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title-Racialized and Indigenous workers are bearing the brunt of pandemic job loss]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership Lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_adapted]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership Lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_adapted_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_title_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_license]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[cc-by]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Article title-Indigenous and remote communities can’t wait any longer for high-speed internet]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/5g/rll-eoppp-education-abdelaal-indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-art6-screenshot/</link><pubDate>Sat, 11 Dec 2021 00:19:57 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/12/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot.png</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Article title-Indigenous and remote communities can’t wait any longer for high-speed internet]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[Article title-Indigenous and remote communities can’t wait any longer for high-speed internet]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1632</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-10 19:19:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-11 00:19:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-12-10 19:21:40]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-11 00:21:40]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[rll-eoppp-education-abdelaal-indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-art6-screenshot]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[inherit]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>1628</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[attachment]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:attachment_url><![CDATA[http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/12/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot.png]]></wp:attachment_url><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_attached_file]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[2021/12/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot.png]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_attachment_metadata]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[a:5:{s:5:"width";i:2366;s:6:"height";i:788;s:4:"file";s:135:"2021/12/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot.png";s:5:"sizes";a:9:{s:6:"medium";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:135:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-300x100.png";s:5:"width";i:300;s:6:"height";i:100;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:5:"large";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:136:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-1024x341.png";s:5:"width";i:1024;s:6:"height";i:341;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:9:"thumbnail";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:135:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-150x150.png";s:5:"width";i:150;s:6:"height";i:150;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:12:"medium_large";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:135:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-768x256.png";s:5:"width";i:768;s:6:"height";i:256;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:9:"1536x1536";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:136:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-1536x512.png";s:5:"width";i:1536;s:6:"height";i:512;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:9:"2048x2048";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:136:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-2048x682.png";s:5:"width";i:2048;s:6:"height";i:682;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:14:"pb_cover_small";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:133:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-65x22.png";s:5:"width";i:65;s:6:"height";i:22;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:15:"pb_cover_medium";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:134:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-225x75.png";s:5:"width";i:225;s:6:"height";i:75;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}s:14:"pb_cover_large";a:4:{s:4:"file";s:135:"RLL-eOPPP-Education-Abdelaal-Indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet-Art6-ScreenShot-350x117.png";s:5:"width";i:350;s:6:"height";i:117;s:9:"mime-type";s:9:"image/png";}}s:10:"image_meta";a:12:{s:8:"aperture";s:1:"0";s:6:"credit";s:0:"";s:6:"camera";s:0:"";s:7:"caption";s:0:"";s:17:"created_timestamp";s:1:"0";s:9:"copyright";s:0:"";s:12:"focal_length";s:1:"0";s:3:"iso";s:1:"0";s:13:"shutter_speed";s:1:"0";s:5:"title";s:0:"";s:11:"orientation";s:1:"0";s:8:"keywords";a:0:{}}}]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_attachment_image_alt]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Article title-Indigenous and remote communities can’t wait any longer for high-speed internet]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership Lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_adapted]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership Lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_adapted_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_title_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_license]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[cc-by]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Policy Brief Assessment]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/part-1-chapter-2/</link><pubDate>Fri, 05 Nov 2021 12:58:28 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=475</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Based on the articles above from <em>First Policy Response</em>, please engage in the following assessments to test your learning.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Brief</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

It is 2022, and you are a policy analyst for the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.health.gov.on.ca/en/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> (LTC)</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The 43rd Ontario General Election has been held. Regardless of the outcome, a new Minister of Health is expected to be named. Over the course of the pandemic, protecting long-term care residents from outbreaks required improving infrastructure, proper staffing conditions, and a culture of quality reassurance.</span>

Write a short policy brief (750 – 1,500 words in length) that focuses on improving Ontario’s long-term care system during that year. Discuss what you believe are the top three issues that will face the Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care. Based on these three issues, include your recommendations to communicate effective strategies for the incoming minister.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>475</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-05 08:58:28]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-05 12:58:28]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 11:55:40]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 16:55:40]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[part-1-chapter-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>471</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>9</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2c. "Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</link><pubDate>Tue, 09 Nov 2021 13:36:39 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=622</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>First Policy Response</em>, <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a> </span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></span></div>
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<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</em>

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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low wages</a></span> and have <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">little wealth</a></span> to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox shaded"><em>The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</em></div>
While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span> data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">working poverty</a></span> it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">social determinant of health</a></span> and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</span></a></em><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Licence</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Article licenced under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die</a></span>. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span>

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<strong>Quiz on Galabuzi's article "Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die"</strong>:

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<strong>Check the map below to see how COVID-19 has impacted various Canadian provinces between March 2020 and July 2020</strong>.
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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/126110866@N08/20110907723"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Canada-Map-With-Cities"</span></a><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/126110866@N08" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">larrywkoester</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

<strong>The chart below compares data from the map above. It accentuates the major difference between certain Canadian provinces and Canada as a whole</strong>.

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For more information, please read: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>COVID-19 mortality rates in Canada’s ethno-cultural neighbourhoods</strong></a></span>

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></a></span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info"><em>First Policy Response</em>, NOVEMBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">push for race-based data collection</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sociodemographic data reveal</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Public Health</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To date, more than </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$275 million</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recently released a statement</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ethical and scientific issue</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:</span>

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<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient-oriented research strategies</a></span>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights), <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient and public voices were largely left out</a></span> of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community‐based participatory research</a></span>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Low income and education levels</a></span> are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

<span style="font-size: 1em">As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.</span>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Zahra Bhimani</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

<strong>Licence</strong>: Article licenced under <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></span></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</a></span>. </span><em style="font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. </span>

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bhimani's article </strong><strong style="font-size: 1em">"For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system"</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Please click on the image below of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nps.gov/museum/exhibits/tuskegee/gwcarver/exb/Overview/Carver_museum.html" style="color: #0000ff">Carver Museum at Tuskegee University</a></span>, which was involved with the Tuskegee Experiment as well as its impact on research.</strong>

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/32693718@N07/50241912868" style="color: #0000ff">"20200222 19 Tuskegee University"</a></span><span data-v-e1c1f65a=""> by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/32693718@N07" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">davidwilson1949</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<div><em>First Policy Response</em>, <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020<span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em></div>
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<p class="row-container"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">analysis</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.</span></p>

<div class="textbox shaded">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<p class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong style="background-color: initial;font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong></p>

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<p id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.</p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original"><strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong></p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.</p>

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<div class="textbox shaded"><em>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</em></div>
<p id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original"><strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong></p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.</p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes. We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.</p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original"><strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong></p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.</p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Samir Sinha</span></a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em></p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original"><strong>Licence</strong>: Article licenced under <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span></p>
<p class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>
<strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

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<h2 data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on Sinha's article "Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click below to learn more about ageism as well as how it connects to issues like healthcare.</strong>

[h5p id="27"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>629</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-09 08:43:46]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-09 13:43:46]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 11:48:10]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 16:48:10]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>471</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[2d. "Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19-2/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 18:56:15 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=785</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 class="header-title h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>First Policy Response</em>, <span style="font-size: 1em">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">EQUITY + COVID-19</a><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
<div><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">80 per cent</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious working and living situations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>
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<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</em></div>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people's <span style="text-decoration: underline"><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069">genetics</a></span> or</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">culture</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sharing Medicine</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">colonial histories</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">).</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Aisha Lofters</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Licence</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Article licenced under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</a></span>. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span>

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<h2 data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">Quiz</h2>
<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Lofters' article "Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></p>

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<strong>Check the map below to see COVID-19's global impact</strong>.
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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/29712230@N08/2861478881"><span style="color: #0000ff">"world map 3D"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/29712230@N08" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">kcp4911</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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title-How ‘colonialism by paper cuts’ has undermined Indigenous pandemic leadership]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership Lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_author_url]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_media_attribution_adapted]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership 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"What are policy professionals saying we must do first?"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:20:45 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=800</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff;font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</a></h1>
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<div><em>First Policy Response</em>, <span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></div>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</span>

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<h2 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h2>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h2 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h2>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h2 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h2>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h2 id="4e4f">The federal package</h2>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. (see <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s COVID-19 Economic Response Plan</a></span>). The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h2 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h2>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h2 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h2>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms. His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>

<h2 id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</h2>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h2 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h2>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h2 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h2>
We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a>

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<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

<em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em>

<strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">What are policy professionals saying we must do first</a></span>? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span>

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<h2 data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">Quiz</h2>
<p class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong>[h5p id="41"]</p>
<p class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">[h5p id="42"]</p>
<p class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">[h5p id="43"]</p>
<p class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">[h5p id="44"]</p>
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<p data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3"><em>Background image-The word "tax" on a dictionary page</em></p>
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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>800</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:20:45]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:20:45]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 14:03:33]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 19:03:33]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1b. "Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:21:11 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=802</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</a></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span></div>
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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><em style="font-size: 1em">Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em></p>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELECTION 2021</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz</strong></h2>
<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about N-95 masks and their Canadian connection</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/thing:4241389"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Deep well Covid Mask"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/Kenomahn" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Kenan Hoffpauir</a></span></span><span> is marked with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/CC0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</a></span>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>802</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:21:11]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:21:11]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 14:03:59]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 19:03:59]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1e. "COVID 19 in Community: How are First Nations Responding?"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:21:42 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=804</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<em>Note</em>: Due to copyright restrictions, please click the link below to access the suggested content.
<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/covid-response-brief.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">COVID 19 in Community: How are First Nations Responding?</a></span></h1>
<em>Yellowhead Institute</em>, POLICY BRIEF Issue 58 | April 7, 2020

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: COVID-19, First Nations Indigenous People<span style="color: #0000ff"></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Yellowhead Institute (2020, April 7). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/covid-response-brief.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">COVID 19 in Community: How are First Nations Responding</a></span>? <em>Yellowhead Institute</em></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz</strong></h2>
<strong>Quiz on Yellowhead Institute<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "COVID 19 in Community: How are First Nations Responding?</span>"</strong>:

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[h5p id="128"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>804</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:21:42]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:21:42]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 10:27:42]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 15:27:42]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1c. "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:22:11 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=806</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="page-header" class="header-style-dark" data-imgready="true">
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<h1><span style="color: #0000ff;font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</a></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, </span>DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></div>
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<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h2><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h2>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h2><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h2>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h2><strong>We can do this</strong></h2>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
</ol>
Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020, December 11). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz</strong></h2>
<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about the Atlantic Bubble</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00/3118553943"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Prince Edward Island"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Joe Shlabotnik</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>806</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:22:11]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:22:11]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-23 09:26:47]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-23 14:26:47]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5a. "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:27:01 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=808</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/"><span style="color: #0000ff"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span></span></a></strong></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, JUNE 25, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time, </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">the kids are at home</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this. </span></div>
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<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder: Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a></span>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji</a></span><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h2>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a></span><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h2>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h2><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha</span></a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h2>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">technology</span></span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h2><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h2>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder</a></span><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h2>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa</a></span><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h2>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">checklists</a></span><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h2><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h2>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h2><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal</span></a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h2>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski</a> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h2>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h2><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h2>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h2>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</a></span><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski</a></span><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h2>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h2><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White</a></span><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h2>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h2><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns</span></a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Alana Powell</span></a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h2>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h2>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">First Policy Response Panel last month</a></span><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">shows</span></span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h2><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday</span></a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h2>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span> <a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">guidelines from SickKids</span></span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h2><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h2>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg</a></span><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Shawna Vander Velden</span></a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h2>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about child care centres</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05/4340825219"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Lyme Regis -June 2006 - The Wall - Nice Hat."</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Gareth1953 All Right Now</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>808</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:27:01]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:27:01]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-23 09:34:08]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-23 14:34:08]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5b. "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:28:12 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=810</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap ">
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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</a></span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, OCTOBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></div>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">World Teachers’ Day</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“<span style="color: #0000ff">generational catastrophe</span>”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">school closures</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">education systems</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.  </span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">back-to-school plan</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">has encountered many</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">implementation challenges and concerns</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">physical distancing is not feasible</span>.</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">online learning</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">allocated teachers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Already</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">one out of of every 10</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: A</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">inequitable choices</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Impacting learning outcomes: </strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Education Endowment Foundation</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Declining physical activity: </strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Students</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">play</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Deteriorating mental health: </strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Many students have experienced deteriorating</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">mental health</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Overstretching adults: </strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">overstretched</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">with</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increasing demands</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="font-size: 1em"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Carol Campbell</span></a></em></strong><em style="font-size: 1em"> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.</a></span>’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span></p>

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<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about World Teachers' Day</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">National childcare system must support childcare workers</a></span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, MAY 20, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Star</a></span>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s childcare crisis</a></span><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shared their experiences</a></span><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</em></div>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">new survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.</span>

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The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

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<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong> to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
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Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Monica Lysack</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">National childcare system must support childcare workers</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span>

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<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about early childhood education</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06/9009267170" style="color: #0000ff">"Early Childhood Education play 11"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">University of the Fraser Valley</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>816</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:30:15]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:30:15]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 14:19:53]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 19:19:53]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4a. "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:34:04 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=818</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>First Policy Response</em>, <span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 23, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link">RINALDO WALCOTT</a></span></span></div>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Published as part of a collaboration between </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> and First Policy Response</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ongoing</a> <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">debate</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The calls</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">for</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">race-based data</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">14 per cent</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.</span></p>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significantly exposed</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</em></div>
<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">China</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">six months into the pandemic</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.</span>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rinaldo Walcott</span></a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/data/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-258 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">DATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/equity/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-257 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-5" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a> </span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Walcott's article "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>'s article"</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03/12178605035"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Mental Illness"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Alachua County</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>818</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:34:04]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:34:04]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 12:09:50]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 17:09:50]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>682</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4b. "Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:34:52 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=820</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="page-header" class="header-style-dark" data-imgready="true">
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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>First Policy Response</em>, <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 22, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" title="View all posts by KEN BOESSENKOOL" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KEN BOESSENKOOL</a></span> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" role="link" title="View all posts by ADMIN"><span style="color: #0000ff">ADMIN</span></a></span></span></div>
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<div><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em></div>
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<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a></span><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>here</em></a></span><em>.</em>

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<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

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<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

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<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

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<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

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<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

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<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

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<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.

<em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</span></a> is the </em><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">McConnell Professor of Practice at the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University and Research Fellow at C.D. Howe Institute. </em><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://kenboessenkool/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/individual-income-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-2 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIVIDUAL INCOME SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-159 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">YEAR END Q&amp;A</a> </span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Boessenkool, K. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Boessenkool</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05/42001216232" style="color: #0000ff">"cheque book"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">CreditDebitPro</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>820</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:34:52]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:34:52]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 12:42:06]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 17:42:06]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>682</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4c. "Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/economic-shutdown-is-leaving-young-women-behind/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:37:38 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=822</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap ">
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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</a></span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, MAY 28, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BAILEY GREENSPON</a></span></span></span></div>
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<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">G(irls)20</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized and immigrant women</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable and accessible child care</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">An economic crisis for young women</strong></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force numbers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from Statistics Canada.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.</span></p>

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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">services-producing sector</a></span>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a></span>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a></span><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significant barriers persist</a></span><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada survey of students</a></span>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Student Loans</a></span><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a></span>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a></span>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

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</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em><span style="color: #0000ff">Bailey Greenspon</span></em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/gender-covid-19/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-18 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GENDER + COVID-19</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Greenspon</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about women in the labour force</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10101046@N06/3206541859" style="color: #0000ff">"Patriotic Uncle Sam &amp; Rosie the Riveter together, add your own custom message."</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10101046@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Beverly &amp; Pack</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>822</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:37:38]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:37:38]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 14:14:09]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 19:14:09]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[economic-shutdown-is-leaving-young-women-behind]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>682</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4d. "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:38:40 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=824</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="page-header" class="header-style-dark" data-imgready="true">
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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?</a></span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, OCTOBER 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link">KARIM BARDEESY</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span></span></div>
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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday, </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and </span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span></p>

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<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

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<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough</a></span>? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span>

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bardeesy &amp; Mendelsohn's article "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</strong><span style="font-weight: normal;text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Bank of Canada</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</a></span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, SEPTEMBER 22, 2020 <span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></span></div>
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<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

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<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University, </em><em>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

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<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Act chief and council elections</a></span>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</em></div>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">doctors from Cuba</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community-based research project</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.</span>

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<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

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<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

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<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">duty to consult</a></span>, like <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">free, prior and informed consent</a></span> – which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</em></div>
<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

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I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

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<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low-income, racialized communities</a></span>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

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<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a></span>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</em></div>
<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

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Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

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<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

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<strong>For more information on the Six Nations, please click on this photograph below</strong>.

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02/6836781189"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Studio portrait of the surviving Six Nations warriors who fought with the British in the War of 1812 / Portrait en studio des survivants des Six-Nations qui ont combattu aux côtés des Britanniques pendant la guerre de 1812"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">BiblioArchives / LibraryArchives</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>826</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:41:33]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:41:33]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 12:01:18]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 17:01:18]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>692</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3b. "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:42:11 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=828</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>First Policy Response</em>, JANUARY 21, 2021<span> | </span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</span></a><span> | </span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELISA LEVI</a></span></div>
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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">World Health Organization</a> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">socio-economic marginalization</a></span> results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">concerns</a></span> around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Arlen Dumas</a></span> of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Hospitals</a></span>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup> century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">nutrition experiments</a></span> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Joyce Echaquan</a></span> fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a></span> delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rejected</a></span> the proposal.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</em></div>
<strong style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.602em">First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong>

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We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">H1N1 flu outbreak</a></span> in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC), <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">said</a></span> that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">elderly</a> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rising</a></span> at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hardest hit</a></span>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</span></a></span> (NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity</a></span>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NACI recognizes</a></span>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a></span>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the <em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</span></a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">70 per cent uptake</a></span> is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photograph below to learn more about the world's deadliest pandemic – The Spanish Flu</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.rawpixel.com/image/2298586/free-photo-image-pandemic-spanish-flu-epidemic" style="color: #0000ff">"Emergency hospital during influenza epidemic, Camp Funston, Kansas (1918). Original image from National Museum of Health and Medicine. Digitally enhanced by rawpixel."</a></span><span> </span><span>is marked with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/cc0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>828</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:42:11]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:42:11]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 12:03:42]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 17:03:42]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>692</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Policy Brief Assessment]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/pandemic-control-basics-final-chapter-assessment/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 20:26:48 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=838</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div data-parent="true" class="vc_row style-color-nhtu-bg row-container" id="row-unique-0" data-section="0">
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Based on the articles above from <em>First Policy Response</em>, please engage in the following assessments to test your learning.

<strong>Policy Brief</strong>:

You are an Ontario government policy analyst. The province has had a relatively successful roll out of its <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/proof-covid-19-vaccination" style="color: #0000ff">vaccine passport program</a></span>. However, you have been alerted to COVID-19-related tensions within a small northern Ontario rural town.

A vocal minority of the town's residents have relatively low technology skills, doubt the usefulness of the passport, and have resisted downloading the vaccine app.

In contrast, most of the town's business people quietly support the passport with the hope that it will help them implement a standardized plan and protocol to safely re-opening allowing businesses to stay open. However, these business people also fear that being open about their support for the passport could alienate customers.

The Ontario government worries that another wave of the COVID-19 pandemic will hit northern Ontario. As a result, they fear that they may need to shut down the town entirely in the future to stem pandemic spread, including its businesses, due to this lack of widespread passport adoption.

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Write a short policy brief (750 – 1,500 words in length)</span> that focuses on how the Ontario government can promote and implement a vaccine passport in this town. Present the government with your top three recommendations to improve downloads and use of the vaccine passport app.

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Brief</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">You are a policy analyst for <span style="color: #000000">the Ontario Ministry of Economic Development, Job Creation and Trade.</span></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> The ministry focuses on, "<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ministry-economic-development-job-creation-trade" style="color: #0000ff">[s]upporting a strong, innovative economy that can provide jobs, opportunities and prosperity for all Ontarians</a></span>." </span>

The COVID-19 pandemic had large impacts on many of those in the skilled trades, as these jobs often require hands-on and close-proximity interactions. As a result, there have been outbreaks of COVID-19 in the workplace and many skilled-traded labourers have been furloughed and/or laid off.

With the number of employees being furloughed, employers are dealing with a province-wide labour shortage with the need to replace vacant positions.

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Write a short policy brief (750 – 1,500 words in length) that focuses on Ontario's economic development system. It will be presented to the Ontario Minister of Economic Development, Job Creation and Trade. Outline three major policy recommendations that can help deal with this job loss from the pandemic.</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>840</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 15:27:54]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 20:27:54]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-14 13:31:32]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-14 18:31:32]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[economy-final-chapter-assessment]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>682</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>10</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Policy Brief Assessment]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/education-final-chapter-assessment/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 20:28:19 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=842</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Based on the articles above from <em>First Policy Response</em>, please engage in the following assessments to test your learning.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Brief</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">You are a policy analyst for the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ministry-education" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Ministry of Education</a></span>. </span>COVID-19 caused a great deal of disruption across Ontario's diverse educational landscape. K-20 educators and students dealt with an unsustainable amount of stress and fatigue as a result of the rapid transition to online learning.

