes civil disobedience and non-violent direct action in an effort to compel urgent action in climate change. In April this year, it shut down key parts of London with<span> </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/apr/24/extinction-rebellion-declares-end-to-london-protests">two weeks</a><span> </span>of rolling protests. More than 1000 activists were arrested in the process.

Although XR has only been present in Australia since January, it has already established more than<span> </span><a href="https://rebellion.earth/act-now/local-groups/">18 chapters</a><span> </span>and launched actions in every state. Last week, Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton<span> </span><a href="https://thenewdaily.com.au/news/national/2019/10/03/peter-dutton-demands-tougher-penalties-for-climate-change-protesters/">called for protesters to have welfare payments cancelled</a><span> </span>and the Queensland government has signalled<span> </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/aug/21/queensland-government-accused-of-fabricating-claims-about-climate-activists">new police powers following XR protests</a>. XR’s presence is likely to be felt more keenly during a new global “<a href="https://rebellion.earth/event/international-rebellion-begins-7-october-2019/">rebellion</a>” beginning today.

No doubt many supporters are drawn to XR because they feel its disruptive tactics match the urgency of the climate emergency. But XR’s distinctive look also helps raise its profile. According to<span> </span><a href="https://www.creativereview.co.uk/extinction-rebellion-on-its-striking-protest-graphics/">Clive Russell</a>, a graphic designer working with XR’s arts group, the aim was to design something that looked nothing like previous movements. Eco and punk aesthetics were intentionally avoided.
<figure class="align-center ">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=490&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=490&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=490&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=616&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=616&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=616&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294629/original/file-20190928-185379-sbpb2t.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Spring Rebellion flyer.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">Extinction Rebellion</span></span></figcaption></figure>
The stylised hourglass of the distinctive XR symbol was conceived in 2011 by the<span> </span><a href="https://www.extinctionsymbol.info/">UK street artist ESP</a>. Its use on a swathe of multi-coloured flags makes an XR action immediately identifiable. The palette is vibrant and extensive, but distinguishes itself from the rainbow colours associated with the LGBTQI+ movement or with a hippie-style counter culture.

The designers use a font that has a slight retro feel, and were influenced by the graphics of the Paris protests of 1968 and by the design style of the<span> </span><a href="https://monoskop.org/Situationist_International">Situationist International</a><span> </span>artist collective. They wanted to communicate the angry but non-violent values of the rebellion.
<h2>Guided, collaborative, noncommercial</h2>
Any group or individual wanting to make posters or flyers can draw on the<span> </span><a href="https://extinctionrebellion.nz/portfolio-items/xr-design-programme-v1-0-pdf/">Design Guide</a><span> </span>and a library of illustrations that resemble woodblock prints.
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<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=849&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=849&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=849&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1066&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1066&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1066&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294631/original/file-20190928-185375-rq8b97.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">XR’s Disgustation Menu was smuggled into Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack’s Wagga Wagga business lunch in August.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">Extinction Rebellion</span></span></figcaption></figure>
There are illustrations of skeletons and bones, and of animals and plants facing extinction. There is an open invitation to improvise and extend this visual library, and local artists are contributing images of endangered Australian flora and fauna. Some have been converted into actual woodblocks to print images on clothing at events, but these are never for sale. Part of the “good faith” agreement with street artist ESP is that the XR symbol is never used for commercial purposes, including fundraising.

The Red Rebels performance group is another initiative that is shared and interpreted by XR groups internationally. Consisting of a silent choir of witnesses, the performers use Butoh-inspired gestures to communicate the tragedy of ecological collapse and climate catastrophe. This emphasis on the theatrics of disruption is a signature of the movement.
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<figcaption><span class="caption">The Red Rebels are a performance sub-group of XR.</span></figcaption></figure>
While XR disruption manifests in a very public way, there is a subterranean complexity and organisational nous that connects the autonomous groups that make up each geographically defined XR chapter. Along with face-to-face meetings, interaction occurs over a digital platform with multiple channels that operate like chat rooms. Musicians, performers, writers, singers, sewers, crafters and artists engage in this chaotic virtual village square to develop shared creative projects.

XR’s cultural activism has generated choirs, performance groups, a<span> </span><a href="https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gamelan">gamelan</a><span> </span>orchestra, sculptures, props and banners. The self-organising principles that underpin the movement encourage participation, similar to the way<span> </span><a href="https://www.tate.org.uk/art/art-terms/c/community-art">community art</a><span> </span>was realised in the late 20th Century and to its more contemporary manifestation as<span> </span><a href="https://www.tate.org.uk/art/art-terms/s/socially-engaged-practice">social engaged practice</a>. Yet there are no lead artists nor arts funding here — all infrastructure and materials are donated, and all work is voluntary.
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=415&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=415&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=415&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=522&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=522&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=522&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294683/original/file-20190930-185399-umucvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Acknowledgement of Country adds a local element to the Melbourne climate march.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">Extinction Rebellion</span>,<span> </span><span class="license">Author provided (no reuse)</span></span></figcaption></figure>
<h2>Shared aesthetic, shared vision</h2>
Despite the urgency of addressing climate change, marches, speeches and petitions have so far achieved little. Faced with government inaction, XR promotes non-violent civil disobedience as a necessary response. Here too, XR draws on a long and rich history: the civil rights movement in the US, the international anti-apartheid campaign, the Vietnam Moratorium and the Franklin River blockade all used similar tactics.

People of all ages are joining XR, and many are ready to be arrested in line with their convictions. A much larger number will stand behind them, showing support in a multitude of creative ways.
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=800&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=800&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=800&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1005&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1005&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1005&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/295369/original/file-20191003-49365-11ksujy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">The XR logo is simple and royalty-free.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/fgViiCEzdyw">Cull &amp; Nguyen on Unsplash</a>,<span> </span><a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure>
<a href="https://rebellion.earth/the-truth/demands/">XR has three demands</a>: tell the truth about what is happening to the planet and declare a climate emergency; act now to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to net zero by 2025; reform democracy to create a citizens assembly on climate and ecological justice.

Whether XR’s creative processes, aesthetic choices and non-violent direct action can galvanise a shared vision and push climate politics in a new direction remains to be seen. The aesthetics of XR are<span> </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/jul/26/va-to-display-collection-of-extinction-rebellion-artefacts">already on display</a><span> </span>in a museum. Perhaps, 50 years from now, museums will commemorate its impact as a movement.

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<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better</strong></h1>
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<time datetime="2018-06-21T18:48:55Z">June 21, 2018 2.48pm EDT</time>

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<span>Brendan Markey-Towler does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span>

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That new technologies could actually be bad for us, by sapping our attention or ruining our memories, is an argument that goes back to<span> </span><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/literally-psyched/on-writing-memory-and-forgetting-socrates-and-hemingway-take-on-zeigarnik/">Socrates</a>. It’s tempting to summarily<span> </span><a href="http://www.dictionary.com/browse/luddism">dismiss these concerns</a>, but such tech-doomsaying is actually an important part of economic discovery.

Our<span> </span><a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/2564954?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">societies are organised by rules</a>, embedded in our collective knowledge, about the proper way to behave and interact with each other. These rules are worked out over a long, often bitter process of<span> </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-institutional-economics/article/competition-and-evolution-of-ideas-in-the-public-sphere-a-new-foundation-for-institutional-theory/8EA12170A9F35AF6E6AC293F58EBE80B">debate and competition between rival ideas about society</a>.

Some of the most important rules we need to discover are about how to use technology and, just as importantly, how<span> </span><em>not</em><span> </span>to use it.

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<em><strong>Read more:<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/is-social-media-turning-people-into-narcissists-66573">Is social media turning people into narcissists?</a></strong></em>
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One recent example of tech-doomsaying is a<span> </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nKd2QVrQVIM&amp;feature=youtu.be">viral video</a><span> </span>featuring Denzel Washington, Simon Sinek, Joe Rogan and others discussing social media and smartphones. We spend no time with real people any more, the video goes, as we desperately seek the next “like” and “comment”.
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This video joins a long and proud history stretching back through Neil Postman (who wrote the brilliant<span> </span><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/74034.Amusing_Ourselves_to_Death">Amusing Ourselves to Death</a>), Alvin and Heidi Toffler (of<span> </span><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/466537.Future_Shock">Future Shock</a><span> </span>fame) to John Kenneth Galbraith in<span> </span><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/41589.The_Affluent_Society?from_search=true">The Affluent Society</a>.

It also joins a veritable cacophony warning about the perils of everything from<span> </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-30290540">artificial intelligence</a><span> </span>to<span> </span><a href="https://medium.com/@kaistinchcombe/decentralized-and-trustless-crypto-paradise-is-actually-a-medieval-hellhole-c1ca122efdec">blockchains</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/mar/13/imf-christine-lagarde-calls-bitcoin-crackdown-cryptocurrencies">cryptocurrencies</a>.

Institutional economics helps us understand, counter-intuitively, why this doomsaying actually helps make new technologies better.
<h2>Working out the rules</h2>
The great institutional economist<span> </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/cje/article/39/4/1053/1734579">Clarence Ayres wrote</a><span> </span>about how technology becomes incorporated into our lives in a way that is roughly equivalent to the way tribal societies use totems to interact with each other.

In tribal societies, a whole system of rules is developed and kept by the “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shamanism">shamans</a>” about what totems mean and how they are to be used in everyday life.

Similarly, a whole system of rules needs to be developed by tech gurus experimenting with new technologies and teaching people about how, when and why to use them in everyday life.

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<em><strong>Read more:<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/putting-a-price-on-friendship-why-social-media-sites-leave-the-luddites-behind-1410">Putting a price on friendship: why social media sites leave the Luddites behind</a></strong></em>

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New technologies don’t simply get incorporated immediately into everyday life, as<span> </span><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1475-4932.1956.tb00434.x">traditional economic models assume</a>. They don’t come with an instruction manual outlining what they can be used for, nor a set of regulations about how they are to be used.

We have to learn and develop rules ourselves about how, when and why to use new technologies. This requires that we talk to each other and share our experiences and thoughts.

As we talk to each other and share ideas about new technology, a<span> </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-institutional-economics/article/competition-and-evolution-of-ideas-in-the-public-sphere-a-new-foundation-for-institutional-theory/8EA12170A9F35AF6E6AC293F58EBE80B">competition between ideas</a><span> </span>develops. From this we discover, as a society, new knowledge about how, when and why we should use new technologies in our everyday lives.
<h2>Hype<span> </span><em>and</em><span> </span>doomsaying help us discover</h2>
My colleague Jason Potts<span> </span><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2934675">has written</a><span> </span>about one side of this process, whereby “hype” about a new technology helps us to discover what it can and should be used for.

But there is another, easily forgotten side of this process whereby doomsaying about a new technology moderates our enthusiasm and promotes caution. We need to discover what a new technology<span> </span><em>cannot</em><span> </span>do and what it<span> </span><em>should not</em><span> </span>be used for.

Every inventor is both a<span> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prometheus">Prometheus</a><span> </span>stealing fire from the gods, and a<span> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pandora">Pandora</a><span> </span>unwittingly releasing a swarm of potential evils on the world. The competition of ideas between hype and doomsaying allows us to discover helpful rules which deal with both.

Nuclear technology provides an excellent example of this. Many arguments have been made about its astonishing potential as an efficient<span> </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ta3z3pGK0vU">energy source</a>, as a<span> </span><a href="http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100370950">mining technology</a><span> </span>and as a<span> </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eMzdKT0WdRM">source of propulsion</a>, among other things. But we all know about its dangers too –<span> </span><a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Chernobyl-disaster">Chernobyl</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/fukushima-seven-years-later-case-closed-93448">Fukushima</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-40097000">Three Mile Island</a>, and the areas of the Earth that will be radioactive for tens of thousands of years as a result of nuclear fallout.

Over time, despite often bitter disputes, we have discovered a substantial body of knowledge about how, when and why we should nuclear technology.

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<em><strong>Read more:<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/fukushima-seven-years-later-case-closed-93448">Fukushima seven years later: case closed?</a></strong></em>

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The debate about social media and smartphones is much the same. There are a range of arguments about the spectacular potential for this technology to give ordinary people a technology to communicate on a scale previously reserved for only the very powerful and very rich.

But there are also counterarguments about its addictiveness, its effect on our attention span, and its enabling of the very powerful and very rich to manipulate us.

Over time, despite what will often be a fierce dispute between these competing ideas, we can expect to discover a substantial body of knowledge about how best to use social media.

So, institutional economics shows us that tech-doomsayers help make technology better. Technology doesn’t come with a ready-made rulebook for how to use it. We have to discover this in a process of trial, error and argument. And for this the doomsayer is just as vital as the visionary.