Write a short policy brief (750 – 1,500 words in length) that focuses on Ontario’s education system. Choose either the K–12 or post-secondary education sector, not both. It will be presented to the Ontario Minister of Education. You have a choice of two possible briefs:
<ol>
 	<li>Describe your top three educational policy recommendations to improve online learning in the province with a special focus on helping vulnerable communities.</li>
 	<li>It is essential that the needs of students, teachers, and staff are prioritized to ensure sustained in-person school attendance moving forward. It is fall 2021 and the government is hoping to resume in-person learning. To prepare for the re-opening of schools articulate three policy recommendations to create a sustainable plan and improved learning experience.</li>
</ol>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>842</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 15:28:19]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 20:28:19]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-13 14:06:54]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-13 19:06:54]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[education-final-chapter-assessment]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Policy Brief Assessment]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-final-chapter-assessment-2/</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 20:28:44 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=844</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Based on the articles above from <em>First Policy Response</em>, please engage in the following assessments to test your learning.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Brief</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">You are a policy analyst for </span><span style="text-decoration: underline;color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/crown-indigenous-relations-northern-affairs.html" style="color: #0000ff;text-decoration: underline">Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada</a></span></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. An Indigenous community in Southern Ontario has low vaccination uptake. The community's land has been plagued by boiled water advisories seemingly in perpetuity. From this, faith in all levels of government is low and the community's communications with officials often understandably turn bitter.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Write a short policy brief (750 – 1,500 words in length) that focuses on the relations between the government and Indigenous communities. It will be presented to Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada. Make three recommendations to improve Crown-Indigenous Relations that will eventually result in higher levels of vaccination uptake. </span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>844</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 15:28:44]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 20:28:44]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-13 14:06:11]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-13 19:06:11]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-final-chapter-assessment-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>692</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>9</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/pandemic-control-basics-learning-objectives/</link><pubDate>Sun, 14 Nov 2021 20:23:18 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=902</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">
<h2><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Welcome &amp; Introduction: What Are We Doing Together?</strong></h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: pandemic, flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Understand the use of traditional data collection tools and scenario modelling when identifying early signs of emerging threats like pandemics</li>
 	<li>Recognize the socio-economic impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
</ul>
</div>
This module will help learners explore policy study characteristics that impact the public during crises like pandemics. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will demonstrate an understanding of different policy goals that contribute to ending COVID-19.</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>902</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-14 15:23:18]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-14 20:23:18]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-14 10:15:07]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-14 15:15:07]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[pandemic-control-basics-learning-objectives]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/economy-learning-objectives/</link><pubDate>Sun, 14 Nov 2021 20:35:08 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=923</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>Improving Economic Outcomes During the Pandemic and Beyond</h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Understand the political procedures and implications when a government initiates a shutdown</li>
 	<li>Explain the function of the economy and market allocation to understand indicators/measures of economic change, growth, and development</li>
 	<li>Analyze the post-pandemic economic recovery plan with an emphasis on income support programs</li>
 	<li>Assess the roles and norms of municipal, provincial, and federal institutions in shaping the workforce</li>
</ul>
This module will help learners understand the economic impacts of pandemics across multiple sectors of the economy. They will also examine different types of governmental economic responses like income support, training, development, and unemployment. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will be able to apply this knowledge to foster more equitable post-pandemic economic outcomes.</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>923</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-14 15:35:08]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-14 20:35:08]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 12:09:18]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 17:09:18]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[economy-learning-objectives]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>682</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/education-learning-objectives/</link><pubDate>Sun, 14 Nov 2021 20:42:36 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=937</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Education Disruption due to the COVID-19 Pandemic</strong></h2>
<ul>
 	<li style="font-weight: 400">Examine the educational infrastructure in Ontario from the primary to post-secondary levels</li>
 	<li style="font-weight: 400">Analyze how the pandemic changed the primary to post-secondary education system for students, educators, and parents</li>
 	<li>Understand the post-secondary education system and identify a pathway towards student advocacy</li>
 	<li style="font-weight: 400">Utilize the <em>DIVE: Student Aid Platform</em> to learn about how the Ontario government transformed student financial aid</li>
</ul>
This module will help learners understand how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted the primary to post-secondary education system. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will be </span><span style="color: #000000">able to apply this knowledge to improve educational outcomes across a broad student demographic.</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>937</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-14 15:42:36]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-14 20:42:36]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-13 14:06:44]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-13 19:06:44]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[education-learning-objectives]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-learning-objectives-get-check-from-syllabus/</link><pubDate>Sun, 14 Nov 2021 20:51:51 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=952</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Addressing Crises in Canadian Indigenous Communities: </strong></h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Recognize governance issues related to health crises in Indigenous communities</li>
 	<li>Discuss vaccination initiatives in Indigenous communities</li>
</ul>
This module will help learners understand how pandemics create unique challenges for Canada's Indigenous communities. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will</span><span style="color: #000000"> </span><span style="color: #000000">be able to apply this knowledge of Indigenous issues to improve health outcomes as well as develop more productive relations between different levels of government and Indigenous communities.</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>952</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-14 15:51:51]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-14 20:51:51]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-13 14:05:49]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-13 19:05:49]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-learning-objectives-get-check-from-syllabus]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>692</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Learning Objectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/learning-objectives-2/</link><pubDate>Sun, 14 Nov 2021 22:00:48 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=976</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><strong>Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System</strong><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">–</strong><strong>Long Term Care, Racism, and Health Equity</strong></h2>
<ul>
 	<li>Describe the process of the COVID-19 vaccine administration</li>
 	<li>Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</li>
 	<li>Outline the physical and psychological practices of healthcare workers</li>
 	<li>Analyze the healthcare system roles and responsibilities when advancing public safety and health in collaboration with the federal, provincial, and municipal governments</li>
</ul>
This module will help learners understand how governments leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, learners will be able to explain the key role that governments and healthcare professionals play in contributing to more equitable health outcomes.</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>976</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-14 17:00:48]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-14 22:00:48]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-13 14:05:20]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-13 19:05:20]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[learning-objectives-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>471</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Instructor's Course Introduction]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/instructor-introduction/</link><pubDate>Mon, 15 Nov 2021 13:44:26 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1010</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[embed]http://youtu.be/AuHICdNzBOY[/embed]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1010</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-15 08:44:26]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-15 13:44:26]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-13 14:05:05]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-13 19:05:05]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[instructor-introduction]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_oembed_c5f5afb3377b46d28fa763d70645ac9d]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[<iframe title="[RLL-PPP] Course Introduction (v1)" width="500" height="281" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/AuHICdNzBOY?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_oembed_time_c5f5afb3377b46d28fa763d70645ac9d]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1642100709]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_oembed_3b584a9a968b1fc505ca91a5f130d9e2]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[<iframe title="[RLL-PPP] Course Introduction (v1)" width="500" height="281" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/AuHICdNzBOY?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_oembed_time_3b584a9a968b1fc505ca91a5f130d9e2]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1642100709]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5e. Video–"An activist goes to (policy) school"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/dive-student-aid-2006-episode-3-an-activist-goes-to-policy-school/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 18:07:32 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1107</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span></a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Watch "<em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em>" </span>
<ul>
 	<li>How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change</li>
 	<li>What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)</li>
 	<li>Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)</li>
 	<li>Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em></a></span> [Video].  (7 minutes)</span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1107</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 13:07:32]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 18:07:32]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 13:08:52]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 18:08:52]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[dive-student-aid-2006-episode-3-an-activist-goes-to-policy-school]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5f. Video–"Revolution in the cafeteria"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/dive-student-aid-2006-episode-4-revolution-in-the-cafeteria/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 18:08:26 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1109</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span></a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Watch "<em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em>"<span style="color: #0000ff"></span></span>
<ul>
 	<li>Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)</li>
</ul>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em></a></span> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span> (3 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></p>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1109</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 13:08:26]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 18:08:26]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 13:10:03]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 18:10:03]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[dive-student-aid-2006-episode-4-revolution-in-the-cafeteria]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5d. "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</link><pubDate>Tue, 16 Nov 2021 20:47:09 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1122</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap ">
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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</a></span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info"><em>First Policy Response</em>, AUGUST 4, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson: </span></span><span style="color: #0000ff">Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté: Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos: Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</a></span>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h2><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson</a></span> – President, Universities Canada</span></h2>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h2><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté</a></span><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h2>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">two million students</a></span><span>, closing borders on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international students</a></span><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale.</span>

<span>In a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent piece</a></span><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h2><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h2>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Eighteen percent</span></span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h2><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h2>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h2><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h2>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h2><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> </span>– Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h2>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h2><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h2>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h2><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</a> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h2>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h2><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</a></span> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h2>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h2><span><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos</a></span> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h2>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">both</a> <a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">revealed</a></span><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h2><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</span></a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h2>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h2><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h2>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">plan</a></span><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">controversy</a></span><span><span style="color: #0000ff">,</span> it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h2><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde</a></span> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h2>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<h2 data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about the history of Ontario's post-secondary education system</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02/6347746751"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Mackenzie King riding with friends, University of Toronto, circa 1890-1896 / Mackenzie King à cheval, en compagnie d'amis, Université de Toronto, vers 1890-1896"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">BiblioArchives / LibraryArchives</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1122</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-16 15:47:09]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-16 20:47:09]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-23 09:37:20]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-23 14:37:20]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3g. Lesson Plan: Decolonizing Public Policy Development and Implementation (for Instructors)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/lesson-plan/</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 16:22:18 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1267</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table class="grid" style="border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%;height: 189px" border="0">
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<td class="shaded" style="width: 12.9461%;height: 15px"><strong>M</strong><strong>odule</strong><strong> Length (classes):</strong></td>
<td style="width: 87.0539%;height: 15px">1</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 47px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 12.9461%;height: 47px"><strong>Module Description:</strong></td>
<td style="width: 87.0539%;height: 47px">In completing this module, the learner will understand the value and reality of decolonial work in public policy and public administration. Through this module, they will study existing documents and learn historical legislation that has impacted Indigenous peoples in Canada. By the end, the learner is able to apply that knowledge in working with marginalized populations in a respectful and collaborative manner in the public policy development and implementation processes.</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 12.9461%;height: 15px"><strong>Learner Preparation:</strong></td>
<td style="width: 87.0539%;height: 15px">Optional: It would be beneficial to watch the videos prior and then as a class to truly let the messages be absorbed and for students to be able to engage in dialogue after watching the videos.</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 12.9461%;height: 15px"><strong>Module Length (hours):</strong></td>
<td style="width: 87.0539%;height: 15px">3 hours</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 104px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 12.9461%;height: 87px"><strong>General Module Contents:</strong></td>
<td style="width: 87.0539%;height: 87px">
<ul>
 	<li>Colonization and decolonization</li>
 	<li>History of policies negatively impacting Indigenous peoples</li>
 	<li>Rights of Indigenous Peoples</li>
 	<li>Positionality</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 12.9461%;height: 10px"><strong>Learner Follow-Through:</strong></td>
<td style="width: 87.0539%;height: 10px">
<ol>
 	<li>Pre-reading/watching</li>
 	<li>Completion of activities in class</li>
 	<li>Group discussion following class</li>
 	<li>Assignment completion and submission if needed</li>
</ol>
</td>
</tr>
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<table style="border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%" border="0">
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<td class="shaded" style="width: 100%"><strong>Learning Outcomes:</strong></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="width: 100%">
<ul>
 	<li>Understand positionality</li>
 	<li>Engages in reflexive praxis</li>
 	<li>Analyze the impact of colonialism on Indigenous communities</li>
 	<li>Analyze systemic racism in relation to Indigenous peoples</li>
 	<li>Articulate decolonization theory and methods associated with this practice</li>
 	<li>Identify and analyze significant public policies and the role that historical policies and legislation plays in impacting Indigenous peoples in Canada</li>
 	<li>Explore the role that cultural practices play in supporting physical, emotional, intellectual, and spiritual wellness and well-being</li>
</ul>
Indigenous learning outcomes:
<ul>
 	<li>Relate principles of Indigenous knowledge to career field</li>
 	<li>Analyze the impact of colonialism on Indigenous communities</li>
 	<li>Explain the relationship between land and identity within Indigenous societies</li>
 	<li>Compare Indigenous and Canadian perceptions of inclusion and diversity</li>
 	<li>Analyze racism in relation to Indigenous peoples</li>
 	<li>Generate strategies for reconciling Indigenous and Canadian relations</li>
 	<li>Formulate approaches for engaging Indigenous community partners</li>
</ul>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.confederationcollege.ca/professional-development/ilo" style="color: #0000ff">Negahneewin Council</a></span>. (2011).

&nbsp;

To discuss the use of the ILO at your institution or to learn more about them, please contact:

Dr. Lisa Schmidt,

Program Development Manager

Centre for Policy and Research in Indigenous Learning

(807) 475-6465

​lschmidt@confederationcollege.ca</td>
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<td class="shaded" style="width: 16.061%;height: 72px"><strong>Key Questions</strong></td>
<td style="width: 83.939%;height: 72px">
<ol>
 	<li>What is decolonization?</li>
 	<li>What does taking a decolonizing approach to public policy development and implementation mean?</li>
</ol>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 16.061%;height: 15px"><strong>Illustrative Examples/Cases</strong></td>
<td style="width: 83.939%;height: 15px"><em>INSERT FROM READINGS</em></td>
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<td class="shaded" style="width: 16.061%;height: 72px"><strong>Activities</strong></td>
<td style="width: 83.939%;height: 72px">
<ul>
 	<li><a href="https://ccdi.ca/media/1588/toolkit-2-exploring-my-power-and-privilege.pdf"><span style="color: #0000ff">Flower power exercise</span></a>.</li>
 	<li>Write a personal philosophy statement on public policy development and implementation; consider how this statement changes or remains the same throughout the course</li>
</ul>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 88px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 16.061%;height: 88px"><strong>Learner Resources</strong></td>
<td style="width: 83.939%;height: 88px">
<ul>
 	<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QP9x1NnCWNY"><span style="color: #0000ff">YouTube Video: Decolonization Is for Everyone | Nikki Sanchez | TEDxSFU</span></a></li>
 	<li>United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)</li>
 	<li>The Indian Act, including
<ul>
 	<li>Indian Hospitals in Canada</li>
 	<li>Indian Day Schools</li>
 	<li>Indian Residential Schools</li>
 	<li>Elected Chief and Band Council System</li>
</ul>
</li>
 	<li>Truth and reconciliation commission of Canada; 94 calls to action</li>
</ul>
<em>Note: 2-3 readings per learning objective (other forms of media can be used to supplement) was requested; however, in accordance with an Indigenous education approach learning is accomplished through experiential learning, practicing humility, storywork, and interdependent thinking as well as reading </em></td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 16.061%;height: 15px"><strong>Evidence of Learning</strong></td>
<td style="width: 83.939%;height: 15px">The learner utilizes a decolonizing approach in effort of true collaboration with Indigenous communities and other marginalized peoples</td>
</tr>
<tr style="height: 15px">
<td class="shaded" style="width: 16.061%;height: 15px"><strong>Associated Assessment Method(s)</strong></td>
<td style="width: 83.939%;height: 15px">Storywork assessment
<ul>
 	<li>Classroom dialogue / conversation</li>
 	<li>Listening to a guest speaker</li>
</ul>
Practicing humility assessment
<ul>
 	<li>Flower power exercise</li>
 	<li>Personal philosophy statement on policy development and implementation</li>
</ul>
Experiential learning assessment
<ul>
 	<li>Develop a plan for working with Indigenous communities; consider ethics, a trauma informed approach, what documents you can learn from to inform your approach, what principles you will draw on to guide your work, how collaboration is achieved</li>
</ul>
Interdependent thinking

Research essay on one component of the Indian Act and how it continues to negatively impact Indigenous peoples in health care. How is access to equitable health care become even more of a challenge during the pandemic?</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<strong>Original Source File for Lesson Plan</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/AEC-PrimerLessonPlan-1.docx" style="color: #0000ff">AEC-PrimerLessonPlan-1</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1267</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 11:22:18]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 16:22:18]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 14:11:40]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 19:11:40]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[lesson-plan]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>692</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3d. "21 things you may not know about the Indian Act"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/3c-21-things-you-may-not-know-about-the-indian-act/</link><pubDate>Thu, 09 Dec 2021 14:47:41 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1571</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<em>Note</em>: Due to copyright restrictions, please click the link below to access the suggested content.
<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/21-things-you-may-not-know-about-the-indian-act-1.3533613" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">21 things you may not know about the Indian Act</span></a></span></h1>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>CBC News</em>, April 13, 2016, Bob Joseph</span>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Joseph, B. (2016, April 13). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/21-things-you-may-not-know-about-the-indian-act-1.3533613" style="color: #0000ff">21 things you may not know about the Indian Act</a></span>. <em>CBC News</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on Joseph<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "21 things you may not know about the Indian Act"</span></strong>:

<span>[h5p id="119"]</span>

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<div class="date-info"><em>First Policy Response</em>, JANUARY 28, 2021<span> | </span>IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span> | </span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON"><span style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</span></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: 1em">For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">``There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive – </em><span style="font-size: 1em">supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also </span><em style="font-size: 1em">stronger growth</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive</em><span style="font-size: 1em"> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">In a joint effort with the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> and the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, we recently released a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.</span>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/04/25/indigenous-people-in-toronto-have-much-higher-rates-of-covid-hospitalization-than-general-population-new-data-shows.html" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous people in Toronto have much higher rates of COVID hospitalization than general population, new data shows</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>Toronto Star</em>, April 26, 2021, Brendan Kennedy</div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, COVID-19, Health, Toronto Star</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Kennedy, B. (2021, April 26). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/04/25/indigenous-people-in-toronto-have-much-higher-rates-of-covid-hospitalization-than-general-population-new-data-shows.html" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous people in Toronto have much higher rates of COVID hospitalization than general population, new data shows</a></span>. <em>Toronto Star</em>.

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Kennedy's article "Indigenous people in Toronto have much higher rates of COVID hospitalization than general population, new data shows"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>

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<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://monitormag.ca/articles/racialized-and-indigenous-workers-pandemic-job-loss/" style="color: #0000ff">Racialized and Indigenous workers are bearing the brunt of pandemic job loss</a></span></h1>
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<div><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The Monitor</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, January 14, 2021, Sheila Block</span></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, Job loss<span style="color: #0000ff"></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Block, S. (2021, January 14). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://monitormag.ca/articles/racialized-and-indigenous-workers-pandemic-job-loss/" style="color: #0000ff">Racialized and Indigenous workers are bearing the brunt of pandemic job loss</a></span>. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The Monitor</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span>

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<h1 class="h1"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet/" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous and remote communities can’t wait any longer for high-speed internet</a></span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"><em>First Policy Response</em>, APRIL 15, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="date-info"> </span>|  </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" title="View all posts by NOUR ABDELAAL" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sam-andrey/" title="View all posts by SAM ANDREY" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">SAM ANDREY</span></a></span></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Investments from telecommunication companies and governments over the past decade have sought to connect more rural and Indigenous communities to high-speed internet, but there is little progress to show for it in too many of Canada’s remote communities. Amid a global pandemic that has required a shift to online work, education and social connections, quality internet connection is an</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">essential service</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">that communities can no longer forgo. </span>

An effective COVID-19 response plan requires identifying gaps in Canada’s connectivity strategy to better understand why<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2020-en.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">54 per cent of households outside urban centres</a></span><span> </span>still cannot meet the CRTC’s target of unlimited 50/10 Mbps internet speed. In the northern territories,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><u>no households at all meet the CRTC target</u></span>.

According to Indigenous Services Canada’s count, there have been more than<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/a-year-later-indigenous-communities-are-fighting-twin-crises-covid-19-and-inequality-1.5280843" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">25,000 confirmed COVID-19 cases</a></span><span> </span>in First Nation reserves, and<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><u>more than 1,100 hospitalizations</u></span>. Access to high-speed internet is necessary to provide patients the efficient communication and public health tools they need.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Canada’s profit-driven market model of telecommunications is a significant impediment to fully connecting remote and Indigenous communities.</em></div>
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<div class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Due to the pandemic, many First Nations have</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/04/07/corona-in-community-the-first-nation-response/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">closed their borders to visitors</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, allowing only essential workers and pandemic relief to enter. Without the right communications technology to allow them to easily access help, these communities are at increased risk of isolation and inadequate outbreak management.</span></div>
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To explore these realities, the Ryerson Leadership Lab hosted a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sQZJDb31sHo" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">virtual workshop</a></span> last month featuring representatives from community, government and industry to discuss what sustains connectivity gaps in Indigenous communities and remote areas. The discussion was the first in the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/overcoming-digital-divides" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Overcoming Digital Divides Workshop Series</a></span>, a six-part public series to explore how Canada can pave a clearer path toward meaningful digital inclusion. The discussion raised several policy considerations that should inform Canada’s pandemic response and connectivity strategy:
<h2><strong>Lack of digital infrastructure</strong></h2>
Canada’s profit-driven market model of telecommunications is a significant impediment to fully connecting remote and Indigenous communities: returns on investment for expanding internet infrastructure to remote areas with low population densities aren’t high enough to incentivize service providers to take on transformative infrastructure projects, according to Denise Williams, CEO of the First Nations Technology Council.

This places a greater burden on government initiatives. The federal government has announced its $1.75 billion <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/139.nsf/eng/h_00006.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Universal Broadband Fund</a></span> and provinces have committed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5fec97c81c227637fcd788af/t/6046d3b67340445f8b5716e2/1615254495143/DigitalDivideFramework-March-2021.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">approximately $1.7 billion</a></span> since 2018. This influx of public funds has enabled some projects to expand internet connectivity to remote communities, according to Susan Stanford, British Columbia’s Assistant Deputy Minister for connectivity, and Shazia Sobani, VP of customer network implementation for Telus.

While these initiatives are a step in the right direction, many projects are still in progress, are poorly coordinated, do not always address last-mile connectivity (the connection between the main network and an individual user’s home), and give undue consideration to costs and profits rather than the projects’ real long-term value. For example, a project is under way in British Columbia to connect communities along the coast using undersea fibre optic cables; but for non-coastal communities, building out this kind of digital infrastructure over land would be cost prohibitive and therefore less likely to go ahead, according to Stanford.

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<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Canada’s profit-driven market model of telecommunications is a significant impediment to fully connecting remote and Indigenous communities.</em></div>
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<div class="uncont"><strong style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.602em">Inclusion of Indigenous voices and upskilling</strong></div>
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Expanding access to digital infrastructure and ensuring remote connectivity are the first steps to creating an effective pandemic response strategy. However,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">full digital inclusion</a></span><span> </span>requires much more than just infrastructure. The meaningful inclusion of Indigenous voices as equal and knowledgeable partners, capable of determining their own vision and managing their own community infrastructure, is just as important. Upskilling programs can provide Indigenous people with the right tools to advocate for advanced community infrastructure networks, and to keep using these state-of-the-art technologies even after the pandemic.

Indigenous peoples’ lived experiences also paint an important picture for policy-makers and service providers to understand. Jennifer Manitowabi is a mother of three and the community lead at Connected North, a not-for-profit connecting northern remote Indigenous communities to educators in the south. As a resident of Lac Seul First Nation in Ontario, she described having to drive through underdeveloped roads without any signage and undertake multiple jobs at once to provide basic educational programming for Indigenous students with minimal access to technology or devices.

Moreover, many Indigenous groups that are in desperate need of digital infrastructure investment spend an inordinate amount of time working on funding applications, only to be rejected because they do not measure up to requests written by experts from better-served communities, Manitowabi said. Public investments to expand internet access will not reach their full potential if smaller service providers and Indigenous communities cannot access these funds for community-based projects, according to Williams.
<h2><strong>Three-level coordination of partnerships: Public, private and community</strong></h2>
Providing sufficient access to quality internet requires high-level coordination between public, private and Indigenous stakeholders. A single group is not enough to create the necessary momentum for change. Canada’s national broadband strategy is missing a robust and coordinated policy and regulatory framework that upholds Indigenous peoples’ rights to equal and affordable internet access and integrates technology-informed, educated Indigenous voices, Williams said. For example, the potential for low-Earth orbit satellites to expand internet access is contingent on the ability of, a) public initiatives to foster competition between service providers; b) industry to successfully adapt to disruptive technologies at affordable prices; and c) local communities to understand how this new technology can be used or how it can complement existing services.

Before digital infrastructure can be built, multiple stepping stones must be in place to get the right infrastructure into the areas where it’s most needed. Last-mile initiatives, transportation development and capacity-building must first be coordinated across service providers and other actors, Stanford said. The complexity of addressing connectivity in a vast and geographically diverse country such as Canada also requires us to think about a multi-jurisdictional approach to connectivity: large and small service providers must develop initiatives with an eye to empowering and meeting the needs of their host communities. This involves not only adding more funds into our current system, but also re-imagining what is possible, including what a system that is multi-layered, cooperative and inclusive of all stakeholder needs could look like.