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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>515</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 11:19:50]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 16:19:50]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:14:05]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:14:05]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647267245]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account" (Short supplementary article)-Original-AllImages]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=521</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 16:34:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=521</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Smith, T. (2021, October 8). Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account. The Conversation. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564</a></span>

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<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Maria Ressa: Nobel<span> </span><span class="nobr">prize-winner</span><span> </span>risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account</strong></h1>
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<time datetime="2021-10-08T14:51:21Z">October 8, 2021 10.51am EDT</time>

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<span>Tom Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span>

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The importance of journalists who take considerable risks to bring people the truth in countries where this involves going up against authoritarian governments has been recognised by the Nobel committee’s decision to<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/philippines-rodrigo-dutertes-dictatorship-sinks-to-new-depths-with-closure-of-main-broadcaster-138025">award the 2021 peace prize</a><span> </span>to Maria Ressa of the Philippines and Dmitry Muratov of Russia.

In announcing the award, the Nobel committee called the pair “representatives of all journalists who stand up for this ideal”. They said Ressa had used her online news organisation, Rappler, to “expose abuse of power, use of violence and growing authoritarianism in her native country, the Philippines”.

Rappler, which grew out of a Facebook page launched in 2012 and has become one of the Philippines’ most credible independent news services, has been targeted by President Rodrigo Duterte since his election in 2016. His 2017 state of the union speech alleged that Rappler was in foreign ownership, which would be contrary to the constitution. He also said it peddled “fake news”.

Government investigations followed and, by 2018, Ressa and Rappler were inundated with charges of cybercrime, tax evasion and as much intimidation as the Duterte government could muster.
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This harassment took place against a backdrop of presidentially sanctioned murder in the form of Duterte’s “war on drugs” (which the<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/rodrigo-duterte-why-the-iccs-investigation-will-not-guarantee-a-fairer-or-safer-philippines-163089">International Criminal Court is now investigating</a>) which led to the deaths of over 20,000 people, including journalists around the country. Ressa was not cowed by intimidation and threats. Time magazine named her one of its Person of the Year winners in 2018 alongside other journalists facing oppression around the world.

When she was arrested for the first time, in 2019 at the age of 56, the country’s most prominent journalist was made to spend a night behind bars, a low point for civil society in the Philippines. Ressa and her Rappler colleagues continue to work under the threat of imprisonment.
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<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="Maria Ressa wearing a face mask, speaking into microphones, next to Court of Tax Appeals sign." class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=398&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=398&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=398&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=500&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=500&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=500&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425494/original/file-20211008-21-1mrk05f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Harassment: Ressa outside the Court of Tax Appeals in Quezon City in March 2021 where she and Rappler were facing charges of tax evasion.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA_EFE/Rolex dela Peña</span></span></figcaption></figure>
It remains to be seen if the award of the Nobel peace prize will shield Ressa and Rappler from further targeting, and whether the election, scheduled for May 2022, will bring any relief from government harassment and threats.
<h2>Thorn in Duterte’s side</h2>
Long before Duterte was elected, Ressa was an established figure in Filipino public life. She had been the face of CNN in the Philippines as its bureau chief from 1987-1995 and then as an investigative reporter for CNN, where she focused on terrorism in the aftermath of 9/11 across southeast Asia.

In 2004, she joined major Philippines-based media company ABS-CBN and for six years helped grow it into the major news network in the country (its broadcast operations were<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/philippines-rodrigo-dutertes-dictatorship-sinks-to-new-depths-with-closure-of-main-broadcaster-138025">shut down by Duterte in 2020</a>). It is with great credit to Ressa that her influence is so strong across the news media landscape in the Philippines where younger journalists continue to follow her advice and example.

This is not the first time Maria Ressa has won a major international award. She received the<span> </span><a href="https://www.ndi.org/our-stories/2017-democracy-dinner-explores-global-threat-disinformation">2017 Democracy Award</a>, the 2018<span> </span><a href="https://www.icfj.org/maria-ressa-accepts-2018-knight-international-journalism-award#:%7E:text=Maria%20Ressa%20Accepts%20the%202018,Award%20%7C%20International%20Center%20for%20Journalists">Knight International Journalism Award</a><span> </span>and, also in 2018, the<span> </span><a href="http://www.blog.wan-ifra.org/articles/2018/05/31/2018-golden-pen-of-freedom-awarded-to-maria-ressa-of-the-philippines">World Association of Newspapers’s Golden Pen of Freedom Award</a><span> </span>and the<span> </span><a href="https://www.goodnewspilipinas.com/maria-ressa-wins-2018-gwen-ifill-press-freedom-award-in-new-york/">Committee to Protect Journalists’ Gwen Ifill Press Freedom Award</a>. Her trials over recent years have regularly garnered public attention and condemnation from across the world from<span> </span><a href="https://twitter.com/madeleine/status/1095787071862640648?lang=en">leading figures</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://rsf.org/en/news/dismay-over-philippine-journalist-maria-ressas-prison-sentence">organisations</a>.
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<h2>Peace Prize premium?</h2>
Despite this, the Duterte government has continued to stifle dissent and attack less prominent journalists in the more remote provinces of the Philippines who continue to investigate corruption and violence under the direct threat of violence and intimidation. Hopefully the Nobel prize will put pressure on presidential candidates in the 2022 election to speak on the issue of press freedom and make it a campaign issue. The award also means that foreign governments calibrating new relations with the next administration have a symbol to rally around.

In 2019, I was a delegate at the UK and Canadian governments’<span> </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/topical-events/global-conference-for-media-freedom-london-2019">Global Conference for Media Freedom</a><span> </span>in London. I had the opportunity to briefly meet Maria and her lawyer Amal Clooney. There were a lot of strong sentiments and good words expressed that day from government officials as they listened to stories like those from the Philippines.

The whole event rung hollow when, toward the end of the day, news broke of the murder of radio news anchor<span> </span><a href="https://cpj.org/data/people/eduardo-dizon/">Eduardo Dizon</a>, a journalist with Brigada News FM in Kidapawan City in the southern Philippines. But by handing this award to brave journalists like Ressa and Muratov, the Nobel committee is proclaiming the value, not only of their work, but of all journalists who take risks to hold power to account.

</div>
<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">

&nbsp;
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/democracy-619">Democracy</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-prize-1570">Nobel Prize</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/philippines-5828">Philippines</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/press-freedom-6805">Press freedom</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-laureates-7713">Nobel Laureates</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/maria-ressa-40266">Maria Ressa</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-prize-2021-111047">Nobel Prize 2021</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/dmitry-muratov-111222">Dmitry Muratov</a></li>
</ul>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<strong>Quiz</strong>:

<span>[h5p id="49"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="50"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="51"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="52"]</span>

&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>521</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 11:34:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 16:34:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:19:31]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:19:31]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647267571]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA["Seventy years of international human rights" (Short introductory article)-Original,AllMImages]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=541</link><pubDate>Fri, 26 Nov 2021 19:05:57 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=541</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Howard-Hassmann, R. E. (2018, December 10). Seventy years of international human rights. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446</a></span>
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<div class="content-header-block">
<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Seventy years of international human rights</strong></h1>
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<time datetime="2018-12-11T00:06:35Z">December 10, 2018 7.06pm EST</time>
<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody">

It’s the 70th anniversary of the<span> </span><a href="http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/index.html">Universal Declaration of Human Rights,</a><span> </span>which was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly on Dec. 10, 1948. Since then an enormous body of international human rights law has been developed.

Some people think that human rights should not be universal. And some critics believe that<span> </span><a href="http://politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9781509513536&amp;subject_id=8">human rights are an example of Western cultural imperialism</a>. They claim that non-Western countries did not participate in drafting the Universal Declaration. Yet non-Western countries have been involved since the earliest stages in drawing up human rights documents.

However, all countries can be quite hypocritical when it comes to applying the laws they agree to.

Other critics argue that human rights promote selfish individualism. Instead of caring for the family or community, people only care for their own rights. But in countries like Canada where human rights are,<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-genocide-the-case-of-the-ahiarmiut-107272">for the most part, legally respected</a>, citizens follow these laws because they do have a sense of community and care for each other. Housing advocates, food bank workers and millions of volunteers help make human rights “work” on the ground.
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Yet others claim that as China and other non-democratic countries become more powerful, human rights will be less important internationally. It is true that such countries do work to undermine many human rights, at home and at the UN. But that makes human rights more relevant, not less. We all need protection against abusive governments.

Human rights are still relevant and new rights are evolving.
<h2>Signs of progress</h2>
One sign of progress is in LGBTQ rights. This topic is difficult to discuss internationally, because some places, especially but not only Russia and countries in Africa and the Middle East, still have laws that prohibit homosexuality. Some religious groups, in the Western world as elsewhere, are also homophobic. We don’t yet have an international declaration on LGBTQ rights, but the UN is paying more attention to them.
<figure class="align-right ">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=623&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=623&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=623&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=782&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=782&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=782&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249452/original/file-20181207-128208-1mybkjf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">A visitor feels the raised lettering of a white marble mosaic featuring text from the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, at the WTC Cortlandt train station, in New York.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Bebeto Matthews)</span></span></figcaption></figure>
In the last 20 years,<span> </span><a href="http://politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9781509513536&amp;subject_id=8">much attention has been paid to “collective” human rights</a>. These are rights than belong to groups of people and that one individual can’t exercise if others can’t also exercise them.

Indigenous rights are collective rights. Indigenous ways of life, languages, religions, cultures and land bases are threatened. In 2007 the UN passed UNDRIP, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Canada voted against the Declaration, but<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-genocide-the-case-of-the-ahiarmiut-107272">later reversed its position</a>. By 2016 the government declared its full support for UNDRIP.
<h2>Clean environment is a right</h2>
A collective right that affects everyone everywhere is the right to a clean and healthy environment. This includes the right to protection against climate changes that undermine our livelihoods and well-being.

Another collective right is the right to peace. Viewed narrowly, this is the right not to live in a state of war. In 2018, many people still live in war-torn countries, especially countries in the Middle East and parts of Africa. Others, in the Ukraine, live in fear of war. And we all live in fear of nuclear war.

Both climate change and war create huge refugee populations. By 2050, it’s thought, there will be 200 million “climate refugees” fleeing rising sea levels. Add to that the refugees who are fleeing large-scale crime, like the migrant “caravan” currently trying to enter the United States.
<h2>Economic human rights</h2>
The UN recently agreed on a Global Compact for Migration, setting out voluntary principles meant to save lives and ensure successful migrant integration into new countries without unduly burdening social infrastructure such as health care. But the real challenge is to ensure people don’t have to leave home at all.
<figure class="align-center ">
<div class="placeholder-container"><img alt="" class=" lazyloaded" data-src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" data-srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=600&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=600&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=600&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=754&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=754&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=754&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249771/original/file-20181210-76986-1qy3qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></div>
<figcaption><span class="caption">The Commission Chairman, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt (right) with Mrs. Hansa Mehta of India, the only two female delegates to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in 1947-48.</span><span> </span><span class="attribution"><span class="source">UN Photo/Marvin Bolotsky</span></span></figcaption></figure>
One way to ensure more people can live in their homes is to develop economies. The right to economic development is a collective right. Development activists usually try to reduce both poverty and inequality. There’s been an enormous reduction in world poverty over the last 25 years, even as inequality has been growing in most countries.

This means it’s easier to fulfil what is known as economic human rights, such as rights to health, education and housing. Very little of this change results from foreign aid; most is a result of the spread of market economies.

Many people in many countries have benefited from globalization, though others, such as industrial workers in Canada and the U.S., have lost their jobs. This is one of the reasons for the spread of anti-immigrant, xenophobic sentiments in the Western world.

Unless we can figure out a way to control these sentiments and reduce the need for people to flee their own countries because of war, crime, economic challenges and climate change, we are facing an uneasy human rights future.

</div>
<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">

&nbsp;
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/universal-declaration-of-human-rights-14985">Universal Declaration of Human Rights</a></li>
</ul>
<strong>Quiz</strong>:

<span>[h5p id="35"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="33"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="34"]</span>

<span>[h5p id="36"]</span>

</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>541</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-26 14:05:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-26 19:05:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:26:33]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:26:33]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[seventy-years-of-international-human-rights__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647267993]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[seventy-years-of-international-human-rights]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[ExtraMedia-Videos]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=658</link><pubDate>Sat, 27 Nov 2021 19:42:46 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=658</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="example">

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/research_and_citation/apa_style/apa_formatting_and_style_guide/reference_list_electronic_sources.html" style="color: #0000ff">https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/research_and_citation/apa_style/apa_formatting_and_style_guide/reference_list_electronic_sources.html</a></span>
<p class="citation">Last Name, F. M. [Username]. (Year, Month Date).<span> </span><em>Title of video<span> </span></em>[Video]. Streaming Service. URL</p>

</div>
<div class="example">
<p class="citation">Lushi, K. [Korab Lushi]. (2016, July 3).<span> </span><em>Albatross culture 1</em><span> </span>[Video]. YouTube.<span> </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_AMrJRQDPjk&amp;t=148s">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_AMrJRQDPjk&amp;t=148s</a></p>

</div>
&nbsp;
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 1 (Thu January 6 to Wed January 12, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Overall Theme #1 (for classes #1 and #2)</strong>: Primer on the origins of law, human rights, governance structures, and the internet as context for the eventual discussion of the following issues: How authoritarian regimes and rights campaigners use social media in highly contrasting ways as well as international rules governing these technologies (2 weeks)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #1a – Order from Chaos: The Dawn of Law, Legal Standards, and Structures</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: why and how law/international law emerged to govern/structure society</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide a broad legal context (for later discussion of human rights, technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.) for art students who are likely new to these topics</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: legal basics like origins of the Common Law system; natural law vs. positive law, criminal vs. civil law vs. corporate law, sentencing; deviance; etc.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #1b – Rise of the Legal “Person” : Introducing Human Rights</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: history of, and rationale for, the “person” in law and human rights</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: demonstrate how law broadened to include new rights for more diverse groups</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: women becoming legal persons; voting rights; LGBTQI rights; enumerated vs. analogous rights in legal charters</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 1: Introduction to the Class and Human Rights Advocacy (Discussion Board post)</p>
...

<strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">Watched</span></strong>:

NBC News. (Apr 26, 2016). <em>The fight For women's rights | Flashback | NBC News</em> [Video]. NBC News/YouTube.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g2CewziXoDg" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g2CewziXoDg</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> (2:16)</span>

TED-Ed. (2015, October 15). <em>What are the universal human rights? - Benedetta Berti</em> [Video]. <em>TED-Ed. </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nDgIVseTkuE" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nDgIVseTkuE</a></span> (4:46)

...

<strong>Note</strong>: The person or group who uploaded the video is considered the author. If the author’s name is the same as the username, you can omit the [Username].TED TALK
<div class="example">
<p class="citation">Author, A. A. (Year, Month Date).<span> </span><em>Title of talk</em><span> </span>[Video]. TED. URL</p>

</div>
<div class="example">
<p class="citation">Al-Mutawa, N. (2010, July).<span> </span><em>Superheroes inspired by Islam</em><span> </span>[Video]. TED.<span> </span><a href="https://www.ted.com/talks/naif_al_mutawa_superheroes_inspired_by_islam#t-4909">https://www.ted.com/talks/naif_al_mutawa_superheroes_inspired_by_islam#t-4909</a></p>

</div>
Or (if on YouTube)
<div class="example">
<p class="citation">Last Name, F. M. [Username]. (Year, Month Date).<span> </span><em>Title of video<span> </span></em>[Video]. Streaming Service. URL</p>

</div>
<div class="example">
<p class="citation">Lushi, K. [Korab Lushi]. (2016, July 3).<span> </span><em>Albatross culture 1</em><span> </span>[Video]. YouTube.<span> </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_AMrJRQDPjk&amp;t=148s">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_AMrJRQDPjk&amp;t=148s</a></p>

</div>
...

&nbsp;

Not watched:

&nbsp;

<del>Intro to Law (5:01) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FiOiBFHNxRQ" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FiOiBFHNxRQ</a></span></del>

...

2.

.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 2 (Thu January 13 to Wed January 19, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #2a – The Empire Strikes Back: An Introduction to Democracy and Authoritarianism</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: origins/permutations of, comparisons between, democracy &amp; authoritarianism</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide a broad political/governance context for human rights, technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Democracy: Athenian democracy; social contracts; right to private property; consent of the governed, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Authoritarianism: Hitler, Mussolini, Mao Zedong, etc.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #2b – Digital Promise: The Internet’s Origins and Use as a Communications Tool</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: technical, communicative, and societal benefits of the internet</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: resurface original idea of the internet as a promising tool for communicating information for later discussion of social media as a problematic tool for mis/disinformation, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: ARPANET, Tim Berners-Lee, John Perry Barlow, etc.</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 2: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</p>
...

<strong>What is Democracy? (1:37) <span style="text-decoration: underline"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-decoration: underline">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Eu6G5YrBt4</span></span></strong>

<strong>Understanding what authoritarianism is | University of Amsterdam | Political Science Department (3:05) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n1tXjJobjfs" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n1tXjJobjfs</a></span></strong>

...

3.

.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 3 (Thu January 20 to Wed January 26, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Overall Theme #2 (for classes #3 and #4)</strong>: Primer on the formation of, and attacks on, knowledge and information as a context for the discussion of the following issues: How creators, rights activists, lawyers, diaspora networks, and international organizations have responded to misinformation / disinformation campaigns and harassment over time (2 weeks)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #3a – How do We Know What We Know?: Primer on Epistemology, Data, and Information</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: introduction to knowledge &amp; epistemology as a backdrop to data, information, and misinformation / disinformation / fake news efforts; introduction of rhetoric as a means of persuasion</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide historical context for our current online informational woes</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Descartes’ thoughts on epistemology; Aristotle’s rhetoric, etc.</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #3b – Talking About a Misinformation Revolution: The Rise of Mis/Disinformation</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: emergence of/contrast between misinformation/disinformation and fake news</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: define information terms, provide historical context for current information problems</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: origins/history of yellow journalism, propaganda, and recent emergence of fake news</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 3: Information vs. Mis/Disinformation (Discussion Board post)</p>
...

<strong>Fake News Generator: Who starts viral misinformation? - BBC News (2:44) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UAy6PI5UtSU" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UAy6PI5UtSU</a></span></strong>

<strong>The Spread of Disinformation and the 2020 Election | Amanpour and Company | Amanpour and Company (18:04) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2-zvJPxJ8Hk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2-zvJPxJ8Hk</a></span></strong>

...

4.

.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 4 (Thu January 27 to Wed February 2, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #4a – Dialing Up a Revolution: Human Rights Mobilization in an Analog World</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: human rights mobilization before the internet’s mass penetration</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: show modes of human rights efforts before the internet</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: MLK/U.S. Civil Rights Movement (potentially Gandhi; Eleanor Roosevelt; etc.); perhaps show some early political art</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #4b – (Domestic Frame) Digital Peril: Social Media’s Strengths and Weaknesses</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: social media’s emergence and impact on North American human rights cases</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: forward historical discussion of human rights mobilization into the recent past/present/future</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: North America: #OccupyWallStreet; #BlackLivesMatter; #MeToo. Possibly early uses of the internet for advocacy efforts: Seattle WTO (1999); Anonymous (2003); Kony (2012)</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 4: Artistic Project Draft (Midterm Project)</p>
...

<strong>Civil Rights Turning Points in Every Decade | History by The Decade – HISTORY (8:47) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0UOTLqmRr2U" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0UOTLqmRr2U</a></span></strong>

<strong>Black Lives Matter explained: The history of a movement – Channel 4 News (15:13) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YG8GjlLbbvs" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YG8GjlLbbvs </a></span></strong>

The Civil Rights Movement (3:07) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9ppTiyxFSs0" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9ppTiyxFSs0</a></span>

...

5.

.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 5 (Thu February 3 to Wed February 9, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Overall Theme #3 (for classes #5 and #6)</strong>: Primer on political art and propaganda as context for discussing the following issues: Applying course learning in a contemporary context using media and creative tools, through Maria Ressa (2 weeks)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #5a – Creative Resistance: History of Political Art and Visual Propaganda</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: examine historical uses of art for political/rights advocacy</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide students with analogous inspirational examples for their own perspective artistic class work</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: Pablo Picasso; Norman Rockwell; Salvador Dalí; Nakamura Hiroshi; Diego Rivera; Vietnam protests; Keith Haring; Ai Weiwei; perhaps include multimedia forms of protest art (e.g., music, television, film, sculpture, posters, etc.)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #5b – (International Frame) Cases of Fighting Back: Using Social Media to Resist State and Social Oppression</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: examples of social media use as a tool against forms of oppression</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: provide examples of social media use for advocacy</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: International: Maria Ressa (+ potentially Alexei Navalny; Indian farmers; #ArabSpring); perhaps find social media forms of online protest art (e.g., Instagram, Twitter, etc.)</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 5: Political Art and Visual Propaganda (Discussion Board post)</p>
...

<strong>Amid the racial justice movement, artists wield their art as a tool for change (7:00) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h--UorDsxL4" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h--UorDsxL4</a></span></strong>

<strong>Cases for Political Art | The Art Assignment | PBS Digital Studios (12:54) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfXad3HVox4" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfXad3HVox4</a></span></strong>

<strong>How artists respond to political crises | Modern Art &amp; Ideas (4:49) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=whyXxfmCbTA" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=whyXxfmCbTA</a></span></strong>

<strong>Case study: Using social media for human rights education –
AsiaPacificForum (3:06) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_w7Sz5gtZaM" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_w7Sz5gtZaM</a></span></strong>

<strong>Fighting human rights violations through social media – UC Berkeley (2:32) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5fQTJ_86IEs" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5fQTJ_86IEs</a></span></strong>

...

6.

.................................................................................................................
<p class="p1"><strong>Week 6 (Thu February 10 to Wed February 16, 2022)</strong></p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #6a – Back to the Future: Where Do We Go From Here?</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: thoughts on the future of human rights, social media, and their intersection / divergence in the fight against global oppression</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: end course by speculating on future trends in human rights, social media, governance</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: find ideas from various futurists (Carl Sagan; Marshall McLuhan; Alvin Toffler)</p>
<p class="p2"><strong>Week #6b – Moving Forward: Class Human Rights Art Presentations</strong></p>
<p class="p2">-Description: students present/discuss/provide peer feedback on their final art projects</p>
<p class="p2">-Rationale: celebrate student art work and learning progress; bring course to a satisfying close</p>
<p class="p2">-Examples: class presentation of student-created artistic human rights-inspired work</p>
<p class="p2">Assignment 6: Human Rights Artistic Advocacy (Final Project)</p>
...

<strong>7 amazing technologies we'll see by 2030 (2:52) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AuVHftBiDVw" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AuVHftBiDVw </a></span></strong>

<strong>The future of modern warfare: How technology is transforming conflict | DW Analysis (46:38) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TmlBkW6ANsQ" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TmlBkW6ANsQ</a></span></strong>

Marshall McLuhan 1965 - The Future of Man in the Electric Age (16:11) <span style="text-decoration: underline"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-decoration: underline">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0pcoC2l7ToI</span></span>

Carl Sagan Predicted The Mess 2021 Would Be 25 years Ago (4:13) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nGanLUnjoPI" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nGanLUnjoPI</a></span>

Future Shock Documentary (1972) (42:48) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkUwXenBokU" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkUwXenBokU </a></span>

...

&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>658</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-27 14:42:46]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-27 19:42:46]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:10:44]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:10:44]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[extramedia-videos__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647267044]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[extramedia-videos]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Discussion Board post)-Original]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=690</link><pubDate>Sun, 28 Nov 2021 15:46:45 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=690</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Discussion Board post)</h1>
In an introductory Discussion Board post:
<ul>
 	<li>Introduce yourself.</li>
 	<li>Explain why you enrolled in this online course.</li>
 	<li>Describe a legal, rights, or advocacy issue you are interested in.</li>
</ul>
<span>[h5p id="57"]</span>

&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>690</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-28 10:46:45]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-28 15:46:45]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:57:35]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:57:35]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignment-1-class-introduction-rights-advocacy-discussion-board-post-original__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>3</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647273455]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[assignment-1-class-introduction-rights-advocacy-discussion-board-post-original]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Learning Objectives-AllLearningObjectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=723</link><pubDate>Mon, 29 Nov 2021 13:38:01 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=723</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">
<h2><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Welcome &amp; Introduction: Class Overview</strong></h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Co-create artistic work to foster international human rights awareness, understanding, and mobilization.</li>
 	<li>Explore influential political, social, and technological phenomena as well as the entities and ideas contributing to them. These include international human rights issues and organizations, forms of governance like democratic and authoritarian governments, as well as how technology is deployed by regular citizens, miscellaneous bad actors, diverse governments, and major international corporations for beneficent and malign ends.</li>
 	<li>Generate common class-wide knowledge of broad-based international goals like the universal expansion of human rights through art and analogous means.</li>
 	<li>Explore why and how law and international law emerged to govern/structure society</li>
 	<li>
<p class="p1">Explore the history of, and rationale for, the “person” in law and human rights</p>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners explore the basics of law and legal structures as well as the rise of human rights and legal personhood. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an understanding of the basics of law that govern our society.</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>723</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-29 08:38:01]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-29 13:38:01]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:11:23]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:11:23]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives-alllearningobjectives__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270683]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[learning-objectives-alllearningobjectives]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview-Overview: Module #1a and b]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=907</link><pubDate>Wed, 01 Dec 2021 12:58:52 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=907</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: Module #1-Introduction to Law</span></strong></h1>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-1.wav"][/audio]

<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overall Theme #1 (for Modules #1 and #2)</span><span class="textLayer--absolute">: </span></strong>