A comprehensive coordination strategy is particularly urgent for Indigenous communities during the pandemic because inadequate housing, pre-existing health conditions and geographic isolation can significantly<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">aggravate risks associated with COVID-19</span>.</a><span> </span>Therefore, government responses must build the technical capacity of Indigenous communities to ensure access to digital services, reliable online communication networks and public health resources in the long term. If not, we will fall short of addressing the most fundamental needs of those most at risk.
<h2><strong>Data sovereignty</strong></h2>
Meaningful, transformative strategies to expand internet access also require that Indigenous communities can control their own data. Data sovereignty is a key priority for Indigenous people looking to create and use networks that accurately reflect their communities’ unique needs and vision. How data from Indigenous communities will be used and commodified is often overlooked in policy discussions, with stakeholders prioritizing the need to build digital infrastructure as quickly as possible. Much of the frustration comes from the fact that Indigenous communities’ information is given to the government for reporting purposes rather than helping to build self-determined Indigenous nations that can control the actual impact of these technologies, Williams said. Including Indigenous people in conversations around expanding high-speed internet access requires upholding the First Nation principles of <a href="https://fnigc.ca/ocap-training/"><span style="color: #0000ff">ownership</span>, <span style="color: #0000ff">control</span>, <span style="color: #0000ff">access and possession (OCAP)</span></a>.

Expanding high-speed internet access to Indigenous and remote communities requires an evidence-informed approach that combines infrastructure investment, upskilling for Indigenous people through educational programming, and a real commitment to First Nations’ ownership and control of data and technology. The pandemic has shown us why access to the internet is crucial, and policy-makers must take seriously Indigenous peoples’ call for change amid this crisis — as well as their vision of what community-based infrastructure should look like post-pandemic.

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Indigenous communities, Remote communities, Digital divide, High-speed internet</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N., &amp; Andrey, S. (2021, April 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-and-remote-communities-cant-wait-any-longer-for-high-speed-internet/" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous and remote communities can’t wait any longer for high-speed internet.</a></span> <em>First Policy Response</em>. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<h2 data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="true" data-authors-count="3">Quiz</h2>
<strong>Quiz on Abdelaal &amp; Andrey<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous and remote communities can’t wait any longer for high-speed internet</span>"</strong>:

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[h5p id="143"]<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1628</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-10 19:05:54]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-11 00:05:54]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-25 10:38:08]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-25 15:38:08]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[5g]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1f. "How ‘colonialism by paper cuts’ has undermined Indigenous pandemic leadership"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/1f-how-colonialism-by-paper-cuts-has-undermined-indigenous-pandemic-leadership/</link><pubDate>Sun, 12 Dec 2021 18:58:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1641</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<em>Note</em>: Due to copyright restrictions, please click the link below to access the suggested content.
<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-colonialism-by-paper-cuts-has-undermined-indigenous-pandemic-leadership-161542?utm_source=Policy+Response&amp;utm_campaign=b27fbc96e9-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2021_02_25_11_09_COPY_01&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_e0a96a8e52-b27fbc96e9-383371298" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">How ‘colonialism by paper cuts’ has undermined Indigenous pandemic leadership</span></a></span></h1>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>The Conversation</em></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. June 22, 2021 12.40pm EDT, Jocelyn Stacey, Crystal Verhaeghe, and Emma Feltes<span style="color: #0000ff"></span></span>

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"></span></span>
<ul>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/indigenous-55">Indigenous</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/pandemic-1134">Pandemic</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/colonialism-2090">Colonialism</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/coronavirus-5830">Coronavirus</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/british-columbia-9766">british columbia</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/first-nations-26289">First Nations</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/emergency-response-39472">Emergency response</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/colonization-52046">Colonization</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/federal-funding-57782">Federal funding</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/tsilhqotin-nation-72170">Tsilhqot'in Nation</a></li>
 	<li class="topic-list-item"><a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/covid-19-82431">COVID-19</a></li>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Stacey, J., Verhaeghe, C., &amp; Feltes, E. (2021, June 22). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">How ‘colonialism by paper cuts’ has undermined Indigenous pandemic leadership</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<h2><strong>Quiz</strong></h2>
<strong>Quiz on Jocelyn Stacey, Crystal Verhaeghe, and Emma Feltes<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">' article "How ‘colonialism by paper cuts’ has undermined Indigenous pandemic leadership</span>"</strong>:

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<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://rsc-src.ca/sites/default/files/Publication%20%23101%20-%20EN%20-%20Vaccine%20Mistrust-%20A%20Legacy%20of%20Colonialism.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Vaccine mistrust: A legacy of colonialism</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>Globe and Mail</em>, March 31, 2021, Margo Greenwood &amp; Noni MacDonald</div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, COVID-19, Health, Vaccination, Colonialism, Globe and Mail</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Greenwood, M., &amp; MacDonald, M. (2021, March 31). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://rsc-src.ca/sites/default/files/Publication%20%23101%20-%20EN%20-%20Vaccine%20Mistrust-%20A%20Legacy%20of%20Colonialism.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Vaccine mistrust: A legacy of colonialism</a></span>. <em>Globe and Mail</em>.

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Greenwood and MacDonald's article "Vaccine mistrust: A legacy of colonialism"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>

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<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://education.historicacanada.ca/files/32/ResidentialSchools_English.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Residential schools in Canada: Education guides</a></span></h1>
<em>Historica Canada, Heritage Minutes</em>, n.d.

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, Residential schools, Health, Historica Canada, Heritage Minutes</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Historica Canada, &amp; Heritage Minutes (n.d.). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://education.historicacanada.ca/files/32/ResidentialSchools_English.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Residential schools in Canada: Education guides</a></span>. <em>Historica Canada, Heritage Minutes</em>.

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[h5p id="158"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1656</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-12 15:37:40]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-12 20:37:40]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 12:07:20]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 17:07:20]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[3d-residential-schools-in-canada-education-guide]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>692</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4f. "Indigenous businesses faced barriers accessing COVID-19 relief programs, survey finds"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/4f-indigenous-businesses-faced-barriers-accessing-covid-19-relief-programs-survey-finds/</link><pubDate>Sun, 12 Dec 2021 22:52:03 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1663</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<em>Note</em>: Due to copyright restrictions, please click the link below to access the suggested content.
<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/business/indigenous-business-covid-1.6075078" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous businesses faced barriers accessing COVID-19 relief programs, survey finds</a></span></h1>
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<div><em>CBC News</em>, June 24, 2021, Pete Evans</div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, Business, COVID-19, CBC News</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Evans, P. (2021, June 24). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/business/indigenous-business-covid-1.6075078" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous businesses faced barriers accessing COVID-19 relief programs, survey finds</a></span>. <em>CBC News</em>.

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Evans article "Indigenous businesses faced barriers accessing COVID-19 relief programs, survey finds"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:  </span>

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[h5p id="163"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1663</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-12 17:52:03]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-12 22:52:03]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 14:15:06]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 19:15:06]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[4f-indigenous-businesses-faced-barriers-accessing-covid-19-relief-programs-survey-finds]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>682</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5h. "How universities can support Indigenous online learners in the COVID-19 pandemic"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/5h-how-universities-can-support-indigenous-online-learners-in-the-covid-19-pandemic/</link><pubDate>Mon, 13 Dec 2021 14:20:55 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1671</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<em>Note</em>: Due to copyright restrictions, please click the link below to access the suggested content.
<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-universities-can-support-indigenous-online-learners-in-the-covid-19-pandemic-152461" style="color: #0000ff">How universities can support Indigenous online learners in the COVID-19 pandemic</a></span></h1>
<em>The Conversation</em>, February 22, 2021, Josephine Auger &amp; Janelle Marie Baker

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Education, Post-secondary education, Indigenous students, COVID-19, The Conversation </span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Auger, J., &amp; Baker J. M. (2021, February 22). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/how-universities-can-support-indigenous-online-learners-in-the-covid-19-pandemic-152461" style="color: #0000ff">How universities can support Indigenous online learners in the COVID-19 pandemic</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

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[h5p id="168"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1671</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-13 09:20:55]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-13 14:20:55]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 13:11:13]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 18:11:13]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[5h-how-universities-can-support-indigenous-online-learners-in-the-covid-19-pandemic]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>686</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>9</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1g. "Indigenous communities facing ‘dual pandemic’ due to the impact of COVID-19 on mental illness and addiction, report says"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/chapter/1gindigenous-communities-facing-dual-pandemic-due-to-the-impact-of-covid-19-on-mental-illness-and-addiction-report-says/</link><pubDate>Mon, 13 Dec 2021 15:26:15 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1676</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<em>Note</em>: Due to copyright restrictions, please click the link below to access the suggested content. As a warning, this news article may be behind a paywall or you may be required to create an account to access the content.
<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-indigenous-communities-facing-dual-pandemic-due-to-the-impact-of-covid/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Indigenous communities facing ‘dual pandemic’ due to the impact of COVID-19 on mental illness and addiction, report says. </span></a></span></h1>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>The Globe and Mail</em>, March 25, 2021, Teresa Wright<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-indigenous-communities-facing-dual-pandemic-due-to-the-impact-of-covid/"></a></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-indigenous-communities-facing-dual-pandemic-due-to-the-impact-of-covid/" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, Indigenous communities, pandemic, COVID-19, The Globe and Mail<span style="color: #0000ff"></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Wright, T. (2021, March 25). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-indigenous-communities-facing-dual-pandemic-due-to-the-impact-of-covid/" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous communities facing ‘dual pandemic’ due to the impact of COVID-19 on mental illness and addiction, report says</a></span>. <em>The Globe and Mail</em>. </span>

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<strong>Quiz on Teresa Wright<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities facing ‘dual pandemic’ due to the impact of COVID-19 on mental illness and addiction, report says</span>"</strong>:

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<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.210112" style="color: #0000ff">Medical experimentation and the roots of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Indigenous Peoples in Canada</a></span></h1>
<em>Canadian Medical Association Journal</em>, March 15, 2021, Ian Mosby &amp; Jaris Swidrovich<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.210112" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, COVID-19, Health, Vaccine hesitancy, Medical experimentation, Canadian Medical Association Journal</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Mosby, I., &amp; Swidrovich, J. (2021, March 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.210112" style="color: #0000ff">Medical experimentation and the roots of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Indigenous Peoples in Canada</a></span>. <em>Canadian Medical Association Journal, 193</em>(11), E381–E383.
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<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://reseaumtlnetwork.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Ally_March.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous ally toolkit</a></span></h1>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, Indigenous ally, Toolkit, Montreal Urban Aboriginal Community Strategy Network</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"></span>Montreal Urban Aboriginal Community Strategy Network. (2019, April). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://reseaumtlnetwork.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Ally_March.pdf" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Indigenous ally toolkit</em></a></span>. Montreal Urban Aboriginal Community Strategy Network.

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Montreal Urban Aboriginal Community Strategy Network's resource "Indigenous ally toolkit"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:  </span>

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[h5p id="182"]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1692</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-12-13 14:41:16]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-13 19:41:16]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-17 12:08:24]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 17:08:24]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[3f-residential-schools-in-canada-education-guide]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>692</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 1-Pandemic Control Basics (v1-All Links-FPR, Orwell)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=5</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?p=5</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[This is the first chapter in the main body of the text. You can change the text, rename the chapter, add new chapters, and add new parts.

&nbsp;

(1) <strong>Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?</strong>:

<strong>Weekly Class Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?

-Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics

&nbsp;

<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

]]]Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

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[[[Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span>

]]]Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span>

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&nbsp;

(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Weekly Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

&nbsp;

<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span>

]]]MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span>

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[[[Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span>

]]]Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span>

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Weekly Class Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks

-Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

&nbsp;

<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span>

]]]Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span>

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[[[Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

]]]Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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.................................................................................................................]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>5</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 13:52:45]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 18:52:45]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[open]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="category" nicename="uncategorized"><![CDATA[Standard]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646333565]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (just links)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=21</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:19:46 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=21</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Links to Readings</strong>:

-Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

-Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

-Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

-Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></span>

&nbsp;

<strong>Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong>:

-Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span>

-Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response. </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>

-Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

-Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>21</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:19:46]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:19:46]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 13:45:50]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 18:45:50]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646333150]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 3-Economy (v1-All Links-FPR, Policy Options)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=25</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:22:20 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=25</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Economy I – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

-Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</span></a></span>

-Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span>

-Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span>

&nbsp;

<strong>Economy II – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

-Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span>

-Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>

-Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

-Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span>

-Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-stilla-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-stilla-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>25</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:22:20]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:22:20]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 13:57:33]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 18:57:33]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646333853]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 4-Education (v2a-All Articles-FPR, Dive)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=27</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:22:48 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=27</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

]]]Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

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[[[Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span>

]]]Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span>

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[[[Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

]]]Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

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[[[Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span>

]]]Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span>

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[[[Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span>

]]]Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</span></a></span>

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</span></a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

]]]Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

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[[[Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

]]]Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

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[[[Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span>

]]]Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</span></a></span>

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</span></a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</span></a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>27</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:22:48]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:22:48]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 14:08:11]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 19:08:11]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646334491]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v1-All Links-FPR)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=29</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:23:21 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=29</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span>

]]]King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span>

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[[[Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</span></a></span>

]]]Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>29</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:23:21]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:23:21]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 14:12:55]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 19:12:55]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646334775]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (links and articles)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=35</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:30:56 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=35</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[&nbsp;

<strong>Links to Readings</strong>:

-Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

-Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

-Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

-Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

&nbsp;

<strong>Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong>:

-Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

-Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

-Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

-Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

&nbsp;

&nbsp;
<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Full Readings</strong>:</p>
-Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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<p class="page-break-before">-Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span></p>
<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</span>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.

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&nbsp;
<p class="page-break-before">-Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></p>

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<h1 class="h1"><span>For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a>is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="page-break-before">-Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

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<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the<a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a>at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<h2>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<h2>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong>:</p>
-Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</span>

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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">NOVEMBER 13, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" title="View all posts by NASMA AHMED" role="link">NASMA AHMED</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" title="View all posts by TOBY HARPER-MERRETT" role="link">TOBY HARPER-MERRETT</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1493" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1493 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-technology-digital-policy tag-covid-19-tech tag-fpr-original tag-internet-access">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<span> </span><a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a><span> </span>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<span> </span><em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a><span> </span>to<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a><span> </span>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<span> </span><em>(does the service reach you?)</em><span> </span>and another of uptake<span> </span><em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<span> </span><a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a><span> </span>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<span> </span><em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<span> </span><a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<span> </span><a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a><span> </span>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<span> </span><a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<span> </span><em>begin</em><span> </span>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<span> </span><em>most</em><span> </span>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<span> </span><a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a><span> </span>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<span> </span><a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" role="link"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/cfca40cfb45bdd73245dd82d61c6a7d8?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID–19 + TECH</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<p class="page-break-before">-Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></p>
<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 11, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.

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<blockquote>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>Older adults</strong></h2>
Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.

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<blockquote>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>People with Disabilities</strong></h2>
Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
<ol>
 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
</ol>
Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link">VACCINES</a></div>
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</article>&nbsp;
<p class="page-break-before">-Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span></p>
<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 16, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link">SANÉ DUBE</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

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<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<h2>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</h2>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

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<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

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<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<p class="page-break-before">-Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span></p>

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<div>Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</div>
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<div style="font-weight: 500 !important">MAY 1, 2020|IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>|BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">GEORGETTE MORRIS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">SHIREEN SALTI</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">ANJUM SULTANA</a></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

“I was a doctor back home.”

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“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

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“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

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“Seven years.”

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“Ten.”

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We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

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The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

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Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

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Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

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As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

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<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

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We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:

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·       Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.

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·       Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.

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·       Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.

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·       Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.

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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a> </strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>

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<h5 style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/">Georgette Morris</a></h5>
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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>35</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:30:56]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:30:56]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 13:43:17]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 18:43:17]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-links-and-articles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646332997]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-links-and-articles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (articles formatted #1)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=55</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 19:53:27 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=55</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1><strong>Chapter 2-Health (articles formatted)</strong></h1>
<strong>Links to Readings</strong>:

-Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

-Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

-Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

-Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

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<strong>Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong>:

-Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

-Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

-Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

-Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Full Readings</strong>:</p>
-Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<p class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">```Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></p>

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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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<p class="page-break-before">-Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span></p>
<p class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">```Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</span></p>

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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.

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<p class="page-break-before">-Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></p>

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<h1 class="h1"><span>```For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="background-inner">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a>is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="page-break-before">-Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<h1 class="h1"><span>```Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

&nbsp;

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the<a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a>at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<h2>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<h2>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/3977af400980021c59bb6d67276273b7?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Samir Sinha</a></h5>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong>:</p>
-Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>
<p class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">```The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</span></p>

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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">NOVEMBER 13, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" title="View all posts by NASMA AHMED" role="link">NASMA AHMED</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" title="View all posts by TOBY HARPER-MERRETT" role="link">TOBY HARPER-MERRETT</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1493" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1493 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-technology-digital-policy tag-covid-19-tech tag-fpr-original tag-internet-access">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<span> </span><a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a><span> </span>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<span> </span><em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a><span> </span>to<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a><span> </span>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<span> </span><em>(does the service reach you?)</em><span> </span>and another of uptake<span> </span><em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<span> </span><a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a><span> </span>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<span> </span><em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<span> </span><a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<span> </span><a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a><span> </span>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<span> </span><a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<span> </span><em>begin</em><span> </span>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<span> </span><em>most</em><span> </span>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<span> </span><a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a><span> </span>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<span> </span><a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<p class="page-break-before">-Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></p>
<p class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">```Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</span></p>

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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 11, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.

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<blockquote>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>Older adults</strong></h2>
Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.

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<blockquote>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>People with Disabilities</strong></h2>
Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
<ol>
 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
</ol>
Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.

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</article>&nbsp;
<p class="page-break-before">-Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span></p>
<p class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">```COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</span></p>

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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 16, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link">SANÉ DUBE</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

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<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

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<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<h2>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</h2>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

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<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

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<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<p class="page-break-before">-Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span></p>

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<div>```<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">```</span>Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</div>
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<div style="font-weight: 500 !important">MAY 1, 2020|IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>|BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">GEORGETTE MORRIS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">SHIREEN SALTI</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">ANJUM SULTANA</a></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

“I was a doctor back home.”

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“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

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“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

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“Seven years.”

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“Ten.”

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We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

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The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

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Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

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Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

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As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

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<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

&nbsp;

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:

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·       Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.

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·       Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.

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·       Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.

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·       Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.

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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a> </strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>

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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>55</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 15:53:27]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 19:53:27]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 13:41:05]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 18:41:05]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646332865]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (articles formatted #2)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=62</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 20:17:43 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=62</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="1011" height="574" alt="" /></a>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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-Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

&nbsp;
<p class="page-break-before">-Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span></p>

<h2 class="m-a-box-tab m-a-box-content m-a-box-profile" data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</span></h2>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="t-entry-visual-cont"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672 alignleft" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="2501" height="1407" alt="" /></a></div>
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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.

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-Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<p class="page-break-before">-Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></p>

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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></h2>
<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="background-inner">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a>is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<div>-Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<p class="page-break-before">-Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

&nbsp;

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the<a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a>at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<h2>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<h2>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/3977af400980021c59bb6d67276273b7?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Samir Sinha</a></h5>
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<p class="page-break-before">-Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong>:</p>
-Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">NOVEMBER 13, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" title="View all posts by NASMA AHMED" role="link">NASMA AHMED</a>AND<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" title="View all posts by TOBY HARPER-MERRETT" role="link">TOBY HARPER-MERRETT</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1493" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1493 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-technology-digital-policy tag-covid-19-tech tag-fpr-original tag-internet-access">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID–19 + TECH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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-Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

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<p class="page-break-before">-Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></p>

<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 11, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.

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<blockquote>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>Older adults</strong></h2>
Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.

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<blockquote>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>People with Disabilities</strong></h2>
Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
<ol>
 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
</ol>
Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.

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-Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>
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&nbsp;
<p class="page-break-before">-Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span></p>

<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 16, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link">SANÉ DUBE</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

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<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

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<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<h2>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</h2>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

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<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

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<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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-Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>
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<p class="page-break-before">-Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span></p>

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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</span></h2>
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<div style="font-weight: 500 !important">MAY 1, 2020|IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>|BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">GEORGETTE MORRIS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">SHIREEN SALTI</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">ANJUM SULTANA</a></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

“I was a doctor back home.”

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“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

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“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

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“Seven years.”

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“Ten.”

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We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

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The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

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Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

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Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

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As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

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<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

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We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:

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·       Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.

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·       Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.

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·       Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.

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·       Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.

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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>

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<h5 style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/">Georgette Morris</a></h5>
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<h5 style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/">Shireen Salti</a></h5>
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<h5 style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/">Anjum Sultana</a></h5>
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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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.-Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

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</article>&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>62</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 16:17:43]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 20:17:43]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 13:38:35]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 18:38:35]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-2__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646332715]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-2]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (articles formatted #3)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=73</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 20:46:49 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=73</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] </span></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="115" height="56" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="1011" height="574" alt="" /></a>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 class="m-a-box-tab m-a-box-content m-a-box-profile" data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] </span></h2>
<h2 class="m-a-box-tab m-a-box-content m-a-box-profile" data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</span></h2>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="76" height="31" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] </span></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></h2>
<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="background-inner">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a>is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a></h5>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<div><strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

&nbsp;

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the<a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a>at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<h2>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<h2>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/3977af400980021c59bb6d67276273b7?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Samir Sinha</a></h5>
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">[```] </span></h2>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">NOVEMBER 13, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" title="View all posts by NASMA AHMED" role="link">NASMA AHMED</a>AND<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" title="View all posts by TOBY HARPER-MERRETT" role="link">TOBY HARPER-MERRETT</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1493" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1493 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-technology-digital-policy tag-covid-19-tech tag-fpr-original tag-internet-access">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" role="link"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/cfca40cfb45bdd73245dd82d61c6a7d8?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID–19 + TECH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

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<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 11, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.

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<blockquote>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>Older adults</strong></h2>
Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.

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<blockquote>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>People with Disabilities</strong></h2>
Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
<ol>
 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>
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<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 16, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link">SANÉ DUBE</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

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<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

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<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<h2>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</h2>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

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<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

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<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>
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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</span></h2>
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<div style="font-weight: 500 !important">MAY 1, 2020|IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>|BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">GEORGETTE MORRIS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">SHIREEN SALTI</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">ANJUM SULTANA</a></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

“I was a doctor back home.”

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“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

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“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

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“Seven years.”

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“Ten.”

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We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

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The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

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Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

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Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

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As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

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<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

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We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:

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·       Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.

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·       Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.

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·       Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.

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·       Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.

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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>

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<h5 style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/">Anjum Sultana</a></h5>
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<div>Posts by this author</div>
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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

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</article>&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>73</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 16:46:49]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 20:46:49]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 12:30:44]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 17:30:44]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-3__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646328644]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-3]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (articles formatted #4)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=78</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 20:53:46 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=78</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="45" height="21" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="1011" height="574" alt="" /></a>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 class="m-a-box-tab m-a-box-content m-a-box-profile" data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</span></h2>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="51" height="20" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></h2>
<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="background-inner">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a>is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<div><strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the<a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a>at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<h2>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<h2>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/3977af400980021c59bb6d67276273b7?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Samir Sinha</a></h5>
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</span></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 13, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" title="View all posts by NASMA AHMED" role="link">NASMA AHMED</a>AND<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" title="View all posts by TOBY HARPER-MERRETT" role="link">TOBY HARPER-MERRETT</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1493" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1493 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-technology-digital-policy tag-covid-19-tech tag-fpr-original tag-internet-access">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<div class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/cfca40cfb45bdd73245dd82d61c6a7d8?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID–19 + TECH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

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<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</span></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 11, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.

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<blockquote>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</blockquote>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.

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<blockquote>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</blockquote>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>
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<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 16, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link">SANÉ DUBE</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

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<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

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<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<h2>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</h2>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

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<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

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<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>
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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</span></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important">MAY 1, 2020|IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>|BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">GEORGETTE MORRIS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">SHIREEN SALTI</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">ANJUM SULTANA</a></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:

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·       Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.

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·       Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.

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·       Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.

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·       Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.

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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Georgette Morris</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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<em>Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<h2 class="m-a-box-tab m-a-box-content m-a-box-profile" data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</span></h2>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="40" height="19" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="t-entry-visual-cont"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672 alignnone" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="784" height="441" alt="" /></a></div>
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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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<em>Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em>

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link">HEALTH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></h2>
<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="background-inner"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<div><strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the<a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a>at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<h2>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<h2>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"> https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Ahmed-TheDigitalDivideIsAboutEquity-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.37.56-PM-300x115.png" alt="" width="903" height="346" class="alignnone wp-image-99" /></h2>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</span></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 13, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" title="View all posts by NASMA AHMED" role="link">NASMA AHMED</a>AND<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" title="View all posts by TOBY HARPER-MERRETT" role="link">TOBY HARPER-MERRETT</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nasma Ahmed</a></h5>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</span></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 11, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>

As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.

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<blockquote>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</blockquote>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.

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<blockquote>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</blockquote>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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<em>Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em>

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/"> https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Dube-COVID-19ShowsThatRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.41.11-PM-300x91.png" alt="" width="910" height="276" class="alignnone wp-image-102" /></h2>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 16, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link">SANÉ DUBE</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

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<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

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<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<h2>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</h2>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

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<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

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<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Morris-Foreign-TrainedDoctors-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.42.19-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="918" height="367" class="alignnone wp-image-103" /></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</span></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important">MAY 1, 2020|IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>|BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">GEORGETTE MORRIS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">SHIREEN SALTI</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">ANJUM SULTANA</a></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:

&nbsp;

·       Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.

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·       Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.

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·       Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.

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·       Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.

&nbsp;

Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

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</article>&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>85</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 18:31:24]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 22:31:24]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 12:26:51]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 17:26:51]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-5__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646328411]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-5]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v6)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=105</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 23:53:47 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=105</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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<em>Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<h2 class="m-a-box-tab m-a-box-content m-a-box-profile" data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</span></h2>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 22, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link">AISHA LOFTERS</a></div>
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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="40" height="19" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="t-entry-visual-cont"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672 alignnone" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="693" height="390" alt="" /></a></div>
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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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<em>Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em>

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link">HEALTH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</span></h2>
<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link">ZAHRA BHIMANI</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<div><strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 18, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" class="" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" role="link">SAMIR SINHA</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox">“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Samir Sinha</a></div>
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a></p>

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Ahmed-TheDigitalDivideIsAboutEquity-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.37.56-PM-300x115.png" alt="" width="903" height="346" class="alignnone wp-image-99" /></h2>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</span></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">NOVEMBER 13, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" title="View all posts by NASMA AHMED" role="link">NASMA AHMED</a>AND<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" title="View all posts by TOBY HARPER-MERRETT" role="link">TOBY HARPER-MERRETT</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nasma Ahmed</a></h5>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID–19 + TECH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</span></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 11, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a>,<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/technology-digital-policy/" title="View all posts in Technology + digital policy" class="" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">|</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link">NOUR ABDELAAL</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>

As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox">Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox">Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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<em>Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Dube-COVID-19ShowsThatRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.41.11-PM-300x91.png" alt="" width="910" height="276" class="alignnone wp-image-102" /></h2>
<h2 class="page-break-before"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</span></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 16, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link">SANÉ DUBE</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

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<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

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<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox">“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

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<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

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<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>
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<h2><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</span></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important">MAY 1, 2020|IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>|BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">GEORGETTE MORRIS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">SHIREEN SALTI</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-weight: 500 !important">ANJUM SULTANA</a></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span>

“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
<ul>
 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>105</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 19:53:47]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 23:53:47]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 12:24:01]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 17:24:01]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-6__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646328240]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-articles-formatted-6]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v7-delete text titles)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=114</link><pubDate>Tue, 26 Oct 2021 00:42:48 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=114</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></div>
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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="663" height="373" alt="" /></a>

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<p class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></p>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="74" height="74" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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<em>Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

<hr />

<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="40" height="19" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<p class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a></p>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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<p class="t-entry-readmore btn-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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<em>Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<div><strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox">“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<p class="page-break-before"><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a></p>

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nasma Ahmed</a></h5>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></div>
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox">Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox">Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
<ol>
 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
</ol>
Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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<em>Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em>

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Dube-COVID-19ShowsThatRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.41.11-PM-300x91.png" alt="" width="910" height="276" class="alignnone wp-image-102" /></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></div>
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<article id="post-1290" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1290 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>

Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.

Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>

I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.

And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.

A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.

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<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>

Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>

So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.

The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.

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<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>

I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.

And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.

So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox">“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.

So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.

And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.

Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.

So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="77" height="77" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Sané Dube</a></h5>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Morris-Foreign-TrainedDoctors-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.42.19-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="918" height="367" class="alignnone wp-image-103" /></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
<ul>
 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Georgette Morris</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</a></div>
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Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.

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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>114</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 20:42:48]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-26 00:42:48]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 12:12:50]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 17:12:50]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v7-delete-text-titles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646327570]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v7-delete-text-titles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v8-delete text titles, format)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=116</link><pubDate>Tue, 26 Oct 2021 01:00:53 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=116</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="663" height="373" alt="" /></a>

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas</div>
<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="74" height="74" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a class="m-a-box-data-toggle" role="link"><span class="m-a-box-string-more-posts">Posts by this author</span></a></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em>Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="40" height="19" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
<img class="wp-image-85466" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/cab-driver.jpg?time=1634946443" width="232" height="298" alt="cab-driver" style="font-size: 1em" />

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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas</div>
<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em>Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></div>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link">HEALTH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link">RACE</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<article id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox">“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Samir Sinha</a></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a>
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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Ahmed-TheDigitalDivideIsAboutEquity-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.37.56-PM-300x115.png" alt="" width="903" height="346" class="alignnone wp-image-99" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nasma Ahmed</a></h5>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID–19 + TECH</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</span></a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox">Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</div>
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<div class="uncont"><strong style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.602em">Older adults</strong></div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox">Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em>Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em></div>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em><em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.
<strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong>I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.
<strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong>Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.
<strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong>So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.
<strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong>I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox">“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.
<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.
<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.
<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="77" height="77" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Sané Dube</a></h5>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Morris-Foreign-TrainedDoctors-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.42.19-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="918" height="367" class="alignnone wp-image-103" /></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”“It’s been three years since I practised last.”“Seven years.”`“Ten.”We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
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 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Georgette Morris</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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<div>Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.</div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>116</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 21:00:53]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-26 01:00:53]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 12:07:20]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 17:07:20]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v8-delete-text-titles-format__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646327240]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v8-delete-text-titles-format]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v9-delete text titles, format)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=119</link><pubDate>Tue, 26 Oct 2021 13:16:55 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=119</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="663" height="373" alt="" /></a>

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a> <span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas</div>
<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="74" height="74" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em>Grace-Edward Galabuzi is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></div>
<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="40" height="19" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="t-entry-visual-cont"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672 alignnone" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="629" height="354" alt="" /></a></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas</div>
<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a>

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<p class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.602em">Author(s)</span></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></h5>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em style="font-size: 1em">Aisha Lofters is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></div>
<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">RACE</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<div class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="86" height="86" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a></h5>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<article id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox">“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.
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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.602em">Author(s)</span>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Samir Sinha</a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a>
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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span></div>
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<article id="post-1493" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1493 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-technology-digital-policy tag-covid-19-tech tag-fpr-original tag-internet-access">
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.602em">Author(s)</span>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nasma Ahmed</a></h5>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">COVID–19 + TECH </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</span></a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox">Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox">Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em>Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em></div>
<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Dube-COVID-19ShowsThatRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.41.11-PM-300x91.png" alt="" width="910" height="276" class="alignnone wp-image-102" /></h2>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em><em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong></div>
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I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox">“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="61" height="61" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Sané Dube</a></h5>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

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<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
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 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Georgette Morris</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</a></div>
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<div><span style="font-size: 1em">Anjum Sultana is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.</span></div>
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<div data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="663" height="373" alt="" /></a>

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a> <span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="74" height="74" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="40" height="19" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="t-entry-visual-cont"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672 alignnone" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="629" height="354" alt="" /></a></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a><span class="t-entry-date"> February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">RACE</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="86" height="86" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></p>

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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em></p>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<article id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox">“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Samir Sinha</a>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a>
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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Ahmed-TheDigitalDivideIsAboutEquity-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.37.56-PM-300x115.png" alt="" width="903" height="346" class="alignnone wp-image-99" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span></div>
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<article id="post-1493" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1493 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-technology-digital-policy tag-covid-19-tech tag-fpr-original tag-internet-access">
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

<span style="color: #0000ff"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Nasma Ahmed</a></span>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toby Harper-Merrett</a></span></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">COVID–19 + TECH </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</span></a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox">Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox">Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em>Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em></div>
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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em><em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong></div>
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I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox">“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="61" height="61" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Sané Dube</a></h5>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Morris-Foreign-TrainedDoctors-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.42.19-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="918" height="367" class="alignnone wp-image-103" /></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
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 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Georgette Morris</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</a><span style="font-size: 1em"> is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.</span></div>
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<div data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/april-2020/first-nations-need-to-play-a-role-in-post-covid-recovery/" style="color: #0000ff">First Nations need to play a role in post-COVID recovery</a></span></h1>
<em>Policy Options</em>, April 29, 2020, Sharleen Gale

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Fist Nations, Indigenous people, Economy, COVID-19, Policy Options</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Gale, S. (2020, April 29). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/april-2020/first-nations-need-to-play-a-role-in-post-covid-recovery/" style="color: #0000ff">First Nations need to play a role in post-COVID recovery</a></span>. <em>Policy Options</em>.

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<h1><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.utoronto.ca/news/land-based-learning-online-how-one-u-t-professor-reimagined-ground-breaking-course-amid-covid" style="color: #0000ff">'Land-based' learning online? How one U of T professor reimagined a ground-breaking course amid COVID-19</a></span></h1>
<em>U of T News</em>, September 9, 2020, Heidi Singer

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Education, Post-secondary education, Indigenous students, COVID-19, Online learning, U of T news</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Singer, H. (2020, September 9). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.utoronto.ca/news/land-based-learning-online-how-one-u-t-professor-reimagined-ground-breaking-course-amid-covid" style="color: #0000ff">'Land-based' learning online? How one U of T professor reimagined a ground-breaking course amid COVID-19</a></span>. <em>U of T News</em>.

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<h1 class="legacy entry-title instapaper_title"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/who-decides-whats-essential-the-importance-of-indigenous-ceremony-during-covid-19-159793" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>Who decides what’s essential? The importance of Indigenous ceremony during <span class="nobr">COVID-19</span></strong></a></span></h1>
<em>The Conversation</em>, October 24, 2021, Jodi John, Angela Mashford-Pringe, Heather Castleden, Janice Hill, Marc Calabretta, Mark Dockstator, &amp; Wendy Phillips

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous people, Indigenous ally, Toolkit, Montreal Urban Aboriginal Community Strategy Network</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: John, J., Mashford-Pringe, A., Castleden, H., Hill, J., Calabretta, M., Dockstator, M., &amp; Phillips, W. (2021, October 24). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/who-decides-whats-essential-the-importance-of-indigenous-ceremony-during-covid-19-159793" style="color: #0000ff">Who decides what’s essential? The importance of Indigenous ceremony during COVID-19</a></span>. <em>The Conversation</em>.

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<h1 id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccab.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Covid-Phase-2-report-FINAL-Jun14.pdf" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 Indigenous business survey: Phase II</a></span></h1>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Indigenous business, COVID-19, Economic development, Canadian Council for Aboriginal Business (CCAB), National Aboriginal Capital Corporations Association (NACCA), National Indigenous Economic Development Board (NIEDB)</span>

<strong>Citation</strong>: Canadian Council for Aboriginal Business (CCAB), National Aboriginal Capital Corporations Association (NACCA), &amp; National Indigenous Economic Development Board (NIEDB). (2021, June). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccab.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Covid-Phase-2-report-FINAL-Jun14.pdf" style="color: #0000ff"><em>COVID-19 Indigenous business survey: Phase II</em></a></span>.

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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="663" height="373" alt="" /></a>

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a> <span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="74" height="74" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="40" height="19" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link"><span>precarious working and living situations</span></a><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span>genetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link"><span>colonial histories</span></a><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="t-entry-visual-cont"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-85672 alignnone" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR_Town_Hall_TVO_BG_Edits-05.png?time=1634946443" width="629" height="354" alt="" /></a></div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a><span class="t-entry-date"> February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">RACE</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/ZahraBhimani" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">push for race-based data collection</a>and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality.<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a>that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than<a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a>has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a>committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with<a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights),<a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a>of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through<a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French.<a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a>are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="86" height="86" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></p>

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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em></p>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<article id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our<a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a>towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox">“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Samir Sinha</a>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a>
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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span></div>
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<em>Nasma Ahmed is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.<a href="https://twitter.com/thll" role="link">Toby Harper-Merrett</a>has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em>

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Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley<em>oeuvre</em>. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.

COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a>to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a>during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the<a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ.<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">Social determinants</a>have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a<a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a>– for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the<a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to<em>begin</em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the<em>most</em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by<a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a>through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has<a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

<span style="color: #0000ff"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Nasma Ahmed</a></span>

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toby Harper-Merrett</a></span></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">COVID–19 + TECH </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</span></a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></div>
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for<a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s<a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a>vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a>and<a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a>(including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups<u>citing<a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>,<a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a>and<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a>as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a>in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox">Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access,<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a>continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a>shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In<a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a>and<a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also<a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less<a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a>in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a>show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report<a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a>that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox">Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a>living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a>with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
<ol>
 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout.<a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a>allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a<a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a>competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a>for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>:<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a>that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has<a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a>with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than<a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a>— a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary.<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a>sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have<a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Nour Abdelaal</a></h5>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em>Nour Abdelaal is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em></div>
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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em><em>This interview with<strong>Sané Dube</strong>,</em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the<a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that?</strong>Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a<a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a>that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em>season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong></div>
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I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox">“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="61" height="61" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Sané Dube</a></h5>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

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<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity</strong>The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
<ul>
 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
</ul>
Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://twitter.com/policyprobs"><strong style="font-weight: 600"><em>Georgette Morris</em></strong></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <strong style="font-weight: 600"><a href="https://twitter.com/ShireenSalti">Shireen Salti</a></strong>is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. <a href="https://twitter.com/AnjumSultana"><strong style="font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</strong></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Georgette Morris</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Shireen Salti</a></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/anjum-sultana/" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;font-weight: 600">Anjum Sultana</a><span style="font-size: 1em"> is national director of Public Policy, Advocacy and Strategic Communications for YWCA Canada.</span></div>
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<div data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>146</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-26 12:54:46]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-26 16:54:46]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 11:52:24]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 16:52:24]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v11__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646326344]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v11]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v12-1 article)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=149</link><pubDate>Tue, 26 Oct 2021 17:07:13 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=149</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn<a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a>and have<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth</a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada</a>data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of<a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a>it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a<a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link">social determinant of health</a>and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Equity, Economic Recovery &amp; COVID-19</a> <span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span>
<div class="t-entry-excerpt ">Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-economic-recovery-covid-19-event/" class="btn btn-default " target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">READ MORE</a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="74" height="74" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>149</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-26 13:07:13]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-26 17:07:13]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 11:54:15]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 16:54:15]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v12-1-article__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646326455]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v12-1-article]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v14)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=151</link><pubDate>Wed, 27 Oct 2021 13:25:55 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=151</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<p class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link"><span style="text-decoration: underline">TVO.org</span></a> and First Policy Response  </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1634946443" width="39" height="18" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a> and have <a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth </a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox">The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span> data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of <a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a> it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">social determinant of health</a></span> and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="49" height="54" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious working and living situations</a></span><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span><span style="text-decoration: underline">g</span>enetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">colonial histories</a></span><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="56" height="56" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">RACE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">push for race-based data collection</a></span> and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality. <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a> that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a> reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than <a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a> has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) <a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a> committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an <a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with <a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights), <a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a> of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link">community‐based participatory research</a>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French. <a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a> are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="55" height="55" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></p>

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></span>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our <a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a> towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox">“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox">“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/">Dr. Samir Sinha</a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a>

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">oeuvre</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.</span>

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COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a> to <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a> during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the <a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social determinants</a></span> have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a <a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a> – for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the <a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to <em>begin </em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the <em>most </em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by <a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a> through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has <a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Nasma Ahmed</a></span> is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.</em></em>

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<div><em><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Toby Harper-Merrett</span></a> has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em></em></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">COVID–19 + TECH</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</span></a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></div>
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for <a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s <a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a> vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show <a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a> and <a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a> (including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups <u>citing <a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link">long wait times</a></u>, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link">technology troubleshooting</a> and <a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a> as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a></span> in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox">Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the <a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access, <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a> continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a> shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In <a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a> and <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also <a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less <a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a> in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a> show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report <a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a> that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox">Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a> living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a> with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
<ol>
 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout. <a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a> allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a <a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a> competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received <a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a> for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s<a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a>is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>: <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a> that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has <a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a> with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than <a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a> — a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary. <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a> sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have <a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/">Nour Abdelaal</a> is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em></div>
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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">POLICY </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em><em>This interview with <strong>Sané Dube</strong>, </em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the <a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that? </strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a> that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em> season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong></div>
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I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox">“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario <a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="61" height="61" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/">Sané Dube</a> is a </em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the <a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

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<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity </strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
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 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/"><em>Georgette Morris</em></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law.</em>

<em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="color: #0000ff">Shireen Salti</a></span> is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. </em>

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anjum Sultana</span></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a>,<span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>151</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-27 09:25:55]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-27 13:25:55]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 11:49:21]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 16:49:21]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v14__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646326161]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v14]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v15-FinalAssessments)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=164</link><pubDate>Thu, 28 Oct 2021 12:19:45 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=164</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a> and have <a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth </a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox"><em>The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</em></div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span> data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of <a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a> it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">social determinant of health</a></span> and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="49" height="54" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

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<span>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious working and living situations</a></span><span>? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</em></div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span><span style="text-decoration: underline">g</span>enetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">colonial histories</a></span><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="56" height="56" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">RACE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">push for race-based data collection</a></span> and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality. <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a> that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a> reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than <a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a> has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) <a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a> committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an <a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with <a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights), <a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a> of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community‐based participatory research</a></span>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French. <a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a> are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="55" height="55" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></p>

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></span>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our <a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a> towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox"><em>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox"><em>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/">Dr. Samir Sinha</a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a>

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Final Chapter Assessments</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<strong>Policy in Action</strong>:

You work writing policy for the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.health.gov.on.ca/en/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care</a></span> (LTC). There is going to be a provincial election and, regardless of the outcome, a new Minister of Health is expected to be sworn in.

Please write a short policy brief (750-1,000 words long, excluding references) that will focus on Ontario's long-term care system. It will present the minister with the top 3 issues that s/he will encounter in her/his new portfolio as well as your recommendations as to a possible future direction for the incoming minister and ministry.

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<strong>Final Paper</strong>:

Write a traditional academic essay (750-1,000 words long, excluding references) that critically examines one aspect of health care that was, is, or will be impacted by Covid. Please feel free to examine any level of government (e.g., federal, provincial, or municipal) or any type of organization (e.g., a corporation, NGO, advocacy group, etc.).

-Covid transmission, infection prevention, and control

-disproportionate racial impact of Covid

-Covid's disproportionate impact on women

-vaccination hesitancy

-Covid health misinformation

-child vaccination

-Covid side effects

-National/provincial/municipal vaccination deployment and vaccination plan
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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">oeuvre</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.</span>

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COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a> to <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a> during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the <a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social determinants</a></span> have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a <a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a> – for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the <a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to <em>begin </em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the <em>most </em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by <a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a> through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has <a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Nasma Ahmed</a></span> is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.</em>

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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Toby Harper-Merrett</span></a> has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">COVID–19 + TECH</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</span></a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></div>
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for <a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s <a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a> vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show <a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a> and <a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a> (including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups citing <span style="color: #0000ff"><u><a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">long wait times</a></u>, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">technology troubleshooting</a></span> and <a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a> as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a></span> in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox"><em>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</em></div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the <a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access, <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a> continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a> shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In <a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a> and <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also <a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less <a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a> in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a> show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report <a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a> that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox"><em>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</em></div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a> living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a> with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout. <a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a> allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a <a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a> competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received <a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a> for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s <a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a> is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>: <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a> that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has <a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a> with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than <a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a> — a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary. <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a> sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have <a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="61" height="61" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/">Nour Abdelaal</a> is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em></div>
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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">POLICY </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Dube-COVID-19ShowsThatRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.41.11-PM-300x91.png" alt="" width="910" height="276" class="alignnone wp-image-102" /></h2>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em><em>This interview with <strong>Sané Dube</strong>, </em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the <a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that? </strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a> that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em> season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong></div>
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I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox"><em>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</em></div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario <a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="37" height="37" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/">Sané Dube</a> is a </em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the <a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Morris-Foreign-TrainedDoctors-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.42.19-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="918" height="367" class="alignnone wp-image-103" /></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity </strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
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 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/"><em>Georgette Morris</em></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law.</em>

<em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="color: #0000ff">Shireen Salti</a></span> is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. </em>

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anjum Sultana</span></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a>,<span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>164</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-28 08:19:45]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-28 12:19:45]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 11:47:34]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 16:47:34]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v15-finalassessments__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646326054]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v15-finalassessments]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v16-FinalAssessments,ExtraReadings)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=179</link><pubDate>Fri, 29 Oct 2021 16:27:57 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=179</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link">low wages</a> and have <a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link">little wealth </a>to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox"><em>The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</em></div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span> data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of <a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link">working poverty</a> it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">social determinant of health</a></span> and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="49" height="54" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</a></em><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link">RACE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz</strong>:

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<strong>Check the map below to see how Covid has impacted various Canadian provinces</strong>.
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<strong>The chart below compares data from the map above. It accentuates the major difference between certain Canadian provinces and Canada as a whole</strong>.