<span class="textLayer--absolute">A primer on the origins of law, human rights, </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">governance structures, and the internet as context for the eventual discussion of the </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">following issues: </span>

<span class="textLayer--absolute">How authoritarian regimes and rights campaigners use social media</span><span class="textLayer--absolute"> well as international rules governing these technologies (2 module</span><span class="textLayer--absolute">s)</span>

<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Module #1a – Order from Chaos: The Dawn of Law, Legal Standards, and </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">Structures</span></strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Description</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: why and how law/international law emerged to govern/structure society</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Rationale</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: provide a broad legal context (for later discussion of human rights, </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.) for students who are likely new to </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">these topics</span></li>
</ul>
<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Module #1b – Rise of the Legal “Person” : Introducing Human Rights</span></strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Description</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: history of, and rationale for, the “person” in law and human rights</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Rationale</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: demonstrate how law broadened to include new rights for more diverse </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">groups</span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Short written post)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>907</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-01 07:58:52]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-01 12:58:52]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:12:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:12:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-1a-and-b__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270778]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-1a-and-b]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview-Overview: Module #2a and b]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=911</link><pubDate>Wed, 01 Dec 2021 13:01:28 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=911</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview</span></strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #2-Democracy/Tech</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-2.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Week #2a – The Empire Strikes Back: An Introduction to Democracy and Authoritarianism</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: the origins/permutations of democracy &amp; authoritarianism; compare democracy with authoritarianism</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide a broad political/governance context for human rights, technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.</li>
</ul>
<strong>Week #2b – Digital Promise: The Internet’s Origins and Use as a Communications Tool</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: the technical, communicative, and societal benefits of the internet</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: resurface the original idea of the internet as a promising tool for communicating information; set the stage for a later discussion of social media as a problematic tool for mis/disinformation, fake news, etc.</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 2</strong><strong>: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>911</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-01 08:01:28]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-01 13:01:28]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:16:03]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:16:03]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-2a-and-b__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647270963]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-2a-and-b]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview-Overview: Module #3a and b]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=922</link><pubDate>Wed, 01 Dec 2021 15:24:39 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=922</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview</span></strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #3-(Dis)information</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-3.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Overall Theme #2 (for classes #3 and #4): </strong>

A primer on the formation of, and attacks on, knowledge and information. This provides a context for the discussion of the following issues:

How have creators, activists, lawyers, diaspora networks, and international organizations responded to misinformation / disinformation campaigns and harassment (2 modules)

<strong>Module #3a – How do We Know What We Know?: Primer on Epistemology, Data, and Information </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: introduction to knowledge &amp; epistemology; data, information, and misinformation / disinformation / fake news efforts; introduction of rhetoric as a means of persuasion</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide historical context for our current online informational woes</li>
</ul>
<strong>Module #3b – Talking About a Misinformation Revolution: The Rise of Mis/Disinformation </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: emergence of/contrast between misinformation/disinformation and fake news</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: define information terms, provide historical context for current information problems</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 3: Information vs. Mis/Disinformation (Short written post)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>922</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-01 10:24:39]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-01 15:24:39]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:17:38]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:17:38]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-3a-and-b__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647271058]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-3a-and-b]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview-Overview: Module #4a and b]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=924</link><pubDate>Wed, 01 Dec 2021 15:25:32 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=924</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Overview</strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #4-Digital Advocacy</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-4.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Week #4a – Dialing Up a Revolution: Human Rights Mobilization in an Analog World</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: human rights mobilization before the internet’s mass penetration</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: show different human rights efforts before the internet</li>
</ul>
<strong>Week #4b – (Domestic Frame) Digital Peril: Social Media’s Strengths and Weaknesses</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: social media’s emergence and impact on North American human rights cases</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: bring a historical discussion of human rights mobilization into the present and future</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 4</strong><strong>: Artistic Project Draft (Midterm Project)</strong>

&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>924</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-01 10:25:32]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-01 15:25:32]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:18:37]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:18:37]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-4a-and-b__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647271117]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-4a-and-b]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview-Overview: Module #5a and b]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=926</link><pubDate>Wed, 01 Dec 2021 15:26:08 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=926</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Overview</strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #5-Art/Social Media</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-5.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Overall Theme #3 (for modules #5 and #6): </strong>

A primer on political art and propaganda as context for discussing the following issue:

Apply course learning in a contemporary context using media and creative tools; examples include the journalist Maria Ressa (2 modules)

<strong>Module #5a – Creative Resistance: History of Political Art and Visual Propaganda </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: examine historical uses of art for both political and rights advocacy</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide students with analogous inspirational examples for their own perspective artistic class work</li>
</ul>
<strong>Module #5b – (International Frame) Cases of Fighting Back: Using Social Media to Resist State and Social Oppression </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: examples of social media used as a tool against forms of oppression</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide examples of social media use for advocacy</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 5: Political Art and Visual Propaganda (Short written post)</strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>926</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-01 10:26:08]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-01 15:26:08]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:20:13]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:20:13]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-5a-and-b__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647271213]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-5a-and-b]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview-Overview: Module #6a and b]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=928</link><pubDate>Wed, 01 Dec 2021 15:27:07 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=928</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Overview</strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #6-Presentations &amp; Predictions</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-6.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Module #6a – Back to the Future: Where Do We Go From Here? </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: thoughts on the future of human rights, social media, and their intersection / divergence in the fight against global oppression</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: end course by speculating on future trends in human rights, social media, and governance</li>
</ul>
<strong>Module #6b – Moving Forward: Class Human Rights Art Presentations </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: students present their final art and social media advocacy projects</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: celebrate student art work and learning progress; bring course to a satisfying close</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 6: Human Rights Artistic Advocacy (Final Project) </strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>928</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-01 10:27:07]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-01 15:27:07]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:21:56]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:21:56]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-6a-and-b__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647271316]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[overview-overview-module-6a-and-b]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Overview–OverviewForAll6Chapters]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=990</link><pubDate>Thu, 02 Dec 2021 19:18:20 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=990</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview: Module #1-Introduction to Law</span></strong></h1>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-1.wav"][/audio]

<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overall Theme #1 (for Modules #1 and #2)</span><span class="textLayer--absolute">: </span></strong>

<span class="textLayer--absolute">A primer on the origins of law, human rights, </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">governance structures, and the internet as context for the eventual discussion of the </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">following issues: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span class="textLayer--absolute">How authoritarian regimes and rights campaigners use social media</span><span class="textLayer--absolute"> well as international rules governing these technologies (2 module</span><span class="textLayer--absolute">s)</span></li>
</ul>
<strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Module #1 – Order from Chaos: The Dawn of Law, Legal Standards, and </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">Structures</span></strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Description</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: why and how law/international law emerged to govern/structure society; history of, and rationale for, the “person” in law and human rights</span></li>
 	<li><em><span class="textLayer--absolute">Rationale</span></em><span class="textLayer--absolute">: provide a broad legal context on law, human rights, and </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">technology for students who may be new to </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">these topics; </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">demonstrate how law broadened to include new rights for more diverse </span><span class="textLayer--absolute">groups</span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 1: Class Introduction/Rights Advocacy (Short written post)</strong>

<hr />

<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview</span></strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #2-Democracy/Tech</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-2.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Week #2a – The Empire Strikes Back: An Introduction to Democracy and Authoritarianism</strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: the origins/permutations of democracy and authoritarianism; democracy versus authoritarianism; the technical, communicative, and societal benefits of the internet</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide a broad political/governance context for human rights, technology, democracy, authoritarianism, etc.; resurface the original idea of the internet as a promising tool for communicating information; set the stage for a later discussion of social media as a problematic tool for mis/disinformation, fake news, etc.</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 2</strong><strong>: Human Rights Advocacy (Short Essay)</strong>

<hr />

<h2><strong><span class="textLayer--absolute">Overview</span></strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #3-(Dis)information</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-3.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Overall Theme #2 (for Modules #3 and #4): </strong>

A primer on the formation of, and attacks on, knowledge and information. This provides a context for the discussion of the following issue:
<ul>
 	<li>How have creators, activists, lawyers, and international organizations responded to disinformation campaigns and harassment (2 modules)</li>
</ul>
<strong>Module #3 – How do We Know What We Know?: Primer on Epistemology, Data, Information, and Mis/Disinformation </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: introduce knowledge and epistemology; compare/contrast data, information, misinformation, disinformation, and fake news efforts; introduce rhetoric as a means of persuasion; chronicle emergence of/contrast between misinformation/disinformation and fake news</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: define information terms; provide historical context for our current online informational woes</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 3: Information vs. Mis/Disinformation (Short written post)</strong>

<hr />

<h2><strong>Overview</strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #4-Digital Advocacy</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-4.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Module #4 – Dialing Up a Revolution: Human Rights Mobilization in an Analog World </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: review human rights mobilization before the internet’s mass penetration; analyze social media’s emergence and impact on North American human rights cases</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: demonstrate different human rights efforts before the internet; extend a historical discussion of human rights mobilization from the present into the future</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 4</strong><strong>: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)</strong>

<hr />

<h2><strong>Overview</strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #5-Art/Social Media</strong></h2>
[audio wav="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/OCAD-VOs-Script-5.wav"][/audio]

<strong>Overall Theme #3 (for Modules #5 and #6): </strong>

A primer on political art and propaganda as context for discussing the following:
<ul>
 	<li>Apply course learning in a contemporary context using media and creative tools</li>
 	<li>Discuss examples of public actors fighting for important rights issues, including examples like the journalist Maria Ressa (2 modules)</li>
</ul>
<strong>Module #5 – Creative Resistance: History of Political Art and Visual Propaganda </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: examine historical uses of art for political and rights advocacy; provide examples of social media used as a tool against oppression</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: provide students with examples for their own prospective artistic classwork; provide examples of social media use for advocacy</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 5: Political Art and Visual Propaganda (Short written post)</strong>

<hr />

<h2><strong>Overview</strong>: <strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Module #6-Presentations &amp; Predictions</strong></h2>
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<strong>Module #6 – Back to the Future: Where Do We Go From Here? </strong>
<ul>
 	<li><em>Description</em>: summarize thoughts on the future of human rights, social media, and their intersection / divergence in the fight against global oppression; students create / present their final art and social media advocacy projects</li>
 	<li><em>Rationale</em>: end the course by speculating on future trends in human rights, social media, and governance; celebrate student artwork and learning progress</li>
</ul>
<strong>Assignment 6: Human Rights Artistic Advocacy (Final Project) </strong>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>990</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-02 14:18:20]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-02 19:18:20]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:23:36]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:23:36]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[overview-overviewforall6chapters__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647271416]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[overview-overviewforall6chapters]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• Assignments 4/6: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1036</link><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2021 13:44:54 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1036</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Assignment 4: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)</strong></h2>
Based on the short essay you wrote in Assignment #2, create a Midterm Project. This Midterm Project will build toward your eventual Final Project. The Midterm Project will either be: (a) a rough visual mockup (e.g., a hand-made drawing or a computer-made drawing/graphic), or (b) a preliminary written outline of your ideas:

<strong>(1) Artistic Project</strong>:

Your Artistic Project will be a piece of visual art that advocates for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist (e.g., a protest poster, a sign for a protest, etc.).

If you are creating a visual mockup as your Artistic Project, draw an image, shoot it with your phone, and upload a .jpeg photo as your Assignment 4. Alternatively, sign up for a free account at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version of your mockup and upload a .jpeg that you create with Canva.

If you are instead creating a written outline of preliminary ideas for your Final Project Artistic Project, describe your ideas in 500-750 words. Issues you might want to address include:
<ul>
 	<li>Which specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist would you like to address?</li>
 	<li>Which format of visual art are you choosing (e.g., a protest poster, a sign for a protest, etc.)?</li>
 	<li>What will your piece of art depict?</li>
</ul>
<strong>(2) Social Media Advocacy Campaign</strong>:

Your Social Media Advocacy Campaign will be a description of how you will use two major social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.) to advocate for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist.

Describe your preliminary ideas for your Final Project Social Media Advocacy Campaign in 500-750 words. Issues you might want to address include:
<ul>
 	<li>Which specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist would you like to campaign for?</li>
 	<li>Which two social media platforms will you use (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.)</li>
 	<li>Why are these two platforms appropriate for your campaign?</li>
 	<li>Which message(s) will your Social Media Advocacy Campaign communicate?</li>
</ul>

<hr />

<h2><strong>Assignment 6: Artistic Advocacy/Social Media Advocacy Campaign (Final Project)</strong></h2>
Based on the Midterm Project you created in Assignment #4, create an Artistic Project or a Social Media Advocacy Campaign for your Final Project. This Final Project will either be: (a) a visual project (e.g., a hand-made drawing or a computer-made drawing/graphic), or (b) a written final description of your Final Project. <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Also, create a 5-minute-long presentation that highlights your work. </span>

Students will create an Artistic Project that advocates on behalf of a human rights issue, campaign, or activist. Alternatively, you will create a Social Media Advocacy Campaign that advocates for a human rights issue, campaign, or activist.

<strong>(1) Artistic Project</strong>:

If you are creating a visual project as your Artistic Project, you may draw an image, shoot it with your phone, and upload a .jpeg photo as your visual Final Project for Assignment 6. Alternatively, you may want to use a free account from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version of your mockup and upload a .jpeg that you create with Canva.

If you are instead creating a written outline of your final ideas for your Artistic Project, describe your ideas in 1,000-1,250 words.

<strong>(2) Social Media Advocacy Campaign</strong>:

If you are creating a visual project as your Social Media Advocacy Campaign, you may draw an image, shoot it with your phone, and upload a .jpeg photo as your visual Final Project for Assignment 6. Alternatively, you may want to use a free account from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version of your mockup and upload a .jpeg that you create with Canva

If you are instead creating a written outline of your final ideas for your Final Project Social Media Advocacy Campaign, describe your ideas in 1,000-1,250 words.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1036</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-03 08:44:54]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-03 13:44:54]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:25:59]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 15:25:59]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[assignments-4-6-artistic-project-social-media-advocacy-campaign-draft-midterm-project__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647271559]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[assignments-4-6-artistic-project-social-media-advocacy-campaign-draft-midterm-project]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---ORIGINAL FULL CONTENT---"Seventy years of international human rights" (Short introductory news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1182</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 18:09:09 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1182</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div>
<div class="content-header-block">
<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><strong>Seventy years of international human rights</strong></h1>
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Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, <em>The Conversation, </em><span style="color: #0000ff"></span><time datetime="2018-12-11T00:06:35Z">December 10, 2018, 7:06pm EST</time>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em">It’s the 70th anniversary of the</span><span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/index.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Universal Declaration of Human Rights</span>,</a><span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;color: #333333;font-size: 1em">which was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly on Dec. 10, 1948. Since then an enormous body of international human rights law has been developed.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Some people think that human rights should not be universal. And some critics believe that</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9781509513536&amp;subject_id=8" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">human rights are an example of Western cultural imperialism</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. They claim that non-Western countries did not participate in drafting the Universal Declaration. Yet non-Western countries have been involved since the earliest stages in drawing up human rights documents.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">However, all countries can be quite hypocritical when it comes to applying the laws they agree to.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Other critics argue that human rights promote selfish individualism. Instead of caring for the family or community, people only care for their own rights. But in countries like Canada where human rights are,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-genocide-the-case-of-the-ahiarmiut-107272" style="color: #0000ff">for the most part, legally respected</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, citizens follow these laws because they do have a sense of community and care for each other. Housing advocates, food bank workers and millions of volunteers help make human rights “work” on the ground.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yet others claim that as China and other non-democratic countries become more powerful, human rights will be less important internationally. It is true that such countries do work to undermine many human rights, at home and at the UN. But that makes human rights more relevant, not less. We all need protection against abusive governments.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Human rights are still relevant and new rights are evolving.</span>
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<h2>Signs of progress</h2>
One sign of progress is in LGBTQ rights. This topic is difficult to discuss internationally, because some places, especially but not only Russia and countries in Africa and the Middle East, still have laws that prohibit homosexuality. Some religious groups, in the Western world as elsewhere, are also homophobic. We don’t yet have an international declaration on LGBTQ rights, but the UN is paying more attention to them.
<figure class="align-right "></figure>
In the last 20 years,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9781509513536&amp;subject_id=8" style="color: #0000ff">much attention has been paid to “collective” human rights</a></span>. These are rights than belong to groups of people and that one individual can’t exercise if others can’t also exercise them.

Indigenous rights are collective rights. Indigenous ways of life, languages, religions, cultures and land bases are threatened. In 2007 the UN passed UNDRIP, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Canada voted against the Declaration, but<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-genocide-the-case-of-the-ahiarmiut-107272"><span style="color: #0000ff">later reversed its position</span></a>. By 2016 the government declared its full support for UNDRIP.
<h2>Clean environment is a right</h2>
A collective right that affects everyone everywhere is the right to a clean and healthy environment. This includes the right to protection against climate changes that undermine our livelihoods and well-being.

Another collective right is the right to peace. Viewed narrowly, this is the right not to live in a state of war. In 2018, many people still live in war-torn countries, especially countries in the Middle East and parts of Africa. Others, in the Ukraine, live in fear of war. And we all live in fear of nuclear war.

Both climate change and war create huge refugee populations. By 2050, it’s thought, there will be 200 million “climate refugees” fleeing rising sea levels. Add to that the refugees who are fleeing large-scale crime, like the migrant “caravan” currently trying to enter the United States.
<h2>Economic human rights</h2>
The UN recently agreed on a Global Compact for Migration, setting out voluntary principles meant to save lives and ensure successful migrant integration into new countries without unduly burdening social infrastructure such as health care. But the real challenge is to ensure people don’t have to leave home at all.

One way to ensure more people can live in their homes is to develop economies. The right to economic development is a collective right. Development activists usually try to reduce both poverty and inequality. There’s been an enormous reduction in world poverty over the last 25 years, even as inequality has been growing in most countries.

This means it’s easier to fulfil what is known as economic human rights, such as rights to health, education and housing. Very little of this change results from foreign aid; most is a result of the spread of market economies.

Many people in many countries have benefited from globalization, though others, such as industrial workers in Canada and the U.S., have lost their jobs. This is one of the reasons for the spread of anti-immigrant, xenophobic sentiments in the Western world.

Unless we can figure out a way to control these sentiments and reduce the need for people to flee their own countries because of war, crime, economic challenges and climate change, we are facing an uneasy human rights future.

<strong>Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong>: <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/universal-declaration-of-human-rights-14985" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Universal Declaration of Human Rights</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Howard-Hassmann, R. E. (2018, December 10). Seventy years of international human rights. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The Conversation</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-108446</a></span>

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<h2><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on "Seventy years of international human rights"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h2>
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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1182</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:09:09]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 18:09:09]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:57:15]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:57:15]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-short-introductory-news-article__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>54</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647266235]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[seventy-years-of-international-human-rights-short-introductory-news-article]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Main Body]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/part/main-body/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?p=3</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>3</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-17 14:16:08]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-17 19:16:08]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[main-body]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Course Description]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/front-matter/introduction/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?p=4</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><strong>Course Description</strong></h1>
The intersection of the arts, politics, and international activism has inspired creators, informed citizens, and motivated many social movements from democracy’s earliest days.

<em>Social Media, Democracy, and International Human Rights Mobilization</em> investigates these diverse fields and activities. It aims to help students understand and constructively engage with authoritarian regimes’ harassment of human rights campaigners and democracy practitioners.

It will also discuss recent online social movements that have captured the world’s imagination, from among #ArabSpring, #BlackLivesMatter; #MeToo, and #OccupyWallStreet.

In sum, this course attempts to empower Canadian creators and help citizens fight against rights abuses by helping them learn about these diverse topics.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>4</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-12-08 13:02:06]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-08 18:02:06]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[open]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[introduction]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="category" nicename="uncategorized"><![CDATA[Introduction]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Authors]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/authors/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/authors/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>7</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[authors]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Cover]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/cover/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>8</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[cover]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Table of Contents]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/table-of-contents/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/table-of-contents/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>9</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[table-of-contents]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[About]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/about/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/about/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>10</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[about]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Buy]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/buy/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/buy/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>11</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 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-->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>12</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[access-denied]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Book Information]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?metadata=book-information</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:10 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?p=16</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>16</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:10]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:10]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:02:11]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:02:11]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[book-information]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[metadata]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="contributor" nicename="dsossi"><![CDATA[Dino Sossi]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Social Media, Democracy, & International Human Rights Mobilization]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_language]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[en]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_cover_image]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/wp-content/plugins/pressbooks/assets/dist/images/default-book-cover.jpg]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_authors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[ocad-school-of-continuing-studies]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_authors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[ryerson-leadership-lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_editors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[dsossi]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[H5P listing]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/h5p-listing/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:11:14 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[patrick.fung]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/h5p-listing/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>20</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:14]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:14]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:11:14]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:11:14]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[h5p-listing]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Human Rights Mobilization]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/front-matter/international-human-rights-mobilization/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:18:03 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=front-matter&amp;p=22</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Human Rights Mobilization</strong></h2>
Events in the Philippines, Russia, and India show how human rights-related issues unfold. They also provide opportunities for Canadian learners to understand them, empathize with the oppressed, and respond constructively.

First, in the Philippines, take the case of Maria Ressa. She is the CEO and editor-in-chief of <em>Rappler</em>, the Philippines’ largest independent online media organization. <em>Rappler</em>’s growth was facilitated by considerable investments in technology and journalistic resources. It also depended on partnerships and distribution through social media platforms, especially Facebook.

However, this same global social media platform has been abused. Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s regime associates, as well as his supporters’ networks, have harassed Ressa and <em>Rappler</em> journalists. They have even created disinformation campaigns using Facebook. This has culminated in the conviction of Ressa, her key deputy, and her company by regime-sympathetic courts for the crimes of “cyber libel” and tax evasion.

Second, in Russia, opposition leader Alexei Navalny exposed corruption and critiqued the current regime using social media, particularly YouTube. The Russian government has responded in kind, leveraging centralized organized disinformation campaigns and broadcast media to discredit Navalny as well as use courts to try to silence him.

Third, in India, farmers and the government have both taken to social media, as well as organizing in-person activities, in their ongoing conflict.

In sum, these events demonstrate the global reach of human rights abuses as well as online and offline responses to these oppressive actions.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>22</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:18:03]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:18:03]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-12-08 13:07:17]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-08 18:07:17]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[international-human-rights-mobilization]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1.Introduction to Law]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/part/1-2/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:27:40 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=33</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1563" align="aligncenter" width="1978"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51883732254"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/1.Law_-scaled.jpg" alt="Illustration of blind justice statue with scales" width="1978" height="2560" class="wp-image-1563 size-full" /></a> Illustration of blind justice statue with scales[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>33</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:27:40]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:27:40]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:36:04]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:36:04]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[1-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2.Democracy/Tech]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/part/2-2/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:27:51 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=35</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1564" align="aligncenter" width="1978"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51882443152"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/2.DemocracyVs.Authoritarianism-scaled.jpg" alt="Illustration of voting box and fist raised to eye" width="1978" height="2560" class="wp-image-1564 size-full" /></a> Illustration of voting box and fist raised to eye[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>35</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:27:51]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:27:51]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:08:54]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:08:54]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[2-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---ORIGINAL FULL CONTENT---"Why universities must defend democracy" (Short introductory news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1185</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 18:10:17 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1185</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>Why universities must defend democracy</h1>
Henry Giroux, <em>The Conversation</em>, <time datetime="2017-09-06T23:06:14Z">September 6, 2017, </time><time datetime="2017-09-06T23:06:14Z"></time><em><time datetime="2017-09-06T23:06:14Z">7</time></em><time datetime="2018-12-11T00:06:35Z">:06pm EST</time>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The march in Charlottesville, Va., earlier this summer by white supremacists, neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists illuminated the growing danger of authoritarian movements both in the United States and across the globe.</span>
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It’s signalling a danger that mimics the increasingly forgotten horrors of the 1930s.

Neo-Nazis in the United States, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-trump-emboldening-right-wing-extremism-in-canada-82635"><span style="color: #0000ff">possibly those worldwide</span></a>, appear especially emboldened because they’ve found a comfortable, if not supportive, place at the highest levels of the U.S. government.

President Donald Trump’s administration has included white supremacist sympathizers like Steve Bannon, Jeff Sessions and Stephen Miller. All three embrace elements of the nefarious racist ideology that was on full display in Charlottesville.

Trump’s refusal to denounce their Nazi slogans and violence in strong political and ethical terms <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/opinion/trump-charlottesville-hate-stormer.html?ref=opinion&amp;_r=1"><span style="color: #0000ff">has suggested his own complicity with such movements</span>.</a>

It should surprise no one that David Duke, a former imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, told the media in the midst of the violence in Charlottesville that white supremacists were “going <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://example.com/http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/346326-david-duke-charlottesville-protests-about-fulfilling-promises" style="color: #0000ff">to fulfil the promises of Donald Trump</a></span>… to take our country back.”
<h2>‘God bless him’</h2>
Nor should it surprise anyone that Trump’s silence delighted the far right.

The Daily Stormer, a white supremacist website, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2017/08/13/one-group-loved-trumps-remarks-about-charlottesville-white-supremacists/?utm_term=.7574d26286ef" style="color: #0000ff">even had this to say</a></span>: “No condemnation at all. When asked to condemn, he just walked out of the room. Really, really good. God bless him.”

It appears that the presence of Nazi and Confederate flags celebrating a horrendous history of millions lost to the Holocaust and slavery, of lynchings and church bombings, and the assassinations of Black civil rights leaders like Medgar Evans and Martin Luther King, Jr., did little to move Trump.