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For more information, please read:<span> </span><strong>COVID-19 mortality rates in Canada’s ethno-cultural neighbourhoods</strong>

<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm</a>

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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span>80 per cent</span></a><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious working and living situations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</em></div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link"><span><span style="text-decoration: underline">g</span>enetics</span></a><span> or </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link"><span>culture</span></a><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link"><span>Sharing Medicine</span></a><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">colonial histories</a></span><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="56" height="56" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Aisha Lofters</a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">RACE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TVO</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></div>
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<article id="post-1446" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1446 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-health-economics tag-fpr-original">
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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">push for race-based data collection</a></span> and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality. <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link">Sociodemographic data reveal</a> that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a> reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than <a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link">$275 million</a> has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) <a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link">recently released a statement</a> committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an <a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link">ethical and scientific issue</a>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with <a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link">patient-oriented research strategies</a>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights), <a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link">patient and public voices were largely left out</a> of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community‐based participatory research</a></span>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French. <a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link">Low income and education levels</a> are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="55" height="55" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></p>

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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Zahra Bhimani</a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em></p>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></span>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></p>

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<article id="post-1299" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1299 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-support-for-the-marginalized tag-fpr-original">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our <a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link">analysis</a> towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox"><em>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox"><em>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/">Dr. Samir Sinha</a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link">National Institute on Ageing</a> at Ryerson University.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a>

<strong>Quiz</strong>:

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Final Chapter Assessments</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<strong>Policy in Action</strong>:

You work writing policy for the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.health.gov.on.ca/en/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care</a></span> (LTC). A provincial election has been called. Regardless of the outcome, a new Minister of Health is expected to be sworn in.

Please write a short policy brief (750-1,000 words long, excluding references) that will focus on Ontario's long-term care system. It will present the minister with what you believe are the top 3 issues that s/he will encounter in her/his new portfolio. It will also include your recommendations as to possible future directions for the incoming minister on each of these 3 issues.

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<strong>Final Paper</strong>:

Write a traditional academic essay (750-1,000 words long, excluding references) that critically examines one aspect of health care that was, is, or will be impacted by Covid. Please feel free to examine any level of government (e.g., federal, provincial, or municipal) or any type of organization (e.g., a corporation, NGO, advocacy group, etc.).
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 	<li>Covid transmission, infection prevention, and control</li>
 	<li>disproportionate racial impact of Covid</li>
 	<li>Covid's disproportionate impact on women</li>
 	<li>vaccination hesitancy</li>
 	<li>Covid health misinformation</li>
 	<li>child vaccination</li>
 	<li>Covid side effects</li>
 	<li>national/provincial/municipal vaccination deployment and vaccination plan</li>
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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Additional Possible Media From <em>First Policy Response</em></strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Everyone in Canada should be able to use the internet to share information, connect with friends and family, do schoolwork, access government services, find work and do their job and, yes, enjoy a selection from the Sarah Polley </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">oeuvre</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. But the chasm between those who do and do not have these capabilities will not be closed, filled or bridged by technology alone.</span>

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COVID-19 has underscored the consequences of that chasm, as inequities in Canadians’ ability to access digital technologies – the basis for everything from <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#erin-knight-digital-rights-campaigner-openmedia" role="link">post-secondary education</a> to <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/equity-inclusion-and-canadas-covid-alert-app/" role="link">contact tracing</a> during the pandemic – have threatened to exacerbate social and economic inequities. We want to ensure an inclusive society and better health, education and prosperity outcomes for all.

What is currently viewed as the “digital divide” is based on two questions that are frequently confounded: one of internet access<em>(does the service reach you?)</em>and another of uptake<em>(are you using the service?)</em>.

On the question of access, internet infrastructure across Canada is built through investment by facilities-based service providers and governments. Billions of Canadians’ dollars are being used to expand networks to the places they don’t already reach and upgrade technology to the next generation. If network infrastructure does not yet reach all Canadians, it should and it will. As MP Will Amos, member of the <a href="https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/43-1/INDU/meeting-13/evidence" role="link">Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology</a>, has said, there is “violent agreement” that internet access is vital, pivotal, essential and basic. (Call it anything other than a right: we have a right to the outcomes, not the technologies.)

However, the issue of uptake cannot be addressed with cables, satellites and antennae. On their own, these risk amplifying digital inequity, widening divides. Instead, to address uptake, we must ask what bars people from using the services they do have access to?

Think of it like health care. In Canada, every citizen has access to health care, yet depending on their income, where they live and what they look like, the availability and experience of health services may differ. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social determinants</a></span> have a direct impact on health outcomes. The same can be said for how we experience access to and uptake of internet services. As Amartya Sen writes in<em>Development as Freedom</em>, regardless of a person’s rights, what’s important is whether they are capable of exercising them.

The “digital divide” is at the intersection of other divides including sex, race, age, language, ability, education, income and location. The Charter of Rights protects Canadians from discrimination based on these factors, yet women, Black, Indigenous and people of colour, people living in rural and remote communities, those who are low-income and those living with disability are at higher risk of digital exclusion. Communities living at these intersections are more likely to face barriers in both access to and uptake of the internet.

Issues of digital equity are deeply rooted, connected and systemic. Innovation policy should not address them uninformed by their social determinants. It is essential to respond to divides with care; they existed prior to current technologies and can be exacerbated by new ones.

In a <a href="https://www.africaportal.org/publications/after-access-2018-demand-side-view-mobile-internet-10-african-countries/" role="link">recent report</a>, Alison Gillwald and Onkokame Mothobi shared their research findings on what happens “After Access.” They found, paradoxically, “as more people are connected … inequality is increasing not decreasing.” This means “connectivity alone will not be sufficient for countries to overcome the digital divide.”
<h3><strong>Digital inequity in a crisis</strong></h3>
In late March, Adam Gopnik <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/03/30/the-coronavirus-crisis-reveals-new-york-at-its-best-and-worst" role="link">wrote</a>: “Crises take an X-ray of a city’s class structure.” The past months of the COVID-19 pandemic have proven that observation scales to regions, countries and the globe, and it certainly applies to the digital world. People who take up new technologies forge ahead, widening rather than closing divides. Innovation that isn’t inclusive becomes the agent of further inequity.

The COVID-19 crisis has demonstrated the need for more holistic and inclusive approaches to innovation investment. For example, digital devices, connectivity and skills are vital for Canadians to benefit from public education. For some learners who were able to connect to the internet only at school or in a public space, those options have been limited by the pandemic. Generous sectoral responses were <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-telecommunications/news/2020/11/ian-scott-to-the-2020-canadian-internet-service-provider-summit.html" role="link">initiated</a> – for instance, many Internet Service Providers waived overage and data caps, didn’t disconnect accounts for non-payment, and donated devices and service plans to populations most at-risk of digital exclusion. Yet these measures were temporary and equity issues must be addressed at their core, so that we are better prepared for the next crisis.

According to a recent guidance document for governments from the <a href="https://ict4d2004.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/public-draft-emm-report-3.0.pdf" role="link">UNESCO Chair in Internet and Communications Technology for Development</a>: “One of the main lessons from responses to the outbreak of COVID-19 is that education systems across the world were unprepared for the changes that would be necessary to shift rapidly from a physical schools-based infrastructure to a widely dispersed online system of learning.” The document adds that “the provision of good public education is a crucial factor in building a successful economy and society…. However, such a vision must begin with a profound commitment by governments to <em>begin </em>by using technology to reach the unreached, and to ensure that the <em>most </em>marginalized are considered first in any proposed roll-out of digital technologies” (emphasis our own.)

Why don’t millions of Canadians benefit from internet uptake? This is about choices, or a lack thereof. The reasons why residents say they are not internet users can be reduced to quality of services, affordability of devices and connection, and digital literacy.

Internet quality measurement is complex. If internet infrastructure does reach you, does the quality of the available service limit the things you want to use it for? “Evaluation of internet performance should relate to human quality of experience,” Fenwick McKelvey, associate professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy at Concordia University, told us. “This means that speed is not the only factor.”

Affordability is the primary reason low-income households don’t have internet subscriptions. Many, including the International Telecommunication Union, have attempted to benchmark what portion of household budget is invested in telecommunication services. Most Canadians spend less than five per cent, while the lowest income – for example, people accessing disability benefits – can spend upwards of 10 per cent of their income, as shared within reports by <a href="https://acorncanada.org/resource/internet-essential-service" role="link">ACORN Canada</a> through its Internet For All campaign. This means families must navigate competing essential needs ranging from internet service to food and housing. This issue has only expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, when an internet subscription has become the default way people engage with each other and their employment.

Additionally, digital literacy remains a significant barrier to uptake, especially as Canada’s population ages. Mack Rogers of ABC Life Literacy Canada has <a href="https://abclifeliteracy.ca/blog-posts/digital-literacy-blog-posts/new-program-aims-to-strengthen-the-digital-literacy-skills-of-canadians/" role="link">said</a>: “The number of adult learners and seniors with access to the internet is growing significantly, but many of them don’t have the appropriate digital literacy skills to use the internet safely.”
<h3><strong>A new approach to digital policy</strong></h3>
Canada’s policy approach to internet pricing has historically been to subsidize the development of telecommunications infrastructure in less profitable markets with revenues from denser ones, encouraging competition through various regulatory levers. Though the pace sometimes resembles the Precambrian forces that shaped the same physical landscape, there has been progress.

Whether this approach remains the optimal one is the subject of some discussion. Internet subscription price comparisons abound. Many would agree, however, that the Canadian telecommunications market isn’t especially unfettered, given the government stage-setting and regulation shepherding it. Public dollars install miles of fibre-optic cable; public processes allocate bands of wireless spectrum; now public attention should turn to matters of uptake. Decentralizing the identification of target populations could produce coalitions involving municipalities, service providers and community organizations to deliver programs with the required social intelligence and impact.

These complex issues require innovation policies that acknowledge digital inequity doesn’t reflect an entirely, or even primarily, technological divide. A focus on equity would recognize that Canadian experiences are diverse, and solutions should be inclusive. Universal uptake of quality internet in Canada will have a multiplier effect; it will mean more of us can engage with and contribute to our communities.

As we try to build forward better from COVID-19, we suggest digital policies target more equitable outcomes by addressing the social determinants hindering innovation uptake.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nasma-ahmed/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Nasma Ahmed</a></span> is a technologist working toward building more just and equitable futures.</em>

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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/toby-harper-merrett/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Toby Harper-Merrett</span></a> has led information and communication technology for development (ICT4D) programs internationally and in Canada, particularly in the education sector, since before the iPhone.</em></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-tech/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-20 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">COVID–19 + TECH</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/internet-access/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-242 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">INTERNET ACCESS</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</span></a>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Abdellal-OnlineVaccinePortals-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.39.46-PM-300x114.png" alt="" width="903" height="343" class="alignnone wp-image-101" /></h2>
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></div>
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<article id="post-85916" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85916 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance category-technology-digital-policy tag-fpr-original tag-technology-digital-policy tag-vaccines">
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As Ontario prepares to launch its online COVID-19 vaccination portal for <a href="https://covid-19.ontario.ca/getting-covid-19-vaccine-ontario#phase-1" role="link">priority target groups</a>, many Canadians still don’t have the broadband internet access or digital literacy skills they need to successfully navigate such a process. Once again, the pandemic has shown us that access and adoption of internet services is no longer a luxury: the ability to navigate online services has become a key determinant of health outcomes.

Lessons learned from American states that already have online vaccination portals in place should help inform our vaccination strategy and uncover potential vaccine distribution inequities before it’s too late. Early evidence from California’s <a href="https://www.skedulo.com/news/california-partners-with-skedulo-for-covid-19-vaccine-distribution/" role="link">Skedulo</a> vaccine registration portal (<a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">which Ontario’s system will reportedly follow</a>) show <a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-29/coronavirus-covid-vaccine-equity-hospital-south-los-angeles-kedren-health" role="link">older adults</a>,<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">low-income individual</a><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/pros-cons-covid-19-vaccine-online-booking-portals-1.5920295" role="link">s</a> and <a href="https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-data-on-covid-19-vaccinations-race-ethnicity/" role="link">people of colour</a> (including Black and Latino) are being vaccinated at a disproportionately lower rate, with many underserved groups citing <span style="color: #0000ff"><u><a href="https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Kaiser-apologizes-for-long-phone-wait-times-amid-15876229.php" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">long wait times</a></u>, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961236772/covid-19-vaccine-distribution-how-high-tech-california-is-now-trying-to-fix-it" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">technology troubleshooting</a></span> and <a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-01-26/la-can-check-covid-19-vaccine-eligibility-via-state-site" role="link">digital literacy challenges</a> as their greatest hurdles to booking a vaccine appointment.

Here in Canada, the situation is unlikely to veer far from the U.S. experience. Based on what we know about the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unequal distribution of home internet adoption and digital literacy skills</a></span> in Canada, older adults, low-income individuals, remote residents and people with disabilities will find it difficult to book vaccination appointments online if proactive measures are not taken to correct Canada’s digital divides. While online vaccine registration is certainly needed in Canada, its effectiveness is limited if the people who need vaccination the most are the same people facing the most difficulty accessing and navigating these portals.
<div class="textbox"><em>Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.</em></div>
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Lower internet connectivity rates and digital literacy skills among older Canadians present a significant hurdle to securing online vaccine appointments, particularly for those living alone. For the <a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/policymonitoring/2018/cmr1.htm#f108" role="link">28 per cent of those aged 65 and older in Canada who do not have home internet</a>, online vaccination portals will simply be ineffective. Moreover, even among older adults with home internet access, <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link">lower internet speeds</a> continue to present a problem: 48 per cent of those aged 60 and older in Toronto report home download speeds below the CRTC’s 50 megabits per second (Mbps) target, compared to only 38 per cent overall. Particularly for vaccine portals in high demand, those with better internet quality are most likely to secure the limited vaccination slots.

Equally important for navigating vaccine portal pages is having the right digital literacy skills. A <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019015-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada study</a> shows older adults are less likely than younger Canadians to be exposed to the internet through close acquaintances or social networks, and a larger proportion do not rely on consistent access to the internet for work or personal use. Lack of familiarity with basic navigation skills is particularly a problem given online vaccine portals have been fraught with errors and delays. In <a href="https://www.sun-sentinel.com/coronavirus/fl-ne-seniors-want-vaccine-but-lack-computers-20210121-sxxuer6c7ran7ahiepasq6dlhm-story.html" role="link">Florida</a> and <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7662325/alberta-covid-19-vaccine-75-and-older/" role="link">Alberta</a>, online vaccine registration sites crashed upon their launch due to a much higher-than-anticipated volume of people trying to book appointments. Older adults without sufficient digital literacy skills are less likely to be able to troubleshoot their way around technical difficulties.
<h2><strong>Low-income communities</strong></h2>
Low-income households in Canada also <a href="https://crtc.gc.ca/pubs/cmr2019-en.pdf" role="link">report lower internet access rates and quality</a>: as of 2017, 31 per cent of households in the lowest income bracket did not have a computer and internet service at home, compared to only 1.5 per cent of households with the highest incomes. Moreover, almost half of households with an annual income of $30,000 or less <a href="https://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/111.nsf/eng/home" role="link">did not have high-speed internet</a> in 2018.

Ontario’s vaccine distribution plan does not explicitly designate low-income individuals as a priority group, although it does recognize those living in congregate settings, such as supportive housing and emergency homeless shelters. However, we know that low-income individuals face a disproportionately high chance of contracting COVID-19. The most recent numbers from <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">Toronto Public Health</a> show that people living in households with an income less than $30,000 make up 14 per cent of the city’s population, but nearly a quarter of its COVID-19 cases. By contrast, households with incomes above $150,000 represent 21 per cent of the population but only nine per cent of cases. Low-income communities also report <a href="https://www.publichealthontario.ca/-/media/documents/ncov/covid-wwksf/2020/05/what-we-know-social-determinants-health.pdf?la=en" role="link">more pre-existing health conditions</a> that could aggravate risks associated with COVID-19.

Home internet access is more crucial than ever now that access to the internet in public spaces has been limited by the closure of libraries, recreational facilities and cafés. Without equitable access to online public health services, many low-income Canadians will not get the help they need.
<div class="textbox"><em>Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need.</em></div>
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Individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities are a priority group eligible for vaccination in Phase 2 of Ontario’s vaccine rollout plan, set to begin next month. With more than <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181128/dq181128a-eng.htm" role="link">6.2 million people in Canada over the age of 15</a> living with a disability, critical public health services such as vaccine portals must provide a completely accessible, barrier-free process.

In 2018, about <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200706/dq200706a-eng.htm" role="link">one-fifth of people with disabilities did not use the internet</a>, compared to only 10 per cent overall. When <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">asked about equity concerns by the<em>Toronto Star</em></a>, an executive from Skedulo said the company was committed to working with the provincial government to address accessibility needs. With <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2016001-eng.htm" role="link">2.1 million Canadians</a> with a disability at risk of facing barriers in accessing information and communications technology, there should be no compromising on website accessibility, particularly for those who have been excluded from digital services in the past.
<h2><strong>Moving forward: Policy recommendations for a more equitable vaccine distribution</strong></h2>
Allowing the highest priority target groups to effectively access vaccines requires proactive programming and policy approaches that recognize Canada’s digital divides.
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 	<li><strong>Narrow age cut-offs for vaccine distribution phases</strong>: Online vaccine portals <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/01/09/world/covid-19-coronavirus" role="link">face high demand</a>, especially upon launch, with the most tech-savvy users swiftly seizing available booking times. Phase 1 of Ontario’s vaccine distribution strategy designates those aged 80 and older as a priority target group, followed by those aged 75 and older in Phase 2, and decreasing in five-year increments over the course of the vaccine rollout. <a href="https://www.alberta.ca/covid19-vaccine.aspx" role="link">Alberta’s plan</a> allowed those aged 75 and older to book a vaccine appointment upon the launch of their online portal, leading to a <a href="https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/demand-overwhelms-alberta-vaccine-appointment-site-on-first-day-of-eligibility" role="link">much greater than anticipated number of older Canadians</a> competing for limited slots. The vaccination plan received <a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">criticism</a> for failing to provide adequate age limits to ensure the oldest citizens get the vaccine first. Having a plan that limits age group access more narrowly will allow those most at risk to receive the vaccine first, with other priority groups following consecutively.</li>
 	<li><strong>Amplify community voices and consult equity-focused health experts</strong>: Making it easier for digitally underserved communities to access and navigate online vaccine portals requires preemptive solutions that bring the right technology tools and skills directly to communities in need. Ontario’s <a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/60596/ontario-completes-all-first-dose-covid-19-vaccinations-in-northern-remote-indigenous-communities" role="link">Operation Remote Immunity initiative</a> is a step in the right direction: the provincial government delivered the first doses of the vaccine directly to all 31 fly-in, remote Indigenous communities. Identifying where access to the online portal is lacking, and what specific impediments prevent populations in need from booking appointments online, will inform where technology resources can be delivered and what administration changes would be helpful — such as reserving specific time slots for certain groups or for appointments scheduled by phone, family physicians or community groups.</li>
 	<li><strong>Send advance notice of new appointment availabilities</strong>: <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-to-build-more-equitable-vaccine-distribution-technology/" role="link">U.S. technology and health experts note</a> that many people, particularly low-income and working individuals, do not have the time to continuously check appointment availabilities that appear unpredictably. The process could also overload websites unnecessarily as individuals continue to check back for updates. Instead, Washington, D.C., has <a href="https://dcist.com/story/21/02/15/dc-vaccine-portal-changing-not-a-waitlist/" role="link">experimented</a> with notifying people of a specific, predetermined time when new availabilities will be released so that individuals in need can plan to log on well ahead of time.</li>
 	<li><strong>Simplify the online process by requiring less information to register</strong>: Managing high portal demand requires streamlining the online process to ensure individuals can complete registration as quickly as possible and make room for other incoming users. After Alberta’s website crashed, technology fixes now allow the vaccine portal to handle more than <a href="https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/error-in-judgment-ahs-head-apologizes-for-frustration-long-wait-times-for-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-1.5327145" role="link">5,000 bookings per hour</a> — a rate that will be too slow for Ontario, which is home to almost three times Alberta’s population. To streamline the portal, the government should require users to only input personal information that is strictly necessary. <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">New York City’s two-step verification process</a> sends time-limited codes to an email address, and many seniors have complained that the process of re-entering information while flipping through different browser windows is <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2021/02/08/ontario-is-building-a-web-portal-for-mass-covid-vaccination-can-we-avoid-the-pitfalls-plaguing-us-systems.html" role="link">too cumbersome</a>. Verification could be most efficiently conducted during face-to-face appointments rather than through overly complicated processes using high-demand online portals.</li>
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Creating an online vaccine registration portal that effectively distributes limited vaccine supplies to those most in need must take into account at-risk priority groups that cannot easily access internet services. In the short term, policy-makers must proactively target digitally excluded groups by providing alternative registration methods or direct assistance to those without the digital skills or resources to connect online.

But we must also remember that these issues won’t go away after our current crisis is over, as more critical public health information and services have <a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-onwards-action-plan" role="link">shifted to online-only or online-first</a>. In the long term, closing Canada’s digital divides should be a top priority for policy-makers if they are serious about establishing a more equitable delivery of government services in an increasingly online world.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/" role="link"><img width="61" height="61" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Nour-Abdelaal-115x115.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/nour-abdelaal/">Nour Abdelaal</a> is a Policy and Research Assistant at the Ryerson Leadership Lab, specializing in technology and cybersecurity, and was formerly a Political Assistant at the U.S. Consulate General in Toronto.</em></div>
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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">TECHNOLOGY + DIGITAL POLICY</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/technology-digital-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-262 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">POLICY </a><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/vaccines/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-263 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">VACCINES</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em><em>This interview with <strong>Sané Dube</strong>, </em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the <a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>, is part of a series of interview transcripts that will run this week and next. You can read the full series <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>First Policy Response: So to start off with, you and the Alliance for Healthier Communities had advocated really strongly for race-based data collection on COVID-19. Why was that? </strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Sané Dube: Early in the pandemic we started to see the disparities that were being created. It became evident pretty early in the game that COVID wasn’t affecting people in the same way. There were some communities and some groups that were harder hit and disproportionately impacted. We were already seeing that in Ontario and in Canada. At about the same time, we started to see data coming out of the United States and the United Kingdom, and a lot of their data was showing a real, deep impact on Black communities. So that included Black folks who were patients with COVID, but then it also was Black health-care workers, specifically in the case of the U.K., who were the ones who were contracting the virus. And what the data was showing was that when these communities contracted the virus, their outcomes also tended to be worse, so we were seeing that they were higher numbers and then when people did get the virus, they were more likely to have fatal or negative impacts. So many people were really concerned that Ontario was not looking at COVID with this lens. Really, that’s where the calls for data collection became prominent.Data collection calls are not new. People have been calling for this data to be collected for a long time. The Alliance is one of the organizations that’s also been on record for a very long time calling for this data to be collected. What made it even more urgent for this data to be collected was what we were already seeing in COVID, and also just knowing that without that data, the province couldn’t respond in the way that they needed to. And the same issues remain in Canada. . . . Ontario and Manitoba are the only two provinces that have mandated data connection, at least during COVID. A few other provinces are on their way to doing that. But the fact that we don’t have data that tells us exactly what COVID looks like broken down by race, broken down by other socio-economic markers, is really troubling and it actually hinders our ability to respond to this pandemic.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: So what has the data shown us so far about how this is affecting different communities differently?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">I would point to the example of Toronto. The public health or the regional authorities here were really great with collecting data earlier and also starting to release that data. They had a <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/toronto-public-health-releases-new-socio-demographic-covid-19-data/" role="link">study</a> that showed that 83 per cent of the people who had contracted COVID were Black or racialized people, and also showed that a lot of those people came from low-income families or households, and they also tended to live in parts of the city where the average income was lower. And more recently, they’ve had another study that just came out, which was looking at <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/08/02/lockdown-worked-for-the-rich-but-not-for-the-poor-the-untold-story-of-how-covid-19-spread-across-toronto-in-7-graphics.html" role="link">who lockdown worked for</a>. They were saying that if you look at predominantly white, affluent neighborhoods, people there were able to do the lockdown and be able to follow public health guidelines. Whereas if you’re looking at other communities where people continued to work, they were often the low-income, essential workers like grocery shop attendants, or they were janitorial staff or working in public transportation, cab drivers and such. Many of those people didn’t have the option, necessarily, to either work from home or not go to work altogether.And even if people got sick in their household, just because of the housing crisis and the unaffordability of the city, many people also did not have the option of, “I will go to a hotel and isolate,” or “There’s a room in my house, or there’s a part of my house where I would have my own bathroom.” People couldn’t do those things. So yeah, the data is really striking.A few regions of Ontario have started to release their data and it’s showing how COVID has impacted other communities, and the same stories repeat themselves over and over again in every region, everywhere where data has been released. And the story is always that it is the people who already are so marginalized who feel this pandemic the most, and whose chances of recovering will be most impacted as well, just because not enough has been invested in making sure that people are getting the help they need and that they can recover well.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that fit in with the idea of social determinants of health?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">Social determinants of health is a way of understanding health care and health policies. So it’s a framework, and it really says that we have to understand that a person’s health is impacted not just by the ability of a person to go to a doctor or walk into a nurse’s office – health is really impacted by social and economic factors. So things like your housing, your ability to have good housing, that’s actually a huge determinant. It impacts the health outcomes you’re able to achieve. We know that racial bias in health care means that Indigenous and Black people, in particular, will face more barriers in getting equitable and good health care, so over the long run, that also impacts people’s health. So there’s a range of social determinants of health – housing, race, income, neighborhood, a range of factors. And what we have said is that in dealing with something which is as severe as COVID, or has impacted us as much as it has both in Ontario and on a global scale, our responses should really be framed in a social determinants of health framework. We can’t actually address this pandemic without addressing all of the other factors that make some people more susceptible to illness, or the factors that make it so that when some people get this virus, they will have worse outcomes. So I think this goes back to what I was saying before: it’s one thing to contract the virus and be unable to stop working, be unable to isolate or be unable to have the resources that you need. That’s a very different story from someone who contracts the virus, has all the support that they need, doesn’t have to worry about facing racism when they go to a health care centre, is guaranteed that they will be treated well. So, our COVID response really needs to centre that social determinants of health approach, because that is what addresses underlying systemic and structural issues.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: You’ve also been quite vocal about how racism is a public health crisis in Canada. Can you talk a little bit more about how that intersects with COVID?</strong></div>
<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout">So this has been an . . .<em>interesting</em> season. I use that term generously. What we have also seen over COVID is the amplification of movements that were already happening – specifically movements for Black lives and movements for Indigenous sovereignty and life. In late May or early June, there were several Black folks who were killed by police in the U.S.: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. In Canada, we saw the deaths of people like Regis Korchinski-Paquet and Rodney Levi. And all of these movements spurred a push to really address the ways that people experience racism, systemic and structural inequality.The experiences that people have with racism really impact the way that they are able to move through the world. I’ll give the example of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, who was a 29-year-old Afro-Indigenous woman who died in police presence, who had been called for a mental health call. We, as advocates, would argue that racism is what contributed to her death, because we see instances where, if police are called to assist a white person who is in mental health distress, they are less likely to end up dead. Whereas studies have shown that Black and Indigenous people have higher rates of fatal outcomes – people are more likely to end up dead. And this is from a system that should be helping them. A system that should be keeping people safe. It should be providing people the protection that they need. And we would argue that part of that is the racism that underlies policing, and that underlies many of the health-care systems and structures that we operate in. So what we have said is that we want recognition of racism as a public health crisis because by declaring it a public health crisis, then you are saying that this is a serious issue that must be addressed. It is something that is endemic. It is something that touches all sorts of systems and structures. Declaring it a public health crisis would recognize the harm that it does to our communities, and actually put things in place to start fixing the situation. Black health leaders, particularly after those deaths in June and May, many people started calling for the declaration of racism as a public health crisis. A few regions and cities in Ontario have done that. Toronto has, but we still don’t have a provincial recognition of racism as a public health crisis.</div>
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<div class="post-content un-no-sidebar-layout"><strong>FPR: How does that intersect with COVID?</strong></div>
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I think that COVID has really shown the ways that racism harms people who already more marginalized. I’ll give the example of Toronto’s northwest. We know that this is where some of the worst cases for COVID are right now. But we also know that the systemic and structural racism that is in our system means that even when we know that this is where COVID is really hurting people, not enough resources have been directed there.And racism, it takes many forms. You even hear people talking about how, in the regions where they live, the testing and COVID response hasn’t been done with an appropriate cultural lens. So you will find that someone is being sent in to do testing who doesn’t even speak the language that people in that community speak, who doesn’t understand the cultural norms in a place. And it means that people are not able to access the care that they need. We would say that is actually just an iteration of racism, where you are not willing to work with communities in a way that recognizes and honours how they want to access health care.So I think racism takes many different forms. And even something like refusing to collect data so that we know who is impacted and how they are impacted, some would say that can also be a form of systemic and structural racism because it makes invisible the ways that we are failing to provide appropriate care to some people.
<div class="textbox"><em>“We need approaches that put health equity at the centre.”</em></div>
I’ll give one more example. In Ontario, there’s a group called the Black Health Equity Working Group, which is a group of experts and health-care providers who, now that Ontario has said they will start collecting the data, are developing a governance and accountability framework for how that data is used, one that is developed by and for Black communities. And part of why Black communities are pushing so hard for this is because they know that racism also affects us in this particular instance. We call for data because we know that this is something that could improve our lives, but what racism does – it means that the data is collected, but then the way that it’s used further harms our communities. So that’s just another way that racism plays out.So again, the example of northwest Toronto – the data has been collected, but then the way that the story is being told in the media, the way that we talk about what’s happening in the northwest of Toronto, is to once again stigmatize the people who are in those communities. So it makes it seem like high COVID rates are somehow because there’s something that’s inherently wrong, or something that’s pathological, with those communities. The way that we tell these stories is that there’s never a full accounting for the systemic underfunding of those communities, that lack of resources, the way those communities have been starved, and the high rates of COVID-19 are actually a result of that. So, racism takes many forms. It’s not always the glaring, the obvious thing. But it’s a conversation that we have to have as we’re talking about COVID.

<strong>FPR: The Alliance has written about how race-based data collection may actually further entrench harm and inequity. Could you speak a little bit more about how and why that might happen?</strong>

When we’re thinking about further entrenching harm, it goes back to how that data is used. A lot of Black communities right now are saying that the collection of the data is not actually justice; it’s not the end goal. The end goal should be improving Black people’s lives. Where we’re coming from with the Alliance is that collecting this data, if it’s not used appropriately, if it’s not understood, if it doesn’t become a tool for systemic change, then it is again just replicating harm for people.

<strong>FPR: From a policy perspective, what do you think needs to be done from here to try and address some of those issues?</strong>

I would say possibly the most important thing is that our health system response very much needs to be based on social determinants of health frameworks. We also need approaches that put health equity at the centre, where health equity is not an afterthought, but it is something that is integrated throughout the policy and health-system development process, right from the beginning right through to the end of any system. We at the Alliance are fully supportive of the collection of data, but we also want the province to engage the right people in these conversations. Data collection does not mean the same thing for all communities. For example, Indigenous communities have very specific concerns. Black communities have specific concerns. The province needs to be speaking to the right people as it develops its processes for the collection of this data. Those communities need to play a key role in determining how the data is used and what the outcomes are, in the long run, from that.And then I think that we also just need to have approaches that are proactive. We are, for sure, going into a second wave of COVID, if the numbers are any indication. . . . It would appear that we are going back to a place where we will see more cases, and who knows what that will look like once schools open and once people are back to their lives. So, we want a health system that’s responsive. We want a health system that will understand the context, that will understand developments as they are occurring. And a health system that also will work with the most marginalized, those with the least resources, those with the least access. Because right now, in many ways, the health system is working for people who already have access to resources. It’s not working for some of the most marginalized.

<strong>FPR: Is there anything that any level of government has done so far that’s been helpful to more marginalized communities?</strong>

The thing with COVID is, it’s also been really illuminating. COVID has been a time when we’ve seen that systems can be responsive. Policies can be created that really will change people’s lives. Like the example of early in the pandemic, the province of Ontario <a href="https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/56401/ontario-expands-coverage-for-care" role="link">suspended the OHIP wait period</a>– they made it so that people could get treatment, they could get health care, even if they don’t have health cards. So that provided treatment to people without status, many of whom work in essential roles – they were able to get health care. And we know that’s made a difference in terms of making care accessible for some of the most marginalized. So that’s an example of where a system has worked really well.Even something like pandemic pay for some essential workers. So when you look at workers who are working in supervised consumption sites or overdose prevention sites, a lot of those folks were able to access pandemic pay, which was good because they work very hard and there was a lot on them in those early days of the pandemic. So it was useful. Unfortunately, the pandemic pay is coming to an end for many essential workers, but that is something that makes a tangible difference in people’s lives. And definitely, we know that this is something people are talking about and saying that the province needs to be thinking about longer-term assistance for people, particularly as it looks like we will be in this pandemic for a while.So there’s definitely things that have been done that have really, positively impacted people’s lives. And we want the province, and both federal and provincial bodies, we want them to continue to make those types of decisions that actually support people who are in need.
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/" role="link"><img width="37" height="37" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sane-Dube-e1614119626657-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sane Dube" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sane-dube/">Sané Dube</a> is a </em><em>policy and government relations lead, with a focus on Black health, at the <a href="https://www.allianceon.org/" role="link">Alliance for Healthier Communities</a></em><em>.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Morris-Foreign-TrainedDoctors-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.42.19-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="918" height="367" class="alignnone wp-image-103" /></h2>
<div style="font-weight: 500 !important"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></div>
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“I was a doctor back home.”

“I’m writing my exams to get my licence here.”

“It’s been three years since I practised last.”

“Seven years.”

`“Ten.”

We’ve heard it countless times over the last few years — from close family friends to people we meet through our work or even on a taxi ride home — and every time we’re disappointed this is the experience of so many internationally trained physicians in our country.

The foreign credentialing issue has been a concern since well before the COVID-19 health crisis. It’s disheartening that even with a pandemic in full swing, Canada is still not leveraging one of its most valuable assets: the skills and experience of thousands of doctors.

Ontario alone has <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">13,000 physicians and 6,000 nurses</a> who were trained outside of Canada. Many of them immigrated here with hopes of contributing their medical expertise to the health-care system. Unfortunately, their dreams have been hampered by <a href="https://opus.uleth.ca/bitstream/handle/10133/3511/ROSHAEE_DESILVA_MSC_2014.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">systemic barriers</a> such as exorbitant testing fees, challenges obtaining insurance and, in the case of physicians, a dismally low number of available residency spots.

Part of the rationale for such barriers is the critical importance of Canadian experience and the need for medical professionals to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3868812/">meet Canadian standards</a>. Requirements for residency experience within Canada are coupled with a limited number of spots, which essentially forces many <a href="https://www.wes.org/advisor-blog/a-physicians-immigrant-journey-to-canada/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">physicians to start over</a> despite having potentially decades of experience under their belt. Even Canadian-trained medical students can <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-more-canadian-medical-school-graduates-than-ever-failed-to-secure/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">struggle</a> to find placements, but for internationally trained physicians it is even more difficult. In 2019, the Canadian Residency Matching Service <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/03/23/brampton-councillor-asks-province-to-allow-more-foreign-trained-doctors-to-help-with-covid-19-crisis.html?fbclid=IwAR2cqSbyTdxbv1jU8sbCCJKPdRx-lqvRXsZ-3iz8O4ZSoVlq3MPwSSSTLyE" target="_blank" rel="noopener">reported</a> that out of 1,758 international medical graduates, 1,360 were not matched with residency placements. And even if internationally trained physicians receive a spot, they are often <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/2017/04/06/news/canada-has-plan-stop-qualified-immigrant-doctors-driving-taxis" target="_blank" rel="noopener">underemployed</a> and unsupported, leading to <a href="https://thefulcrum.ca/news/ryerson-program-helps-internationally-trained-doctors-find-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">financial and emotional hardship</a>.

As foreign experts languish in the system, the need for physicians continues to be great. Many institutions have noted Canada falls behind the majority of <a href="https://data.oecd.org/healthres/doctors.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">OECD nations</a> when it comes to physicians per capita. According to the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Bank</a>, Canada has only 2.6 doctors for every 1,000 residents. Italy, which until recently was the epicentre of the pandemic, has about 50 per cent more per capita.

<strong style="font-weight: 600">Crisis and opportunity </strong>

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred some promising initiatives to leverage this untapped talent pool to address an immense need. Italy, the United Kingdom and some American states have eased the requirements for internationally educated physicians and novice medical graduates to contribute to national COVID-19 efforts. For example, in <a href="https://www.nj.gov/governor/news/news/562020/20200401b.shtml" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New Jersey</a>, authorities have granted temporary licences to doctors residing in state with good standing in foreign countries. In <a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/no-20210-continuing-temporary-suspension-and-modification-laws-relating-disaster-emergency" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New York</a>, internationally trained medical graduates are now allowed to treat patients after one year of residency, compared to the regular requirement of three years.

Some medical licensing bodies in Canada are taking similar steps. For example, in <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/internationally-trained-doctors-covid-19-1.5519881" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ontario</a>, international medical graduates who have passed their exams in Canada can apply for a 30-day medical licence. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia has fast-tracked a new bylaw to amend the province’s <em>Health Professions Act</em> so international medical graduates can apply for a <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6774818/bc-associate-physician-foreign-trained-doctors-coronavirus/">supervised associate physician licence</a> allowing them to work under the supervision of attending physicians.

These efforts to lower barriers to entry show promise as a way to address the immediate health crisis. But the pandemic also presents a crucial opportunity to leverage this globally educated talent pool over the long term. The Canadian population is aging and more health care is being delivered outside of hospitals, so we will continue to need more health professionals in the community. Many Canadians also find it challenging to find a physician who understands their mother tongue and cultural context; internationally trained medical professionals can help plug those health equity gaps.

We need federal leadership during this crisis to ensure there is coordination across all jurisdictions to achieve clarity for internationally trained physicians. Canada should consider several options to achieve this:
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 	<li>Adopt the <a href="https://bit.ly/2VQSc7U" target="_blank" rel="noopener">solution</a> proposed by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council and World Education Services to recruit, train and deploy internationally trained physicians to support our health-care systems during this time of emergency.</li>
 	<li>Automatically grant physicians who have been provided a temporary licence during the pandemic the ability to practise to their full capacity afterwards.</li>
 	<li>Increase the number of residency spaces for internationally trained physicians.</li>
 	<li>Once this pandemic passes, a federal-provincial-territorial working group should be established to examine the issue more deeply and build pan-Canadian consensus. One of the first tasks assigned to this entity should be to create a simplified accreditation process across the country.</li>
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Over the past number of years, we’ve seen various orders of government, academic institutions and self-governed medical professions work together to make some progress, such as investing in <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/public/category/courseCategoryCertificateProfile.do?method=load&amp;certificateId=207907" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bridging programs and placements for internationally trained physicians</a>. This is a helpful start but more needs to be done. COVID-19 provides an opportunity to accelerate the many good program and policy ideas that have already been discussed or introduced in ways that are too limited. Now is the time to make real and lasting progress to help our health-care system, internationally trained medical professionals and Canadians in need of health care.

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/georgette-morris/"><em>Georgette Morris</em></a><em> is a doctoral student at Carleton University, contributes her time to Jaku Konbit and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law.</em>

<em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/" style="color: #0000ff">Shireen Salti</a></span> is the Interim Executive Director of the Canadian Arab Institute and holds a Masters in Public Policy, Administration and Law. </em>

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/shireen-salti/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anjum Sultana</span></a> is the Founder of Millennial Womxn in Policy, the Director of Public Policy &amp; Strategic Communications at YWCA Canada and holds a Masters in Public Health from the Dalla Lana School of Public Health from the University of Toronto.</em>
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<div data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" style="font-weight: 500">FPR ORIGINAL</a>,<span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/immigration/" style="font-weight: 500">IMMIGRATION</a></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>179</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-29 12:27:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-29 16:27:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 11:45:30]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 16:45:30]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v16-finalassessmentsnoextrareadings__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646325930]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-2-health-v16-finalassessmentsnoextrareadings]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 2-Health (v17)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=199</link><pubDate>Sun, 31 Oct 2021 16:35:21 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=199</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[embed]http://youtu.be/AuHICdNzBOY[/embed]
<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low wages</a></span> and have <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">little wealth</a></span> to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox"><em>The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</em></div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span> data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">working poverty</a></span> it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">social determinant of health</a></span> and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="49" height="54" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</span></a></em><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz</strong>:

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<strong>Check the map below to see how Covid has impacted various Canadian provinces</strong>.
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<strong>The chart below compares data from the map above. It accentuates the major difference between certain Canadian provinces and Canada as a whole</strong>.

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For more information, please read:<span> </span><strong>COVID-19 mortality rates in Canada’s ethno-cultural neighbourhoods</strong>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm</a></span>

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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>

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<span>Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span>

<span>After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">80 per cent</a></span><span> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious working and living situations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</em></div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people’s <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069"><span style="color: #0000ff">genetics</span></a> or</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">culture</a></span><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sharing Medicine</a></span><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">colonial histories</a></span><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="56" height="56" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Aisha Lofters</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">push for race-based data collection</a></span> and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sociodemographic data reveal</a></span> that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Public Health</a></span> reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.

Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?

To date, more than <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$275 million</a></span> has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.

Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recently released a statement</a></span> committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.

The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ethical and scientific issue</a></span>; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:
<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient-oriented research strategies</a></span>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights), <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient and public voices were largely left out</a></span> of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community‐based participatory research</a></span>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Low income and education levels</a></span> are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.

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<p class="m-a-box-content-top"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="55" height="55" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></p>

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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></span></span>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a></p>

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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

<strong>First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong>

Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a></span>. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">analysis</a></span> towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.

But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.

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<strong>FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong>

I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.

The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.

And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.

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<strong>FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong>

I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.

And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.

It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.

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<strong>FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong>

It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.
<div class="textbox"><em>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox"><em>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Samir Sinha</span></a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz</strong>:

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<h1><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Final Chapter Assessments</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></h1>
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<strong>Policy in Action</strong>:

You work writing policy for the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.health.gov.on.ca/en/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care</a></span> (LTC). A provincial election has been called. Regardless of the outcome, a new Minister of Health is expected to be sworn in.

Please write a short policy brief (750-1,000 words long, excluding references) that will focus on Ontario's long-term care system. It will present the minister with what you believe are the top 3 issues that s/he will encounter in her/his new portfolio. It will also include your recommendations as to possible future directions for the incoming minister on each of these 3 issues.

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<strong>Final Paper</strong>:

Write a traditional academic essay (750-1,000 words long, excluding references) that critically examines one aspect of health care that was, is, or will be impacted by Covid. Please feel free to examine any level of government (e.g., federal, provincial, or municipal) or any type of organization (e.g., a corporation, NGO, advocacy group, etc.).
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 	<li>Covid transmission, infection prevention, and control</li>
 	<li>disproportionate racial impact of Covid on Black, Brown, and/or Indigenous Canadians</li>
 	<li>Covid's disproportionate impact on women</li>
 	<li>vaccination hesitancy</li>
 	<li>Covid health misinformation</li>
 	<li>child vaccination</li>
 	<li>Covid side effects</li>
 	<li>national/provincial/municipal vaccination deployment and vaccination plans

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<h2>Articles on Health</h2>
<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<h1 class="h1"><span style="background-color: #00ffff">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="background-color: #00ffff"><span class="date-info"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em>, FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="background-color: #00ffff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info"> | BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link" style="background-color: #00ffff">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></span></div>
<h1 class="h1"><span style="background-color: #00ffff">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="background-color: #00ffff"><span class="date-info"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em>, FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="background-color: #00ffff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info"> | BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link" style="background-color: #00ffff">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></span></div>
<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low wages</a></span> and have <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">little wealth</a></span> to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox"><em>The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</em></div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span> data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">working poverty</a></span> it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">social determinant of health</a></span> and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="49" height="54" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-title"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</span></a></em><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>
<p class="m-a-box-title"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span></p>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Galabuzi's article "Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die"</strong>:

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<strong>Check the map below to see how COVID-19 has impacted various Canadian provinces</strong>.
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<strong>The chart below compares data from the map above. It accentuates the major difference between certain Canadian provinces and Canada as a whole</strong>.

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For more information, please read:<span> </span><strong>COVID-19 mortality rates in Canada’s ethno-cultural neighbourhoods</strong>

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<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">80 per cent</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious working and living situations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</em></div>
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<span>So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people's <span style="text-decoration: underline"><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069">genetics</a></span> or</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">culture</a></span><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sharing Medicine</a></span><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">colonial histories</a></span><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="56" height="56" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Aisha Lofters</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>

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<div><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span></div>
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<strong>Citation</strong>: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lofters' article "Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19"</strong>:

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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">push for race-based data collection</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sociodemographic data reveal</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Public Health</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To date, more than </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$275 million</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recently released a statement</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ethical and scientific issue</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:</span></p>

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<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient-oriented research strategies</a></span>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights), <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient and public voices were largely left out</a></span> of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community‐based participatory research</a></span>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Low income and education levels</a></span> are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

<span style="font-size: 1em">As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="55" height="55" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Zahra Bhimani</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></span></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. </span><em style="font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bhimani's article "For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system"</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">:</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">[h5p id="14"]</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">[h5p id="15"]</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">[h5p id="17"]</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">[h5p id="18"]</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">[h5p id="19"]</span>

<strong>Please click on the image below to learn about the Tuskegee Experiment and its impact on research.</strong>

<span style="font-size: 1em">[h5p id="26"]</span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="row-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a></p>
<p class="row-container"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em></p>
<p class="row-container"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">analysis</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox"><em>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox"><em>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Samir Sinha</span></a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sinha's article "Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks"</strong>:

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[h5p id="21"]

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[h5p id="23"]

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<strong>Please click below to learn more about ageism as well as how it connects to issues like healthcare.</strong>

[h5p id="27"]

<hr />

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Final Chapter Assessments</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

Based on the articles above from <em>First Policy Response</em>, please engage in the following assessments to test your learning.
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<strong>Policy in Action</strong>:

You are a policy analyst for the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.health.gov.on.ca/en/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care</a></span> (LTC). A provincial election has been called. Regardless of the outcome, a new Minister of Health is expected to be named.

You are to prepare a short policy brief that focuses on Ontario's long-term care system. It will be presented to the Ontario Minister of Health and Long-Term Care with what you believe are the top 3 issues that they will encounter in their new portfolio. Based on the three issues outlines, you will also include your recommendations to communicate possible effective strategies for the incoming minister.