Charlottesville has resurrected elements of a past that resulted in some of the worst crimes in human history. The ideology, values and institutions of a liberal democracy are once again under assault by those who don’t believe in equality, justice and democracy.

All of these alarming developments raise serious questions about the role of higher education in a democracy.

What role, if not responsibility, do universities have in the face of a new wave of authoritarianism?

What purpose should education serve when rigorous knowledge is replaced by opinions, the truth is labelled “fake news” by the president of the United States and his devotees, unbridled self-interest replaces the social good and language operates in the service of fear, violence and a culture of cruelty?
<h2>Universities must hold up democratic ideals</h2>
Surely, institutions of higher education cannot limit their role to training at a time when democracy is under assault around the world.

Colleges and universities must define themselves anew as a public good, a protective space for the promotion of democratic ideals, of the social imagination, civic values and a critically engaged citizenship.

Renowned education professor Jon Nixon <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.timeshighereducation.com/features/hannah-arendt-thinking-versus-evil/2018664.article" style="color: #0000ff">argues that education</a></span> must be developed as “a protected space within which to think against the grain of received opinion: a space to question and challenge, to imagine the world from different standpoints and perspectives, to reflect upon ourselves in relation to others and, in so doing, to understand what it means to assume responsibility.”

Given the ongoing attack on civic literacy, truth, historical memory and justice, surely it’s all the more imperative for colleges and universities to teach students to do more than master work-based skills.

Instead, we must educate them to become intelligent, compassionate, critically engaged adults fully aware of the fact that without informed citizens, there is no democracy.

There’s much more at stake here than protecting and opening the boundaries of free speech. There is the more crucial necessity to deepen and expand the formative cultures and public spheres that make democracy possible.

Educators cannot forget that the struggle over democracy is about much more than the struggle over economic resources and power. It’s also about language, agency, desire, identity and imagining a future without injustice.
<h2>Return to authoritarianism not far-fetched</h2>
As the historian Timothy Snyder <a href="https://www.democracynow.org/2017/5/30/on_tyranny_yale_historian_timothy_snyder"><span style="color: #0000ff">has observed</span></a>, it’s crucial to remember that the success of authoritarian regimes in Germany and other places succeeded, in part, because they were not stopped in the early stages of their development.

The events in Charlottesville provide a glimpse of authoritarianism on the rise and shine a spotlight upon the forces that are trying usher in a new and dangerous era, both in the United States and worldwide.

While it may seem far-fetched to assume American-style totalitarianism will soon become the norm in the United States, a return to authoritarianism is clearly no longer the stuff of fantasy or hysterical paranoia.

That’s especially since its core elements of hatred, exclusion, racism and white supremacy have been incorporated into both the highest echelons of political power and throughout the mainstream right-wing media, especially Fox News and Breitbart.

The authoritarian drama unfolding in the United States includes <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theherald.com.au/story/4468728/use-of-force-and-restraints-against-immigration-detainees-doubles-in-nine-months/?cs=7" style="color: #0000ff">the use of state force against immigrants</a></span>, right-wing populist violence against mosques and synagogues and attacks on Muslims, young Blacks and others who do not fit into the vile script of white nationalism.

Charlottesville was just part of a larger trend of domestic terrorism and homegrown fascism that is on the upswing in the United States.

Trump’s administration, after all, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thinkprogress.org/trump-is-setting-us-free-white-supremacists-celebrate-reports-that-trump-will-dial-down-scrutiny-136039e12fad/" style="color: #0000ff">has announced</a> </span>it will no longer “investigate white nationalists, who have been responsible for a large share of violent hate crimes in the Unites States.”

Trump has also <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/08/28/politics/police-military-gear-ban-lifted/index.html" style="color: #0000ff">lifted restrictions imposed by the Obama administration</a> </span>in order to provide local police departments with military surplus equipment such as armed vehicles, bullet-proof vests and grenade launchers.

These actions accelerate Trump’s law-and-order agenda, escalate racial tensions in cities that are often treated like combat zones and reinforce a warrior mentality among police officers.

Equally telling is Trump’s <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/08/25/politics/sheriff-joe-arpaio-donald-trump-pardon/index.html"><span style="color: #0000ff">presidential pardon of Joe Arpaio</span></a>, the notorious white supremacist and disgraced former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona. Not only did Arpaio engage in racial profiling, despite being ordered by the court to desist, he also had a notorious reputation for abusing prisoners in his Tent City, which he once called “a concentration camp.”
<h2>A nod to domestic terrorism</h2>
There is more at work here than Trump’s endorsement of white nationalism; he’s also sending a clear message of support for a culture of violence that both legitimizes and gives meaning to acts of domestic terrorism.

What’s more, there’s a clear contempt for the rule of law. And there’s also an endorsement not just for racist ideology, but for institutional racism and consequently the primacy of the <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/study-finds-huge-racial-disparity-in-americas-prisons-2016-6"><span style="color: #0000ff">race-based incarceration state</span>.</a>

In his various comments, tweets and policies, Trump has made clear that he does not see himself as the leader of the country, but as the head of a right-wing movement fuelled by rage, isolation, social atomization and communal disintegration, galvanized by a culture of fear and bigotry. He preys upon a populist hatred of democracy.

At the moment we’re seeing a looming collapse of civic culture.

A healthy democracy always struggles to preserve its ideals, values and practices. When taken for granted, justice dies, social responsibility becomes a burden and the seeds of authoritarianism flourish.

We may be in the midst of dark times, but resistance is no longer an option but a necessity.

And educators have a particular responsibility to address this growing assault on democracy. Any other option is an act of complicity, and a negation of what it means for education to matter in a democratic society.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>

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 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/universities-267" style="color: #0000ff">Universities</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/higher-education-269" style="color: #0000ff">Higher education</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/education-274"><span style="color: #0000ff">Education</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/holocaust-2172" style="color: #0000ff">Holocaust</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/slavery-4624" style="color: #0000ff">Slavery</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/donald-trump-10206" style="color: #0000ff">Donald Trump</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/anti-semitism-11864"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anti-Semitism</span></a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/authoritarianism-13868" style="color: #0000ff">Authoritarianism</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/college-15813" style="color: #0000ff">College</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/white-supremacy-18028" style="color: #0000ff">White supremacy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/resistance-31665" style="color: #0000ff">resistance</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/steve-bannon-33486" style="color: #0000ff">Steve Bannon</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/neo-nazis-42106" style="color: #0000ff">Neo-Nazis</a></span></li>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: <span style="color: #000000">Giroux, H. (2017, September 6). Why universities must defend democracy. <em>The Conversation. </em></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/why-universities-must-defend-democracy-83481</a></span>

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<h2 style="text-align: left"><strong>Quiz on "Why universities must defend democracy"</strong>:</h2>
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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1185</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:10:17]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 18:10:17]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:58:54]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:58:54]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[why-universities-must-defend-democracy-short-introductory-news-article__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>54</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647266334]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[why-universities-must-defend-democracy-short-introductory-news-article]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---ORIGINAL FULL CONTENT---"Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news" (Short introductory news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1187</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 18:12:32 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1187</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div>
<h1 class="content-header-block"><strong>Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news </strong></h1>
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Sze-Fung Lee and Benjamin C. M. Fung, <em>The Conversation</em>, <time datetime="2021-11-01T21:54:17Z">November 1, 2021 5:54pm EDT </time>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186 </a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/1984-09-01/dezinformatsia-active-measures-soviet-strategy-new-lies-old" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Russian intervention in the 2016 U.S. presidential election</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> showed how disinformation could disrupt a democratic process. And due to the current reach of social media, the risk of fake news being disseminated is greater than ever. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/sites/default/files/publications/cse-cyber-threat-assessment-e.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Foreign intervention in the Canadian federal election</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> was relatively insignificant compared to the U.S. presidential election, but the potential ramifications of fake news in Canada still require extra awareness and effort to counter it in the long run.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada needs a broad strategy that combines approaches from national and international governments, private companies like Google and Facebook and third-party entities like </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://disinfowatch.org/about/" style="color: #0000ff">the fact-checking organization DisinfoWatch</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>
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<h2>Inoculating the public</h2>
Emerging during the Second World War, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://items.ssrc.org/from-our-archives/experiments-on-mass-communication/" style="color: #0000ff">inoculation theory concentrated on political persuasion and propaganda campaigns</a></span>. When U.S. soldiers in the Far East faced the danger of being brainwashed if captured, psychologist William McGuire developed a different focus: to “inoculate” people to resist being “brainwashed.”

McGuire referred to this as a “<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/figure/A-vaccine-for-brainwash-McGuire-1970_fig2_343511911"><span style="color: #0000ff">vaccine for brainwash</span></a>” that would boost the population’s resilience to disinformation and decrease their susceptibility to fake news.

Inoculation reduces <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12602" style="color: #0000ff">the effectiveness of disinformation</a></span>. Education and training in critical thinking for the public is acutely important, especially for adolescents, whose perspectives and skills like objective reasoning and analysis are starting to develop.

As the risk of electoral intervention increases, Canada has been allocating a tremendous amount of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-disinformation.html" style="color: #0000ff">resources to combat possible occurrences</a></span>. Content on<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/3757094/not-fake-news-classroom-program-aims-to-enhance-news-literacy-among-younger-canadians/" style="color: #0000ff">how to identify fake news has even been added to school curricula</a></span>.

Federal initiatives, like the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-disinformation.html" style="color: #0000ff">Digital Citizen Initiative and Digital Citizen Research Program</a></span>, also work to strengthen the public’s resistance to persuasion by disinformation.
<h2>Fragmented approaches</h2>
Canada does not have one specific unit, department or institution that focuses on fighting disinformation. In addition to police and military departments, there are several branches of government that deal with disinformation and cybersecurity.

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) often publishes <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/csis-scrs/documents/publications/disinformation_post-report_eng.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">reports regarding disinformation as a security challenge</a></span> and<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/csis-warns-of-increasingly-sophisticated-state-sponsored-activity-targeting-elections-1.5519606" style="color: #0000ff">warns of state-sponsored disinformation campaigns, especially during elections</a></span>.

Meanwhile, the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cse-cst.gc.ca/en" style="color: #0000ff">Communication Security Establishment (CSE)</a></span>, also a national security and intelligence organization, focuses on cyberthreats, foreign-based terrorism and other espionage. Its <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/sites/default/files/publications/cse-cyber-threat-assessment-e.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">July 2021 report</a></span> examines the extent of cyberthreats to Canada’s democratic process.

The Competition Bureau Canada also<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.competitionbureau.gc.ca/eic/site/cb-bc.nsf/eng/h_04525.html" style="color: #0000ff">addresses fake news related to COVID-19 and businesses</a></span>, while <a href="https://www.antifraudcentre-centreantifraude.ca/index-eng.htm"><span style="color: #0000ff">the Canadian Anti-Fraud Centre engages with suspected criminal activities</span></a>.

Canada lacks an integrated institution that oversees all cybersecurity intelligence and analysis, planning and executing efforts to counter disinformation.
<h2>Open communication</h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cyber.gc.ca/en/guidance/cybercrime-0" style="color: #0000ff">Cybercrime is intensifying</a> </span>and relations between countries (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/20/us/politics/six-months-into-bidens-tenure-us-china-relations-continue-to-deteriorate.html" style="color: #0000ff">such as the U.S. and China</a></span>) are worsening. Instances of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2969&amp;context=ils" style="color: #0000ff">foreign involvement in political campaigns</a> </span>have been documented.

In this new era of cyberthreats to national security, it will be necessary for governments to communicate openly and share information as authoritarian regimes attempt to undermine their opponents.

A department within the Canadian government with the authority to enforce a whole-of-government approach would be unquestionably vital for Canada’s liberal democratic future.

Internationally, the Canadian government should take more specific actions that align with our allies and like-minded democracies to “<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/democratic-institutions/news/2020/05/government-of-canada-leading-globally-to-promote-cybersecurity-and-counter-disinformation-online.html"><span style="color: #0000ff">strengthen our capacity to prevent malign interference by foreign actors aimed at undermining electoral processes through malicious cyber activities</span></a>.”

This could start by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/ntnl-scrt/fv-cntry-mnstrl-en.aspx" style="color: #0000ff">establishing an integrated system within the Five Eyes alliance</a></span> that includes the exchange of sensitive information to combat disinformation and, in the future, further extended to more democracies.

There is, unfortunately, no single solution for fighting disinformation. Multidisciplinary approaches by international and national governments, private companies and other organizations are all vital to improve the resilience of national security and protect our democratic society from information warfare.