<strong>Final Paper</strong>:

Drawing upon the readings and impacts on the health system’s capacity and resources, in a 750 – 1,500 worded expository essay, choose one level of governance (e.g., federal, provincial, or municipal) or an institution that has been active in some aspect of the response to the COVID-19 pandemic (e.g., a corporation, advocacy group, or non-profit) from a health care or health-related perspective.
<ul>
 	<li><strong>Transmission and case management</strong>: Researchers combine traditional data collection tools and scenario modeling to identify early signs of emerging threats. What emerging lessons have emerged from planning across government and health authorities to produce stronger protocols and responses?</li>
 	<li><strong>Social costs of the pandemic</strong>: COVID-19 created massive social impacts where vulnerabilities and inequalities are greatest. How can policy makers and social actors help reshape the post-crisis economy by promoting inclusive and sustainable economic models that also improve health outcomes?</li>
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[[[Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 23, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link">RINALDO WALCOTT</a></span></span></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of<span> </span><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link">ongoing</a><span> </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link">debate</a>. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.

But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.

Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.<span> </span><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link">The calls</a><span> </span>for<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link">race-based data</a><span> </span>in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.

So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">14 per cent</a><span> </span>of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.

Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link">significantly exposed</a>.

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<blockquote>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</blockquote>
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But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as<span> </span><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link">China</a><span> </span>and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link">six months into the pandemic</a>.

Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.

Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.

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<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">February 25, 2021</span></p>

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Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on low-income areas

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Rinaldo Walcott is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto
and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).

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</article>]]]Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span>

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[[[Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">DECEMBER 22, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" title="View all posts by KEN BOESSENKOOL" role="link">KEN BOESSENKOOL</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" title="View all posts by ADMIN" role="link">ADMIN</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1583" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1583 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-economic-policy tag-individual-income-support tag-year-end-qa tag-fpr-original">
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<em>With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em>

<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em>

<strong> </strong>

<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

<strong> </strong>

<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.<em> </em>

<em><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" role="link">Ken Boessenkool</a><span> </span>is the<span> </span></em><em>McConnell Professor of Practice at the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University and Research Fellow at C.D. Howe Institute.</em>

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</article>]]]Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span>

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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">[[[Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Options</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span>
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<h1 class="highlight highlight--wrapping banner-header__title">The political staff who help take care of government during elections</h1>
<span class="lead">Not all political staff leave to work on the party’s campaign during elections. Some stay behind to help support ministers in their official duties.</span>

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<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner">by<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/">Paul Wilson, </a><span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/">Michael McNair</a></span><span class="meta__date">June 12, 2020</span>

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<p class="dropcap-big">Many people gravitate to political jobs because they love the adrenalin of campaigning and are ideologically committed to building support for their party. Predictably, when an election is called, most political staffers take leave to work on the campaign. However, some remain at their desks in ministers’ offices, including in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), in order to support the ministry that continues throughout the writ period.</p>
Ministerial exempt staff, political partisans who are paid by public funds to support ministers with their official duties, play an important role in maintaining the information flow between the department and ministers as well as ongoing dialogue with the public service during the campaign. In essence, they act as democratic insurance so that even during an election period final government decisions and accountability rest with those who earned a democratic mandate in the previous election. Clear public guidelines for conduct during the campaign are essential for ensuring a smooth relationship.

<strong>The curtain falls between two worlds</strong>

Ministers are usually MPs and need to run for re-election. Yet, during the campaign, ministers continue to be ministers. Government business continues and they retain their legal authority from the Crown. However, it is not business as usual. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII">caretaker convention dictates</a><span> </span>that, when Parliament is dissolved and there is no confidence chamber to hold them accountable, ministers will exercise restraint. Through such self-restraint, ministers show respect for the democratic accountability. They also avoid any perception that the governing party is receiving electoral benefit out of its executive privileges.

This convention operates in Canada similarly to other Westminster countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Under the convention, routine administration may continue, and ministers must still address urgent and unavoidable matters, such as natural disasters. However, they generally avoid making announcements, commitments or decisions that a new incoming government could not reverse.

The daily rhythm of ministers’ offices changes as soon as the writ drops and the caretaker convention comes into operation. The normally heavy volume of briefing notes from the deputy minister slows considerably. Oral briefings cease. Impromptu face-to-face interactions with departmental officials are less frequent,<span> </span><a href="https://utorontopress.com/ca/off-and-running-4">as the public service turns inward</a><span> </span>to focus on planning for post-election transition scenarios. It is almost as if a curtain descends to cut off the two worlds.

Nevertheless, since ministers continue to be heads of their departments, they are entitled to be kept apprised of events within their portfolio since they may be asked questions at any time. Further, they may have to respond to urgent matters that cannot wait until after the election. Examples of such circumstances include international crises, ongoing Canadian military engagements, court rulings, domestic emergencies and high-level negotiations such as the culmination of trade agreements. In these situations, ministers must be kept informed, take decisions and give direction. Therefore, they require political staff who can be trusted to exercise sound judgement in deciding what information needs to be conveyed to the minister and when.

Once the minister is engaged, political staff will often convey the minister’s direction and facilitate next steps if needed. This may mean setting up a telephone call with the deputy minister or, depending on the scope of the issue, with other ministers. Political staff can carry out political legwork with other offices to ensure coordination. Sometimes specific documents need to be conveyed to the minister for signature. This is why one member of the minister’s political staff is permitted to accompany the minister while on campaign yet remain as a government employee. This ensures a constant liaison between the department and the minister, who can receive classified information if needed. Just like colleagues remaining in the Ottawa office, this staffer does not take a full-time part in partisan campaign activities, though proximity to the minister is required.

<strong>Pivoting to a reactive and defensive approach</strong>

In normal times, ministers’ offices devote significant effort to proactively pushing out the government’s<span> </span><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/brand-command">strategic messaging</a>. During an election, however, the campaign team assumes almost all responsibility for public messaging. Ministers’ offices, by contrast, adopt an entirely reactive and defensive approach to communication. Their goal is to manage and mitigate risk by identifying potential problems and neutralizing them before they become public controversies. This involves carefully monitoring news stories, including on social media, to identify negative stories that are relevant to the department, gathering background information from the department in order to understand the context, and recommending response lines.

Ministers’ offices maintain media relations capacity so that they may deal directly with journalists and answer questions about departmental business. In order to monitor potential issues across government, the PMO creates an early morning process so that each day political media relations and issues management staffers from across the government can flag emerging issues and recommend responsive messaging. These lines will then be communicated to ministers so that they are prepared for government-related questions as they are campaigning at public events.

In a similar way, work in the Prime Minister’s Office changes when the election is called. Political staffers staying in the PMO no longer work with the PCO on managing the cabinet policy agenda or coordinating long-term strategic communication efforts across government. The Clerk of the Privy Council significantly curtails the volume of daily briefing notes to the prime minister, though this may reflect the prime minister’s desire to focus on the campaign as much as a desire to defend the caretaker convention.
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The PMO must always ensure that the prime minister is aware of key developments within government. Of course, this includes information in priority areas such as the economy, national security and international relations. However, details vary from day to day. PMO senior staff may speak with the prime minister when required to answer questions and to pass on information that the prime minister needs to know, either in order to ensure smooth governance or to make sure the PM is briefed about government business that may intrude into the campaign setting.

Finally, while interactions between the PMO and the PCO are reduced during the campaign, there are opportunities for dialogue. PCO staff might wish to discuss “transition to government” questions with PMO. If re-elected, what sort of machinery of government changes might the prime minister consider? Is the PM satisfied with the briefing processes in place or could they be improved? Is the prime minister open to revising the publication providing guidelines on conduct and accountability to ministers? Informal consultations on matters such as these may be helpful, though they would be only one-way conversations. For example, PCO can learn from PMO’s opinion on such matters, but should not offer any advice in return on governing after the election, or on matters of transition.

<strong>Overcoming obstacles</strong>

Sometimes obstacles emerge in the relationship between ministers and their offices and public servants in the lead up to and during the election campaign. Such obstacles are often rooted in a misunderstanding of the purpose and limits of the caretaker convention.

In 2015, Stephen Harper was the first prime minister to make the caretaker guidelines available publicly. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII">did so in 2019</a>. This transparency helps the public understand how government works during an election, and ought to provide more clarity across the entire federal government. In practice, there is still more work to do in understanding when the caretaker period begins, what is meant by caretaker, and where the limits of the convention can be found.

Election campaigns in both 2015 and 2019 occurred in the context of majority governments with a legislated fixed-election date. This meant that everyone knew when the election would likely be held, though not when Parliament would be dissolved. In terms of political activity and public perception, the campaign seemed to extend backwards into the summer. To deal with this, the Trudeau government introduced changes for the pre-writ period to restrict government advertising and limit pre-campaign spending.

These steps, combined with the fact that Parliament was adjourned but not dissolved, could have led public servants in some departments to conclude that ministers were not permitted to operate as usual during the summer. Ministers’ offices had to work to counter this perception by, for example, asserting their entitlement to information and briefings as usual. With the support of PMO and PCO, government operated as normal over the months leading up to the election call. However, additional clarity is needed to ensure that everyone recognizes caretaker restraint only begins with the dissolution of Parliament and not in the period leading up to it.
<p class="dropcap">Who is the caretaker? The answer is consistent with our democratic system of government. While ministers may sometimes choose to delegate more authority to their deputy ministers it is never the officials who act as caretakers or who hold the authority or accountability of ministers. Rather, the government continues to be led by a political cabinet of (usually) democratically elected ministers who, in the absence of an elected House of Commons, act with self-restraint. The ministers are the caretakers.</p>
Ultimately, the caretaker convention is adjudicated politically. When to act—or not to act—according to these criteria is ultimately something that ministers must decide, and they are accountable to Canadians for their decisions.

<strong>This article is part of <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-insiders-view-behind-the-scenes-of-election-campaigns/">The Insider’s View Behind the Scenes of Election Campaigns</a><span class="s1"> </span>special feature.</strong>

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<a class="author-card__name" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/" rel="author">Paul Wilson</a>
<div class="author-card__bio">Paul Wilson is an Associate Professor in the Clayton Riddell Graduate Program in Political Management at Carleton University. Formerly Director of Policy at PMO under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his research focuses on ministerial and parliamentary political staffers.</div>
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<a class="author-card__name" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" rel="author">Michael McNair</a>
<div class="author-card__bio">Michael McNair holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics and Political Science and from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He was Policy Director for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from 2012-2019.</div>
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]]]Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span>

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<strong>Economy II – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 28, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link">BAILEY GREENSPON</a></span></span></div>
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On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including<span> </span><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link">G(irls)20</a>. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.

Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.

When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “<a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link">she-cession</a>,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link">racialized and immigrant women</a>, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link">affordable and accessible child care</a>. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.

G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.

<strong>
An economic crisis for young women</strong>

To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link">labour force numbers</a><span> </span>from Statistics Canada.

Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.

Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.

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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link">services-producing sector</a>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link">significant barriers persist</a><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada survey of students</a>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link">Canada Student Loans</a><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

<strong>
</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

&nbsp;

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://twitter.com/baileygreenspon" role="link"><em>Bailey Greenspon</em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>
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</article>]]]Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span>

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[[[Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>
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<h1 class="highlight highlight--wrapping banner-header__title">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</h1>
<span class="lead">Our labour supply and what’s holding it back are the biggest hurdles to improving employment numbers. Job-search assistance and training are vital.</span>

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<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner">by<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">Fabian Lange, </a><span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/">Mikal Skuterud</a></span><span class="meta__date">June 22, 2021</span>

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Canada’s employment rate has now nearly fully recovered from its unprecedented drop of 10 percentage points last year, but a gap of 2.5 percentage points remains. As with vaccinations, the “last mile” in our labour market recovery may be the most difficult.

Much of the recovery in the employment rate over the summer and fall of 2020 occurred when workers furloughed from their jobs in the initial shutdowns returned to their former places of employment. This process is all but complete as only a small fraction of the workforce is still on temporary layoff. The question we need to ask now is which policies will help close the remaining gap in the employment rate (figure 1).

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While it is tempting to reach for the economic toolkit first, it is important we recognize that the economic crisis is first and foremost a health crisis, and that recovery depends most critically on putting the health crisis behind us. As long as customers and workers feel insecure in returning to face-to-face activities and employers face uncertainty about future public health measures forcing shutdowns, the economy will not fully recover.

The best remedy to put the virus and its consequences behind us is clear – boost vaccination rates. As the<span> </span><a href="https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/en/data-insights/ieo-2021-03-more-jabs-more-jobs">OECD stated</a><span> </span>in a recent report: “More jabs, more jobs.” As vaccinations provide us with relief from the pandemic, we need to strengthen the public health system to be able to withstand a potential fall resurgence if pockets of unvaccinated populations remain or if a new variant proves resistant to existing vaccines. Even if the probability of such an event is judged to be low, the costs are high enough to justify significant investments in our public health infrastructure.

Canada needs to use the summer to invest in testing programs, including rapid testing, to be able to identify and get on top of any new outbreaks. It should also invest in reducing transmission in public places, schools and workplaces – possibly through improved indoor ventilation systems. Finally, Canada should plan for the possibility that another round of vaccines might become necessary in the event of a break-out variant.

But getting past the virus may be insufficient in itself.

What ails the labour market in 2021? There are strong indications that it is not a lack of demand for labour. In recent months, we have seen a remarkable recovery in job postings and job openings. Data from Statistics Canada’s Job Vacancies and Wage Survey suggest there were 23 per cent more job vacancies in March 2021 than in February 2020. Data from private companies aggregating job postings from online sources suggest that when we get official data through April and May 2021, this upswing will continue and even accelerate. Moreover, the upswing is evident across all provinces, industries and occupations. This suggests to us that insufficient labour demand will not be an important constraint in the jobs recovery.

We find ourselves at a point when labour supply, and factors that may hold it back, become the primary consideration.

Our first concern is that the unavailability of child care will keep parents (mostly women) with young children from returning to work. Indeed, as figure 2 (below) shows, promising employment gains among parents with kids under age 12 are evident in recent months everywhere except in Ontario, where schools have been closed for almost the entire winter. They opened in most of Ontario on Jan. 25, after an extended Christmas holiday break, but have been closed since March 14, and will stay closed for the remainder of this school year. In contrast, schools have remained open for most of the winter and spring in most other provinces. Continued uptake in child vaccination rates is critical to ensure child-care centres can open safely in the weeks ahead, and then schools in September.

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A second concern is that enhanced Employment Insurance (EI) and Canada Response Benefit (CRB) payments disincentivize low-skill workers to search for and accept low-wage jobs. Wage growth seems to have picked up in recent weeks, but earnings in the low-skill sector will often fall short of the EI or CRB benefits available. This implies that this group will, in economic parlance, be elastic in their labour supply – they will respond to changes in the relative economic benefits from drawing benefits as opposed to work. To address this challenge, Ottawa must resist calls for further extensions to enhanced EI/CRB benefit levels and instead focus efforts on increasing the generosity of EI’s working-while-on-claim (WWC) provisions as recommended in a<span> </span><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/transitioning-back-to-work-how-to-improve-ei-working-while-on-claim-provisions/">recent IRPP analysis</a>.

A greater concern, in our view, is the growth we have seen in long-term joblessness. As shown in figure 3 (below), as of mid-May, one-half of Canada’s two million jobless who say they want a job have been without one for more than one year. Moreover, only seven per cent of these people were enrolled in education or training in May 2021.
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There is much evidence indicating that the longer workers are jobless, the less likely they are to return to work and the more likely they are to experience significant earnings losses when they do. This effect reflects a number of factors, but of particular concern now are skill atrophy, loss of work routine and lack of labour market engagement. Long-term or permanent labour market disengagement in this population has high social costs that justify ambitious investments now.

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We also have acute concerns about the pandemic’s effects on Canada’s youth population. Workers aged 15 to 29 comprise 36 per cent of the jobless who want work and 30 per cent of those who have been without a job for more than one year.

As of May, there were 143,000 jobless youth seeking employment for the first time. Closed schools and workplaces have compromised the learning and work experience of young people. Labour market discouragement of middle-aged workers is costly. Youth disengagement is a much more serious problem.

The hope in March 2020 was that in-person work activity would pause for a few weeks, but we would soon press “play” and return to our old jobs. But economies are organic, constantly evolving, and we have now been on pause for 15 months. Workers and consumers have changed their spending habits, living arrangements and found alternative income sources, while employers have exploited opportunities to reorganize and automate. This suggests there may be structural shifts in labour demand, requiring reallocation of workers across sectors and new investments in human capital.

In a recent<span> </span><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/adjusting-to-job-loss-when-times-are-tough/">IRPP study</a>, researchers from Statistics Canada, René Morissette and Theresa Hanqing Qiu, found that three-quarters of Canadian workers laid off following the 2008 crisis who had not found a job by 2010 did not use any of the four adjustment strategies they examined: move to a region with more jobs; enroll in post-secondary education; enroll in a registered apprenticeship; or become self-employed. Among the low-skilled workers, who in this crisis have been most affected, the use of these adjustment strategies was even rarer.

Given this evidence, we see a role for governments to support jobs recovery through active labour market programs (ALMPs) that prioritize labour supply engagement over job-creation.<span> </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jeea/article-abstract/16/3/894/4430618?redirectedFrom=fulltext">Meta analyses</a><span> </span>of ALMPs show they have larger average impacts in periods of high unemployment, especially when downturns have been relatively short-lived.

First, provincial governments need to step up efforts to intensify job search assistance, counselling and support services, thus providing labour market information for the jobless and incentives to enter work quickly. Evidence shows that these “work first” ALMPs are most successful in producing short-term beneficial impacts after a deep recession. Given the real possibility of widespread labour shortages this summer, these programs offer a cost-effective tool to boost job-creation in the short run.

Second, and arguably more significant, it is critical that structural labour market shifts be monitored and job reallocation pressures supported through “human capital” ALMPs, including private hiring subsidies as well as training on the job and in the classroom. Relative to “work first” programs, these programs can produce longer-term beneficial impacts on workers’ employment rates and earnings. They also tend to have relatively large benefits for women and the long-term jobless.

In this regard, the<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/news/2021/06/helping-hard-hit-businesses-hire-more-workers-with-the-canada-recovery-hiring-program.html">Canadian Recovery Hiring Program</a><span> </span>(CRHP), available from June 6 to Nov. 20, may be especially effective if it is used to attract workers, through sign-on bonuses or for training, for example. Restricting CRHP eligibility to employers who recruit long-term jobless applicants and requiring employers to reimburse a share of subsidies if workers are not retained for one year, would have been a preferred approach in our view.

There is much reason to be optimistic that we will see strong employment gains in the second half of 2021. However, we see risks in complacency. To support a full recovery, we need to ensure workers see an incentive to return to work and that they are supported in their transitions through job search assistance and human capital investments. For our youth and the long-term jobless, who are at greatest risk of long-term withdrawals from the labour force, modest policy efforts now can have big returns on the productive capacity of the economy in the long run.

&nbsp;
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<a class="author-card__name" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" rel="author">Fabian Lange</a>
<div class="author-card__bio">Fabian Lange is the Canadian Research Chair in Labour and Personnel Economics at McGill University. Since March 2020, he has tracked the performance of the labour market in Canada and the U.S. in the face of the pandemic.</div>
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<a class="author-card__name" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" rel="author">Mikal Skuterud</a>
<div class="author-card__bio">Mikal Skuterud is a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo. For the past year he has been tracking the labour market impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and its potential long-term effects.</div>
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]]]Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>

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[[[Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 30, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link">KARIM BARDEESY</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span></span></div>
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<span>The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday,</span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link"><span> </span><span>Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and</span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link"><span> </span><span>Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer</span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link"><span> </span><span>Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span>

<span>Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span>

<span> </span>

<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

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<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a></h5>
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Karim Bardeesy is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.

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Matthew Mendelsohn is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.

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</article>]]]Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

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[[[Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 25, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link">MITCHELL DAVIDSON</a></span></span></div>
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<em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Liberal policy chief<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a>.
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As expected, the 2021 Ontario Budget attempts to straddle the line between pandemic management and pandemic recovery. Investments in contact tracing, vaccination rollouts and hospitals help ensure the health-care system can continue to handle the stresses of the COVID-19 pandemic yet to come. That health spending lays the groundwork for a concerted recovery effort in which the government has clearly chosen to put the province’s economic recovery ahead of a quick return to balanced budgets.

The recovery plan is two-fold. First, it must minimize the economic barriers created by COVID-19. For example, the pandemic underscored the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-is-crucial-for-recovery-and-rebuilding/" role="link">importance of childcare to the economy</a><span> </span>and brought new attention to its rising costs; those costs are addressed through enhancing the CARE tax credit and direct financial transfers to parents.

Next, it must adapt to the realities of economic competition in a post-pandemic world. The new Ontario Jobs Training Tax Credit is exactly the type of policy that helps to embrace that change, helping those laid off or struggling to pursue more resilient careers with higher earnings potential. The largest ever provincial commitment to<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link">broadband expansion</a><span> </span>is another of these recovery-focused policies.

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<blockquote>The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</blockquote>
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Tackling the immediate challenges posed in the economic recovery, as seen through measures like these, is where this budget is the strongest. However, it is on the long-term recovery front where the budget falters. In announcing its intent for a new growth plan that will lay out a five-year vision, the government is signalling its intention to think long-term, but not much more at this point. The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.

One notable question is what this five-year vision will mean for deficit reduction. It is hard to imagine that a government facing re-election only months after unveiling its vision will resist the temptation to announce large new spending initiatives as part of that vision. The vision for growth and the goal of deficit reduction — even if it is a on a nine-year timetable — will forever be at odds. To accommodate for this, expect the government to lay out longer-term spending stretched over a number of years, and to outline higher-level goals that are less tied to spending — such as becoming the province with the lowest regulatory burden or becoming the country’s leader in foreign direct investment.

These long-term goals and policy targets are the next logical step for the Ford government to tackle. The pandemic has upended plans to build transit, fix the administrative side of the health-care system and get energy costs under control. Meanwhile, it has added new urgency to developing policy challenges, like skyrocketing home prices, faster automation of jobs, and growth challenges that come with large-scale demographic changes within the province. Yesterday’s document does not reveal plans to solve these thornier and more complex problems, but it does allow the government to get to a place where it can consider those areas to be priorities again instead of solely focusing on lockdowns and vaccine shipments.

Overall, putting together a framework that lets Ontario think about something other than COVID-19 is an overwhelmingly a good thing.

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Mitchell Davidson is the executive director of the StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy and the former policy chief to Ontario Premier Doug Ford.

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</article>]]]Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span>

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[[[Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span></h1>
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<em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Progressive Conservative policy chief<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a>.</em>

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“Show me their budget, and I’ll tell you a government’s values.” Or so goes the adage. It’s a worthwhile lens to apply to the budget tabled by the Province of Ontario on Wednesday.

Does this government value health care? Health-care spending continues to grow at an impressive clip, and not just for COVID-19 response. This budget offers new investments in long-term care beds and hospitals — needed spending that this government had ignored pre-COVID-19, but also investments that the previous Liberal government I served in too often failed to make at the necessary levels.