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 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/privacy-111" style="color: #0000ff">Privacy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/security-416" style="color: #0000ff">Security</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/cybersecurity-535" style="color: #0000ff">Cybersecurity</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/intelligence-753" style="color: #0000ff">Intelligence</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/information-warfare-22130" style="color: #0000ff">Information warfare</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/fake-news-33438" style="color: #0000ff">Fake news</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/inoculation-theory-38669" style="color: #0000ff">Inoculation theory</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/infowars-54473" style="color: #0000ff">Infowars</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/cyber-threats-77428" style="color: #0000ff">Cyber threats</a></span></li>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lee, S-F., &amp; Fung, B. C. M. (2021, November 1). Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-170186</a></span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Governments should inoculate citizens to prevent the spread of fake news"</strong>:</h2>
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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1187</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:12:32]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 18:12:32]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:00:32]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:00:32]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-short-introductory-news-article__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>54</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647266432]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[governments-should-inoculate-citizens-to-prevent-the-spread-of-fake-news-short-introductory-news-article]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---ORIGINAL FULL CONTENT---"Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media" (Short introductory news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1191</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 18:14:11 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1191</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media</h2>
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David Glance, <em>The Conversation</em>, March 19, 2012 3:12pm EDT

<span style="color: #0000ff"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925</a></span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">There have been enough social media disasters of late to make one thing clear: manipulating sentiment through social networks is next to impossible.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The McDonald’s</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://socialmediatoday.com/david-amerland/434385/abject-lessons-learnt-mcdonald-s-social-media-disaster" style="color: #0000ff">#McDStories campaign</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">in January was supposed to allow the public to share fond memories of eating at McDonald’s. Instead, responses quickly became abusive and negative.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Qantas famously made the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/qantasluxury-a-qantas-social-media-disaster-in-pyjamas-4421" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">same mistake</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">with their ill-fated #QantasLuxury campaign in November of last year.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">At first glance, the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&amp;v=Y4MnpzG5Sqc" style="color: #0000ff">Kony 2012</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">film seemed an undeniable</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/patricia-vanderbilt/kony-2012_b_1344050.html" style="color: #0000ff">social media success</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Purporting to raise awareness about the use of children in the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/08/joseph-kony-lords-resistance-army" style="color: #0000ff">Lord’s Resistance Army</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">guerilla group, the film agitated for the hunting-down and arrest of the group’s leader, Joseph Kony.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The film and its director, Jason Russell, were blatant in their intention to use social media to propel the campaign.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://blog.socialflow.com/post/7120244932/data-viz-kony2012-see-how-invisible-networks-helped-a-campaign-capture-the-worlds-attention" style="color: #0000ff">Analysis</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">of Twitter and YouTube traffic showed how</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.invisiblechildren.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Invisible Children</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, the charity behind the Kony 2012 video, used its existing social networks to initiate and drive the viral growth of attention to the video.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The obsession of media and marketing with “virality” is something Arianna Huffington – co-founder of the Huffington Post – has</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-huffington/social-media_b_1333499.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">commented on</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. While not mentioning the Kony video explicitly, Huffington suggested that when something attains “viral” status, this can signify a positive or negative outcome. But more often than not, it signifies both.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">This is exactly what happened in the case of the Kony 2012 video.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For every</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/blogpost/post/kony-2012-campaign-gets-support-of-obama-others/2012/03/08/gIQArnHkzR_blog.html" style="color: #0000ff">celebrity that endorsed the film</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">there seemed to be someone</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://thestar.com.my/lifestyle/story.asp?file=/2012/3/19/lifefocus/10901832&amp;sec=lifefocus" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">publishing criticism</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. These criticisms have been unpacked</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://www.ethanzuckerman.com/blog/2012/03/08/unpacking-kony-2012/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">elsewhere</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, including on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/in-defence-of-the-bandwagon-kony-2012-makers-should-check-their-facts-but-so-should-critics-5773" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">The Conversation</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Criticism of the campaign would have been alright but the campaign did as much to turn the spotlight on Invisible Children as it did on the problem of the children in Uganda. The charity and director were forced to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://www.invisiblechildren.com/critiques.html" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">defend</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">not only the film but their operations and past record.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Most damning of all were the</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/ugandaspeaks/" style="color: #0000ff">criticisms of Invisible Children being made by Ugandans</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and by former “invisible children” themselves.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Kony 2012</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://invisiblechildrenstore.myshopify.com/products/konybracelet" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">bracelets</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://invisiblechildrenstore.myshopify.com/collections/bracelet-stories" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">T-shirts</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">became the signifiers of a US Christian organisation that didn’t even have the support of the people they were allegedly trying to help. Ugandan Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi even created</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-03-18/uganda-responds-to-kony-2012-video/3896476" style="color: #0000ff">his own video</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to refute allegations made in the Kony 2012 video.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">In the video Mbabazi invited the celebrities who promoted the Kony 2012 video – including Rihanna, Bill Gates and Kim Kardashian – to come to Uganda and see the situation for themselves.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">All of this would have been bad enough … but it got worse.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Late last week Kony 2012 director Jason Russell</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/16/kony-2012-campaigner-detained" style="color: #0000ff">was arrested</a> i</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">n San Diego after police received reports of a man running through the streets and traffic naked, vandalising cars and “masturbating”.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Invisible Children CEO Ben Keesey issued</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://invisiblechildrenblog.wordpress.com/2012/03/16/statement-from-ceo-ben-keesey/" style="color: #0000ff">a statement</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">claiming Russell had been admitted to hospital suffering from exhaustion, dehydration and malnutrition. Unfortunately,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.tmz.com/2012/03/18/jason-russell-video-naked-meltdown-kony/#.T2XYSXj0Wec" style="color: #0000ff">a video</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">has been released seemingly showing Russell in the midst of a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2012/03/sharing-public-breakdowns-what-we-can-learn-from-jason-russell/254659/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">psychotic episode</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">of some sort.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Although there have been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2012/03/sharing-public-breakdowns-what-we-can-learn-from-jason-russell/254659/" style="color: #0000ff">statements of compassion</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">about Russell’s condition, members of the twittersphere have not been as kind. A new hashtag, #Horny2012, was created with tweets ridiculing him, Invisible Children and the film.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">The tragedy of all this is what started out as a probably well-intentioned plan has ended with:</span>

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<div class="grid-ten large-grid-nine grid-last content-body content entry-content instapaper_body inline-promos" itemprop="articleBody">
<ul>
 	<li>the central message of the film getting lost</li>
 	<li>a charity losing its credibility, and</li>
 	<li>a man suffering a breakdown and having a personal incident “go viral”.</li>
</ul>
Worse still, Russell made his five-year-old son, Gavin Danger, the centrepiece of the film. Ironically, in a pale reflection of the Invisible Children themselves, Danger was made to take part in something he would have had no say in; something he will now have to deal with for the rest of his life.

This whole debacle serves to remind us we are still barely coming to terms with the nature of what it means to be massively connected on a global scale.

As we saw in attempts to spread the Kony 2012 film, grossly oversimplifying the way social networks function is always going to lead to unpredictable results; results that are often damaging.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/marketing-13" style="color: #0000ff">Marketing</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/social-media-109" style="color: #0000ff">Social media</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/twitter-927" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/kony-2012-2506" style="color: #0000ff">Kony 2012</a></span></li>
</ul>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Glance, D. (2012, March 19). Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-5925</a></span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Viral video, gone bad: Kony 2012 and the perils of social media"</strong>:</h2>
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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1191</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:14:11]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 18:14:11]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:02:49]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:02:49]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-short-introductory-news-article__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>54</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647266569]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[viral-video-gone-bad-kony-2012-and-the-perils-of-social-media-short-introductory-news-article]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---ORIGINAL FULL CONTENT---"Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account" (Short introductory news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1194</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 18:15:28 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1194</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account</span>
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<p class="content-authors-group">Tom Smith, <em>The Conversation</em>, October 8, 2021, 10:51am EDT</p>

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<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564</a></span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The importance of journalists who take considerable risks to bring people the truth in countries where this involves going up against authoritarian governments has been recognised by the Nobel committee’s decision to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/philippines-rodrigo-dutertes-dictatorship-sinks-to-new-depths-with-closure-of-main-broadcaster-138025" style="color: #0000ff">award the 2021 peace prize</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to Maria Ressa of the Philippines and Dmitry Muratov of Russia.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In announcing the award, the Nobel committee called the pair “representatives of all journalists who stand up for this ideal”. They said Ressa had used her online news organisation, Rappler, to “expose abuse of power, use of violence and growing authoritarianism in her native country, the Philippines”.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rappler, which grew out of a Facebook page launched in 2012 and has become one of the Philippines’ most credible independent news services, has been targeted by President Rodrigo Duterte since his election in 2016. His 2017 state of the union speech alleged that Rappler was in foreign ownership, which would be contrary to the constitution. He also said it peddled “fake news”.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Government investigations followed and, by 2018, Ressa and Rappler were inundated with charges of cybercrime, tax evasion and as much intimidation as the Duterte government could muster.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This harassment took place against a backdrop of presidentially sanctioned murder in the form of Duterte’s “war on drugs” (which the</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://theconversation.com/rodrigo-duterte-why-the-iccs-investigation-will-not-guarantee-a-fairer-or-safer-philippines-163089" style="color: #0000ff">International Criminal Court is now investigating</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">) which led to the deaths of over 20,000 people, including journalists around the country. Ressa was not cowed by intimidation and threats. Time magazine named her one of its Person of the Year winners in 2018 alongside other journalists facing oppression around the world.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When she was arrested for the first time, in 2019 at the age of 56, the country’s most prominent journalist was made to spend a night behind bars, a low point for civil society in the Philippines. Ressa and her Rappler colleagues continue to work under the threat of imprisonment.</span></p>
<p class="content-disclosure-statement"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It remains to be seen if the award of the Nobel peace prize will shield Ressa and Rappler from further targeting, and whether the election, scheduled for May 2022, will bring any relief from government harassment and threats.</span></p>

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<h2>Thorn in Duterte’s side</h2>
Long before Duterte was elected, Ressa was an established figure in Filipino public life. She had been the face of CNN in the Philippines as its bureau chief from 1987-1995 and then as an investigative reporter for CNN, where she focused on terrorism in the aftermath of 9/11 across southeast Asia.

In 2004, she joined major Philippines-based media company ABS-CBN and for six years helped grow it into the major news network in the country (its broadcast operations were<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/philippines-rodrigo-dutertes-dictatorship-sinks-to-new-depths-with-closure-of-main-broadcaster-138025" style="color: #0000ff">shut down by Duterte in 2020</a></span>). It is with great credit to Ressa that her influence is so strong across the news media landscape in the Philippines where younger journalists continue to follow her advice and example.

This is not the first time Maria Ressa has won a major international award. She received the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ndi.org/our-stories/2017-democracy-dinner-explores-global-threat-disinformation" style="color: #0000ff">2017 Democracy Award</a></span>, the 2018<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.icfj.org/maria-ressa-accepts-2018-knight-international-journalism-award#:%7E:text=Maria%20Ressa%20Accepts%20the%202018,Award%20%7C%20International%20Center%20for%20Journalists" style="color: #0000ff">Knight International Journalism Award</a></span><span> </span>and, also in 2018, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.blog.wan-ifra.org/articles/2018/05/31/2018-golden-pen-of-freedom-awarded-to-maria-ressa-of-the-philippines" style="color: #0000ff">World Association of Newspapers’s Golden Pen of Freedom Award</a></span><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.goodnewspilipinas.com/maria-ressa-wins-2018-gwen-ifill-press-freedom-award-in-new-york/" style="color: #0000ff">Committee to Protect Journalists’ Gwen Ifill Press Freedom Award</a></span>. Her trials over recent years have regularly garnered public attention and condemnation from across the world from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/madeleine/status/1095787071862640648?lang=en" style="color: #0000ff">leading figures</a></span><span> </span>and<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://rsf.org/en/news/dismay-over-philippine-journalist-maria-ressas-prison-sentence" style="color: #0000ff">organisations</a></span>.
<h2>Peace Prize premium?</h2>
Despite this, the Duterte government has continued to stifle dissent and attack less prominent journalists in the more remote provinces of the Philippines who continue to investigate corruption and violence under the direct threat of violence and intimidation. Hopefully the Nobel prize will put pressure on presidential candidates in the 2022 election to speak on the issue of press freedom and make it a campaign issue. The award also means that foreign governments calibrating new relations with the next administration have a symbol to rally around.

In 2019, I was a delegate at the UK and Canadian governments’<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/topical-events/global-conference-for-media-freedom-london-2019" style="color: #0000ff">Global Conference for Media Freedom</a> </span>in London. I had the opportunity to briefly meet Maria and her lawyer Amal Clooney. There were a lot of strong sentiments and good words expressed that day from government officials as they listened to stories like those from the Philippines.

The whole event rung hollow when, toward the end of the day, news broke of the murder of radio news anchor<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cpj.org/data/people/eduardo-dizon/" style="color: #0000ff">Eduardo Dizon</a></span>, a journalist with Brigada News FM in Kidapawan City in the southern Philippines. But by handing this award to brave journalists like Ressa and Muratov, the Nobel committee is proclaiming the value, not only of their work, but of all journalists who take risks to hold power to account.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>
<div class="grid-ten grid-prepend-two large-grid-nine grid-last content-topics topic-list">
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/democracy-619" style="color: #0000ff">Democracy</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-prize-1570" style="color: #0000ff">Nobel Prize</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/philippines-5828" style="color: #0000ff">Philippines</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/press-freedom-6805" style="color: #0000ff">Press freedom</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-laureates-7713" style="color: #0000ff">Nobel Laureates</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/maria-ressa-40266" style="color: #0000ff">Maria Ressa</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nobel-prize-2021-111047" style="color: #0000ff">Nobel Prize 2021</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/dmitry-muratov-111222" style="color: #0000ff">Dmitry Muratov</a></span></li>
</ul>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Smith, T. (2021, October 8). Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-169564</a></span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Maria Ressa: Nobel prize-winner risks life and liberty to hold Philippines government to account"</strong>:</h2>
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<span>[h5p id="52"]</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1194</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:15:28]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 18:15:28]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:04:52]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:04:52]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-short-introductory-news-article__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>54</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647266692]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[maria-ressa-nobel-prize-winner-risks-life-and-liberty-to-hold-philippines-government-to-account-short-introductory-news-article]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---ORIGINAL FULL CONTENT---"Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better" (Short introductory news article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1197</link><pubDate>Sat, 04 Dec 2021 18:16:42 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1197</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better</h2>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Brendan Markey-Towler, <em>The Conversation</em>, June 21, 2018 2:48pm EDT  </span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623</a></span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">That new technologies could actually be bad for us, by sapping our attention or ruining our memories, is an argument that goes back to</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/literally-psyched/on-writing-memory-and-forgetting-socrates-and-hemingway-take-on-zeigarnik/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff">Socrates</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">. It’s tempting to summarily</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.dictionary.com/browse/luddism" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff">dismiss these concerns</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">, but such tech-doomsaying is actually an important part of economic discovery.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Our</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/2564954?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents" style="color: #0000ff">societies are organised by rules</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, embedded in our collective knowledge, about the proper way to behave and interact with each other. These rules are worked out over a long, often bitter process of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-institutional-economics/article/competition-and-evolution-of-ideas-in-the-public-sphere-a-new-foundation-for-institutional-theory/8EA12170A9F35AF6E6AC293F58EBE80B" style="color: #0000ff">debate and competition between rival ideas about society</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Some of the most important rules we need to discover are about how to use technology and, just as importantly, how</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">not</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to use it</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">One recent example of tech-doomsaying is a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nKd2QVrQVIM&amp;feature=youtu.be" style="color: #0000ff">viral video</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">featuring Denzel Washington, Simon Sinek, Joe Rogan and others discussing social media and smartphones. We spend no time with real people any more, the video goes, as we desperately seek the next “like” and “comment”.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This video joins a long and proud history stretching back through Neil Postman (who wrote the brilliant</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/74034.Amusing_Ourselves_to_Death" style="color: #0000ff">Amusing Ourselves to Death</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">), Alvin and Heidi Toffler (of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/466537.Future_Shock" style="color: #0000ff">Future Shock</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">fame) to John Kenneth Galbraith in</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/41589.The_Affluent_Society?from_search=true" style="color: #0000ff">The Affluent Society</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It also joins a veritable cacophony warning about the perils of everything from</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-30290540" style="color: #0000ff">artificial intelligence</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@kaistinchcombe/decentralized-and-trustless-crypto-paradise-is-actually-a-medieval-hellhole-c1ca122efdec" style="color: #0000ff">blockchains</a> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/mar/13/imf-christine-lagarde-calls-bitcoin-crackdown-cryptocurrencies" style="color: #0000ff">cryptocurrencies</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Institutional economics helps us understand, counter-intuitively, why this doomsaying actually helps make new technologies better.</span>
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<h2>Working out the rules</h2>
The great institutional economist<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://academic.oup.com/cje/article/39/4/1053/1734579" style="color: #0000ff">Clarence Ayres wrote</a> </span>about how technology becomes incorporated into our lives in a way that is roughly equivalent to the way tribal societies use totems to interact with each other.

In tribal societies, a whole system of rules is developed and kept by the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shamanism" style="color: #0000ff">shamans</a></span>” about what totems mean and how they are to be used in everyday life.

Similarly, a whole system of rules needs to be developed by tech gurus experimenting with new technologies and teaching people about how, when and why to use them in everyday life.

<span style="font-size: 1em">New technologies don’t simply get incorporated immediately into everyday life, as</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1475-4932.1956.tb00434.x" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">traditional economic models assume</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">. They don’t come with an instruction manual outlining what they can be used for, nor a set of regulations about how they are to be used.</span>

We have to learn and develop rules ourselves about how, when and why to use new technologies. This requires that we talk to each other and share our experiences and thoughts.

As we talk to each other and share ideas about new technology, a<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-institutional-economics/article/competition-and-evolution-of-ideas-in-the-public-sphere-a-new-foundation-for-institutional-theory/8EA12170A9F35AF6E6AC293F58EBE80B" style="color: #0000ff">competition between ideas</a></span><span> </span>develops. From this we discover, as a society, new knowledge about how, when and why we should use new technologies in our everyday lives.
<h2>Hype<span> </span><em>and</em><span> </span>doomsaying help us discover</h2>
My colleague Jason Potts<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2934675" style="color: #0000ff">has written</a> </span>about one side of this process, whereby “hype” about a new technology helps us to discover what it can and should be used for.

But there is another, easily forgotten side of this process whereby doomsaying about a new technology moderates our enthusiasm and promotes caution. We need to discover what a new technology<span> </span><em>cannot</em><span> </span>do and what it<span> </span><em>should not</em><span> </span>be used for.

Every inventor is both a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prometheus" style="color: #0000ff">Prometheus</a> </span>stealing fire from the gods, and a<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pandora" style="color: #0000ff">Pandora</a> </span>unwittingly releasing a swarm of potential evils on the world. The competition of ideas between hype and doomsaying allows us to discover helpful rules which deal with both.

Nuclear technology provides an excellent example of this. Many arguments have been made about its astonishing potential as an efficient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ta3z3pGK0vU" style="color: #0000ff">energy source</a></span>, as a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100370950" style="color: #0000ff">mining technology</a> </span>and as a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eMzdKT0WdRM" style="color: #0000ff">source of propulsion</a></span>, among other things. But we all know about its dangers too –<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Chernobyl-disaster" style="color: #0000ff">Chernobyl</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/fukushima-seven-years-later-case-closed-93448" style="color: #0000ff">Fukushima</a></span>,<span> </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-40097000"><span style="color: #0000ff">Three Mile Island</span></a>, and the areas of the Earth that will be radioactive for tens of thousands of years as a result of nuclear fallout.

Over time, despite often bitter disputes, we have discovered a substantial body of knowledge about how, when and why we should nuclear technology.

<span style="font-size: 1em">The debate about social media and smartphones is much the same. There are a range of arguments about the spectacular potential for this technology to give ordinary people a technology to communicate on a scale previously reserved for only the very powerful and very rich.</span>

But there are also counterarguments about its addictiveness, its effect on our attention span, and its enabling of the very powerful and very rich to manipulate us.

Over time, despite what will often be a fierce dispute between these competing ideas, we can expect to discover a substantial body of knowledge about how best to use social media.

So, institutional economics shows us that tech-doomsayers help make technology better. Technology doesn’t come with a ready-made rulebook for how to use it. We have to discover this in a process of trial, error and argument. And for this the doomsayer is just as vital as the visionary.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Topics/Keywords/Tags</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/economics-488" style="color: #0000ff">Economics</a></span></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/norms-55541" style="color: #0000ff">Norms</a></span></li>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Markey-Towler, B. (2018, June 21). Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better. <em>The Conversation</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623" style="color: #0000ff">https://theconversation.com/doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-98623</a></span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz on "Doomsaying about new technology helps make it better"</strong>:</h2>
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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1197</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-04 13:16:42]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-04 18:16:42]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 10:06:23]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 14:06:23]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-short-introductory-news-article__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>33</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>54</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647266783]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[doomsaying-about-new-technology-helps-make-it-better-short-introductory-news-article]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---• Assignment 4: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)---ORIGINAL]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1460</link><pubDate>Wed, 15 Dec 2021 15:42:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1460</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Assignment 4: Artistic Project/Social Media Advocacy Campaign Draft (Midterm Project)</strong></h2>
Based on the short essay you wrote in Assignment #2, create a Midterm Project. This Midterm Project will build toward your Final Project.

<strong>(1) Artistic Project</strong>:

Your Artistic Project will be a piece of visual art that advocates for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist (e.g., a protest poster, a sign for a protest, a campaign ad, etc.).

If you are creating a visual mockup as your Artistic Project, draw an image, shoot it with your phone, and upload a .jpeg photo as your Assignment 4. Alternatively, sign up for a free account at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canva.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canva.com/</a></span> to create a digital version of your mockup and upload a .jpeg that you create with Canva.

If you are instead creating a written outline of preliminary ideas for your Artistic Project that will eventually turn into your Final Project, describe your ideas in 500-750 words. Issues you might want to address include:
<ul>
 	<li>Which specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist would you like to address?</li>
 	<li>Which format of visual art are you choosing (e.g., a protest poster, a sign for a protest, a campaign ad, etc.)?</li>
 	<li>What will your piece of art depict?</li>
</ul>
<strong>(2) Social Media Advocacy Campaign</strong>:

Your Social Media Advocacy Campaign will be a description of how you will use two major social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.) to advocate for a specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist.

Describe your preliminary ideas for your Final Project Social Media Advocacy Campaign in 500-750 words. Issues you might want to address include:
<ul>
 	<li>Which specific human rights issue, campaign, or activist would you like to campaign for?</li>
 	<li>Which two social media platforms will you use (e.g., Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, YouTube, etc.)</li>
 	<li>Why are these two platforms appropriate for your campaign?</li>
 	<li>Which messages will your Social Media Advocacy Campaign be communicating?</li>
</ul>
For your Social Media Advocacy Campaign, feel free to include examples of social media posts that would assist with your campaign (e.g., tweets, descriptions of Facebook groups, descriptions of TikTok or YouTube videos, etc.).]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1460</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-15 10:42:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-15 15:42:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 11:52:07]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 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Media, Democracy, &amp; International Human Rights]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/front-matter/social-media-democracy-international-human-rights/</link><pubDate>Tue, 01 Mar 2022 15:08:52 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=front-matter&amp;p=1575</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1607" align="aligncenter" width="2550"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51883412141"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2022/03/Cover-Misinformation-WithTitlesLogo-v1.png" alt="Illustration of back of man's head with multicolour speech bubbles in front of him" width="2550" height="3300" class="wp-image-1607 size-full" /></a> Illustration of back of man's head with multicolour speech bubbles in front of him[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1575</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2022-03-01 10:08:52]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-01 15:08:52]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-04-07 12:00:59]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-04-07 16:00:59]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[social-media-democracy-international-human-rights]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="category" nicename="uncategorized"><![CDATA[Title Page]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[EXTRA-EXTRA-EXTRA]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=28</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:24:18 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=28</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>28</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:24:18]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:24:18]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 12:14:41]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 16:14:41]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[extra-extra-extra__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647274481]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[extra-extra-extra]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3.(Dis)information]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/part/3-2/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:27:57 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=37</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1565" align="aligncenter" width="1978"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51883412141"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/3.Misinformation-scaled.jpg" alt="Illustration of back of man's head with multicolour speech bubbles in front of him" width="1978" height="2560" class="wp-image-1565 size-full" /></a> Illustration of back of man's head with multicolour speech bubbles in front of him[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>37</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:27:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:27:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:09:35]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:09:35]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[3-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4.Digital Advocacy]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/part/4-2/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:28:02 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=39</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1566" align="aligncenter" width="1978"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51882443202"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/4.OldNewAdvocacy-scaled.jpg" alt="Illustration of person typing on phone in lower left and dialing a rotary phone on the upper right" width="1978" height="2560" class="wp-image-1566 size-full" /></a> Illustration of person typing on phone in lower left and dialing a rotary phone on the upper right[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>39</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:28:02]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:28:02]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:39:45]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:39:45]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[4-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5.Art/Social Media]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/part/5-2/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:28:07 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=41</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1567" align="aligncenter" width="1978"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51882443172"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/wp-content/uploads/sites/312/2021/11/5.SocialMediaActivism-scaled.jpg" alt="Illustration of megaphone held skyward with social media icons flying out" width="1978" height="2560" class="wp-image-1567 size-full" /></a> Illustration of megaphone held skyward with social media icons flying out[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>41</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 10:28:07]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:28:07]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:07:50]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:07:50]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[5-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[6.Predictions-Into the Future]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/part/6-2/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 15:28:12 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/extraocadsmhr/?post_type=part&amp;p=43</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1568" align="aligncenter" width="1978"]<a 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