Whether the government is competent on health care, and whether it values a healthier population — which depends not just on spending commitments, but on the government’s approach to actually preventing and reducing illness — is another question. It was good to see one step in that direction — a planning grant from the province to Ryerson University<span> </span><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1616857387239000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEjnSN15GQBa9vRuhDWTIuZ5p-m4Q" role="link">toward a new medical school in Brampton</a>, with a focus on primary care and population-based health.

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<blockquote>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic.</blockquote>
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In too many other areas, there’s little sign of commitment. Education and post-secondary education were short-changed. Social assistance rates were again frozen. COVID-19 support payments will go to many people who don’t need them, such as middle- and upper-class families. Inequality will get worse coming out of this budget.

Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic. Most of the economic measures in this budget — job-training tax credits, renewed grants to small business, some other sector supports — are pretty short-term measures. The economic measure with the most foresight behind it might be the expansion of broadband.

And while I’m no fiscal hawk, the growth in debt (especially in comparison to Quebec) creates a concern, with no plan except austerity in the later years of the plan. The best way to reduce debt is with an economic plan. The absence of a plan, or the articulation beyond “a plan to have a plan,” is troubling. Even during a crisis, governments are supposed to do more than one thing at once. Especially when we need some hope about what the economic future will be like.

All in all, this budget is only about the now. Perhaps that’s where Ontarians are at, what the politics suggests. But there’s a public policy opportunity to at least chart a path to an opportunity-driven province, with all talents being drawn on to build back post-pandemic. Ontario did not describe it. Maybe the federal government will have to articulate it instead.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a></h5>
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Karim Bardeesy is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.

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</article>]]]Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span>

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.................................................................................................................]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>266</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 09:25:31]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 13:25:31]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 14:01:14]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 19:01:14]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v2-all-articles-fpr-policy-options__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646334074]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v2-all-articles-fpr-policy-options]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 4-Education (v2b-All Articles-FPR, Dive)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=290</link><pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 14:38:22 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=290</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 25, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time,</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span> </span><span>the kids are at home</span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

&nbsp;

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link"><span>Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link"><span>Annie Kidder: </span><span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link"><span>Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link">Anna Banerji</a><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span>seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link"><span>she-cession</span></a><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link"><span>Statistics Canada</span></a><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link">Tesfai Mengesha</a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its</span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span> </span><span>COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span> </span><span>technology</span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link">Annie Kidder</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link">Medeana Moussa</a><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link"><span>checklists</span></a><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link">Liz Stuart</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link">Charles E. Pascal</a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link">Konrad Glogowski</a><span> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link">Corinne Payne</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link">Harvey Bischof</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link"><span>A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</span></a><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link">Natalie Sadowski</a><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link">Linda White</a><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link">Carolyn Ferns</a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link">Alana Powell</a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link">Brian Dijkema</a><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link"><span>First Policy Response Panel last month</span></a><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare</span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>shows</span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link">Amanda Munday</a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>guidelines from SickKids</span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg</a><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Shawna Vander Velden</a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>
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</article>]]]Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

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[[[Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></div>
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<strong><em><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolCampbell4" role="link">Dr. Carol Campbell</a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em>

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Oct. 5 is<span> </span><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link">World Teachers’ Day</a><span> </span>– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link">“generational catastrophe”</a><span> </span>due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by<span> </span><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link">school closures</a>. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link">education systems</a>.

In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link">back-to-school plan</a><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link">implementation challenges and concerns</a>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link">physical distancing is not feasible.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link">online learning</a>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link">allocated teachers</a>.

Already<span> </span><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link">one out of of every 10</a><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link">survey</a><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link">inequitable choices</a><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link">Education Endowment Foundation</a><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link">research</a><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link">report</a><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link">play</a><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link">mental health</a>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link">overstretched</a><span> </span>with<span> </span><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link">increasing demands</a>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Carol Campbell</a></h5>
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</article>]]]Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span>

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[[[Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 30, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></div>
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For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link">educating children while maintaining public health</a>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link">keeping schools open</a><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link">child abuse</a><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a>.<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link">Federal consultations</a><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link">shelters, transition houses and social services</a><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link">economic downturns</a><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link">high unemployment</a><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link">increased substance use</a><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link">commonly seen in caregivers</a><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">32 per cent of referrals</a><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link">has a legislated duty</a><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link">trained and reminded</a><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">cases are closed</a><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

&nbsp;

<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">support positive child development and resiliency</a><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link">unique role to play</a><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link">exacerbated impact</a><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em>Braelyn Guppy is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link"><img alt="" src="https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/87dc7e2fdd6c98b7509ce984caf4f845?s=115&amp;d=mp&amp;r=g" class="avatar avatar-115 photo m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" height="115" width="115" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Braelyn Guppy</a></h5>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article>]]]Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

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[[[Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>National childcare system must support childcare workers</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86459" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86459 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-early-childhood-educators">
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link">Toronto Star</a>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">Canada’s childcare crisis</a><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link">shared their experiences</a><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link">new survey</a><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

&nbsp;
<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
</ul>
Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Event recap: Delivering on the Commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">May 20, 2021</span></p>

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Feature interview with The Honourable Ahmed Hussen followed by panel on how the federal government can move quickly to act on their pandemic childcare promise

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Monica Lysack is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article>]]]Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span>

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[[[Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link">LISA WOLFF</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></div>
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link">Childcare operators and staff</a><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link">Canada’s patchwork programs</a>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link">ranges</a><span> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link">parental leave</a>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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Lisa Wolff is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.

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Terence Hamilton is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article>]]]Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span>

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

&nbsp;

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span>Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link"><span>Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link"><span>Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link"><span>Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link"><span>Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link"><span>Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link"><span>Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link"><span>Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link"><span>Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link"><span>Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link"><span>Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span></a>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link">Rahul Sapra</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link">Christopher Conway</a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link">Brenda Austin-Smith</a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link">Nicole Brayiannis</a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
&nbsp;

<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link">Carlo Handy Charles</a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link">CESB</a>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link">eligibility criteria</a>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link">Policy Options</a>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link">hiking tuition fees</a><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link">15 per cent</a>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link">existing challenges</a><span> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link">precarious status</a>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link">Canada’s incredible effort</a><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link">Pierre Cyr</a><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link">temporary foreign workers</a>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link">easing of restrictions</a><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link">Julia Colyar</a><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link">Jackie Pichette</a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link">HEQCO study</a><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link">Universal Design for Learning</a><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a><span> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">Nearly 121,000</a><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">And almost 38,000</a><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link">an hour</a>. How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link">$6 million</a><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link">Erin Knight</a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link">utilized</a><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link">home internet connectivity</a>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link">least connected</a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link">Marium Nur Vahed</a><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link">2017 report</a><span> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link">recent survey</a><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link">Kaleb Zewdineh</a><span> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link">Kelley Castle</a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link">labour force</a>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link">research</a><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
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</article>]]]Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

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[[[Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.
</span>

&nbsp;

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span>Paul Davidson: </span><span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link"><span>André Côté: </span><span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: </span><span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link"><span>Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: </span><span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link"><span>Philip Oreopoulos: </span><span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link"><span>Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</span></a>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link">Paul Davidson</a> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link">André Côté</a><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link"><span>two million students</span></a><span>, closing borders on </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link"><span>international students</span></a><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link"><span>recent piece</span></a><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span>Eighteen percent</span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> – Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a> – eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a> – Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link">Philip Oreopoulos</a> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link"><span>both</span></a><span> </span><a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link"><span>revealed</span></a><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link"><span>plan</span></a><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link"><span>controversy</span></a><span>, it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link">Helen Tewolde</a> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
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</article>]]]Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

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[[[Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span>
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<h1 class="header-title h1"><span>Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span></h1>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link">SARA ASALYA</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link">ALKA KUMAR</a></div>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/drrahbarijawoko?lang=en" role="link"><strong><em>Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</em></strong></a><em> is an Adjunct Professor at</em><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link"> <em>The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</em></a><em> and</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link"> <em>Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</em></a><em>.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/saraAsalya" role="link"> <strong><em>Sara Asalya</em></strong></a><em> is the founder and executive director of the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a><em> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/kumaralks" role="link"> <strong><em>Alka Kumar</em></strong></a> <em>is the manager of research and policy at the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a>,<em> and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em>

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The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"> online platforms</a>. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.

The pandemic has exposed<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"> pre-existing fault lines</a> rooted in<a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link"> systemic racism and discrimination</a>; underlined the<a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"> persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link">post-secondary students</a> and <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link">racialized groups</a>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A<a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"> study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An<a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"> Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">reliable internet connections</a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"> Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link">open letter</a></u> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link">responded in a statement</a>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a<a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"> recent op-ed</a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"> opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link">Critical and Indigenous scholars</a> have described how Canada’s long and<a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"> enduring history of colonialism</a> and<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"> exclusion</a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"> exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"> micro-aggressions</a> and “<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link">psychological gaslighting</a><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link">overlooked or undervalued</a>; scarcity of<a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"> social and academic support</a>;<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"> social isolation</a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"> responsive strategies</a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context,<a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link"> changing demographics</a>,<a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link"> multiculturalism</a>, increased recruitment and retention of <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link">international and racialized students</a> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with<a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"> new mandates for research funding</a>, have triggered<a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link"> senior administrative leadership</a> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through<a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"> EDI action plans</a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are<a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"> different ideological approaches to equity</a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link">best practice</a> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an<a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"> Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link">broad institutional support</a> for IE in <a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link">teaching</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link">operations</a> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link">recruitment</a> to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link">learning outcomes</a>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link">why race-based data matters in health care</a>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link">data misuse</a>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist<a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"> David Graeber</a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko is an Adjunct Professor at The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University and Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert.

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Sara Asalya is the founder and executive director of the Newcomer Students Association and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.

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Alka Kumar is the manager of research and policy at the Newcomer Students Association, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.

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</article>]]]Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span>

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>290</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 10:38:22]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 14:38:22]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 14:10:44]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 19:10:44]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v2b-all-articles-fpr-dive__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646334644]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v2b-all-articles-fpr-dive]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v2-All Articles-FPR)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=302</link><pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 15:04:27 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=302</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 22, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1330" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1330 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-covid-19-six-months-later tag-fpr-original tag-indigenous">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span> </span><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link">Yellowhead Institute</a><span> </span>at Ryerson University,</em><em><span> </span>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong> </strong>

&nbsp;

<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span> </span><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link">Indian Act chief and council elections</a>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<h2>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</h2>
Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.

And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link">doctors from Cuba</a><span> </span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span> </span><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link">community-based research project</a><span> </span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

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<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

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<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

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<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span> </span><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link">duty to consult</a>, like<span> </span><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link">free, prior and informed consent</a><span> </span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.

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<h2>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">low-income, racialized communities</a>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span> </span><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.

&nbsp;
<h2>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.

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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Hayden King</a></h5>
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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INDIGENOUS</a></div>
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</article>]]]King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span>

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[[[Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span>
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<h1 class="header-title h1"><span>Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</span></h1>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 21, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link">ELISA LEVI</a></div>
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<em><a href="https://twitter.com/elisa_levi" role="link">Elisa Levi</a><span> </span>is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em>

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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span> </span><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link">World Health Organization</a><span> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link">socio-economic marginalization</a><span> </span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link">concerns</a><span> </span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link">Arlen Dumas</a><span> </span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link">Indian Hospitals</a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup><span> </span>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link">nutrition experiments</a> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link">Joyce Echaquan</a><span> </span>fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the<span> </span><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a><span> </span>delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government<span> </span><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link">rejected</a><span> </span>the proposal.

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<blockquote>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong></h2>
We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span> </span><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link">H1N1 flu outbreak</a><span> </span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span> </span><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link">said</a><span> </span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a><span> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link">rising</a><span> </span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link">hardest hit</a>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a><span> </span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span> </span><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link">equity</a>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span> </span><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link">NACI recognizes</a>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<span> </span><em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a><span> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that<span> </span><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link">70 per cent uptake</a><span> </span>is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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</article>]]]Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>302</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 11:04:27]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 15:04:27]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:20:33]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:20:33]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v2-all-articles-fpr__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646403633]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v2-all-articles-fpr]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---Chapter 1-Pandemic Control Basics (v3a-All Articles-FPR, Only Orwell Link)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=316</link><pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 15:20:30 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=316</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[(1) <strong>Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?

-Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics

&nbsp;

<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link">SEAN MULLIN</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></div>
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<div><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></div>
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<p id="a1e5">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</p>

<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">playbook</a>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses.<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"> https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">e-mail</a> or <a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Twitter</a>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Jennifer Robson</a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">prepared this Google doc</a>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Tammy Schirle</a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Kevin Milligan</a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">outlining their rationale</a>,and addressing plausible criticisms (<a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">here</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">here</a>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">this CD Howe Institute memo</a>.. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Sean Mullin</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a>, in <a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Jim Stanford</a> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">put forward their recommendations</a> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">David Samuel</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">argue in The Globe and Mail</a> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Policy Options</a>, Erin Millar, <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Teara Fraser, and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Suzanne Siemens</a> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Jon Shell</a> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Rahul Chandran</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Brian Dijkema</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">argue in this CARDUS report</a> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Sam Andrey</a> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Michael Sabia</a> has <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">strong guidance</a> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Andrew Potter</a> has <a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">launched a newsletter</a> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a> website and in <a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Corporate Knights</a> / <a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Future of Good</a>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a> or reach out to us on <a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">You can also subscribe to our mailing list.</a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/">Matthew Mendelsohn</a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Sean Mullin</a></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Karim Bardeesy</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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<div class="tagcloud"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></div>
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<div><strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></div>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA">PEDRO BARATA</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link">WENDY CUKIER</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86686" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86686 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-economic-policy category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span></div>
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<em>This piece is based on survey research<span> </span></em><strong><em>conducted by the <a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a>, in partnership with the <a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link">Future Skills Centre</a> and the <a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a>.<span> </span></em></strong><em>For more details, see the full report:<span> </span><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a>.</em>

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The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link">Teachers and students</a><span> </span>are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.

There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link">some types of workers</a><span> </span>have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.

The numbers from<span> </span><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link">our recent survey</a><span> </span>are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.

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Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.

The situation for<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link">younger workers</a><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.

Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.

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However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link">given a chance</a>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.

Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.

None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.

As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Pedro Barata</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Wendy-Cukier-scaled-e1614642411912-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Wendy Cukier" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Wendy Cukier</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the founder and academic director of the Ted Rogers School of Management’s Diversity Institute.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Andrew-Parkin-Headshot-wide-angle-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Andrew Parkin</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:

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<hr />

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

&nbsp;

<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-87095" class="page-body style-light-bg post-87095 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-implementation-governance tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-election-2021">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></div>
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<em>Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link">charged with throwing gravel</a><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link">violated public health orders</a><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link">limit basic freedoms</a><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link">Government of Canada data</a>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link">questioned</a><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link">affects marginalized groups</a><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link">lack digital devices or expertise</a><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link">struggled to stay afloat</a><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link">Ottawa Citizen</a>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/CIGI-headshot-e1629748877903-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Stephanie MacLellan" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Stephanie MacLellan</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link">ELECTION 2021</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a> </span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 28, 2021 <span>| </span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a><span> | </span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link">NOAH ZON</a></div>
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<article id="post-85128" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85128 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-economic-policy tag-industrial-policy tag-inclusive-policy-making tag-fpr-original tag-economics">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></div>
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For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.

The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.

There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.

It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.

Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.

Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.

But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be <em>inclusive – </em>supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.

There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also <em>stronger growth</em>. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.

If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.

A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed <em>inclusive</em> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.

In a joint effort with the <a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a> and the <a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a>, we recently released a <a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/">report</a> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.

The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions.

Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/">Noah Zon</a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link">ECONOMICS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Class Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks

-Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

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<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span>

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It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,<span> </span><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link">finally said</a><span> </span>two weeks ago.

To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.

Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.

In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.

But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.

That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.

The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.

Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">equity for the most at-risk populations</a><span> </span>(ditto)? No.

Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link">schools</a><span> </span>and<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link">long-term care facilities</a>. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.

In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.

The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.

But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.

And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.

A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.<strong> </strong>
<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link">Atlantic Bubble</a><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
</ol>
Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>316</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 11:20:30]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 15:20:30]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 13:54:52]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 18:54:52]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v2-all-articles-fpr-orwell__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646333692]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v2-all-articles-fpr-orwell]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---Chapter 1-Pandemic Control Basics (v3-All Articles-FPR, Only Orwell Link)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=323</link><pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 16:33:29 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=323</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[This is the first chapter in the main body of the text. You can change the text, rename the chapter, add new chapters, and add new parts.

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(1) <strong>Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?</strong>:

<strong>Weekly Class Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?

-Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics

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<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link">SEAN MULLIN</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></div>
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<p id="a1e5">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</p>

<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">playbook</a>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses.<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"> https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">e-mail</a> or <a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Twitter</a>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Jennifer Robson</a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">prepared this Google doc</a>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Tammy Schirle</a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Kevin Milligan</a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">outlining their rationale</a>,<a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"> </a>and addressing plausible criticisms (<a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">here</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">here</a>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">this CD Howe Institute memo</a>.. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Sean Mullin</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a>, in <a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.<a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"> </a>As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Jim Stanford</a> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a> on the initial federal efforts<a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"> </a>. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">put forward their recommendations</a> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">David Samuel</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">argue in The Globe and Mail</a> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Policy Options</a>, Erin Millar, <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Teara Fraser, and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Suzanne Siemens</a> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Jon Shell</a> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.<a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link"> </a>He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Rahul Chandran</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Brian Dijkema</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">argue in this CARDUS report</a> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Sam Andrey</a> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Michael Sabia</a> has <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">strong guidance</a> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Andrew Potter</a> has <a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">launched a newsletter</a> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a> website and in <a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Corporate Knights</a> / <a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Future of Good</a>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a> or reach out to us on <a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link">You can also subscribe to our mailing list.</a></p>
<p id="8fe3">— Matthew Mendelsohn, Sean Mullin, and Karim Bardeesy</p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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Matthew Mendelsohn is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.

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Karim Bardeesy is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.

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</article>]]]Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

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[[[Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 10, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA">PEDRO BARATA</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link">WENDY CUKIER</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></div>
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<em>This piece is based on survey research<span> </span></em><strong><em>conducted by the <a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a>, in partnership with the <a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link">Future Skills Centre</a> and the <a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a>.<span> </span></em></strong><em>For more details, see the full report:<span> </span><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a>.</em>

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The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link">Teachers and students</a><span> </span>are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.

There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link">some types of workers</a><span> </span>have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.

The numbers from<span> </span><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link">our recent survey</a><span> </span>are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.

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Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.

The situation for<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link">younger workers</a><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.

Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.

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However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link">given a chance</a>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.

Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.

None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.

As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.

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Pedro Barata is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.

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Wendy Cukier is the founder and academic director of the Ted Rogers School of Management’s Diversity Institute.

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Andrew Parkin is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.

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</article>]]]Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span>

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Weekly Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

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<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></div>
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<em>Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link">charged with throwing gravel</a><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link">violated public health orders</a><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link">limit basic freedoms</a><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link">Government of Canada data</a>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link">questioned</a><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link">affects marginalized groups</a><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link">lack digital devices or expertise</a><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link">struggled to stay afloat</a><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link">Ottawa Citizen</a>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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Stephanie MacLellan is the managing editor of First Policy Response.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link">ELECTION 2021</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article>]]]MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span>

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[[[Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span>
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<h1 class="header-title h1"><span>How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span></h1>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 28, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link">NOAH ZON</a></div>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/MattMendel" role="link"><em>Matthew Mendelsohn</em></a><em> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em> <a href="https://twitter.com/NoahZon" role="link"><em>Noah Zon</em></a><em> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em>

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For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.

The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.

There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.

It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.

Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.

Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.

But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be <em>inclusive – </em>supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.

There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also <em>stronger growth</em>. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.

If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.

A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed <em>inclusive</em> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.

In a joint effort with the <a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a> and the <a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a>, we recently released a <a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/">report</a> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.

The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions.

Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.

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Matthew Mendelsohn is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.

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Noah Zon is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link">ECONOMICS</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></div>
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</article>]]]Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span>

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Weekly Class Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks

-Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

&nbsp;

<strong>Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span>

&nbsp;

]]]Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span>

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[[[Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

&nbsp;

]]]Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 23, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link">RINALDO WALCOTT</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-85677" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85677 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-equity tag-data tag-tvo">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></div>
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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link">TVO.org</a> and First Policy Response </span><img class="wp-image-85651" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1200px-TVO_logo.png?time=1635794247" width="35" height="16" alt="TVO logo" style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em" /></h3>
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COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of<span> </span><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link">ongoing</a><span> </span><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link">debate</a>. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.

But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.

Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.<span> </span><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link">The calls</a><span> </span>for<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link">race-based data</a><span> </span>in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.

So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link">14 per cent</a><span> </span>of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.

Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link">significantly exposed</a>.

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<blockquote>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</blockquote>
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But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as<span> </span><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link">China</a><span> </span>and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link">six months into the pandemic</a>.

Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.

Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="51" height="51" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Rinaldo-Walcott-scaled-e1614124936566-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Rinaldo Walcott" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/">Rinaldo Walcott</a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/data/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-258 tag-link-position-1" role="link">DATA</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/equity/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-257 tag-link-position-2" role="link">EQUITY</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-4" role="link">RACE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-5" role="link">TVO</a> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Walcott's article "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>'s article"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" title="View all posts by KEN BOESSENKOOL" role="link">KEN BOESSENKOOL</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" title="View all posts by ADMIN" role="link">ADMIN</a></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></div>
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<em>With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em>

<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em>

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<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

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<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

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<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

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<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

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<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.<em> </em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><img width="76" height="76" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Ken-Boessenkool-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link">Ken Boessenkool</a> is the </em><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">McConnell Professor of Practice at the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University and Research Fellow at C.D. Howe Institute. </em><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="http://kenboessenkool/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>,  <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/individual-income-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-2 tag-link-position-2" role="link">INDIVIDUAL INCOME SUPPORT</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-159 tag-link-position-3" role="link">YEAR END Q&amp;A</a> </span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Boessenkool</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span>"</strong>:

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<span class="lead">Not all political staff leave to work on the party’s campaign during elections. Some stay behind to help support ministers in their official duties.</span>

<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/">Paul Wilson,</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/">Michael McNair</a></span><span class="meta__date"> June 12, 2020</span>

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<div class="social-icon single__social-icons col-lg-2"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/"><span>https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</span></a></div>
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<p class="dropcap-big">Many people gravitate to political jobs because they love the adrenalin of campaigning and are ideologically committed to building support for their party. Predictably, when an election is called, most political staffers take leave to work on the campaign. However, some remain at their desks in ministers’ offices, including in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), in order to support the ministry that continues throughout the writ period.</p>
Ministerial exempt staff, political partisans who are paid by public funds to support ministers with their official duties, play an important role in maintaining the information flow between the department and ministers as well as ongoing dialogue with the public service during the campaign. In essence, they act as democratic insurance so that even during an election period final government decisions and accountability rest with those who earned a democratic mandate in the previous election. Clear public guidelines for conduct during the campaign are essential for ensuring a smooth relationship.

<strong>The curtain falls between two worlds</strong>

Ministers are usually MPs and need to run for re-election. Yet, during the campaign, ministers continue to be ministers. Government business continues and they retain their legal authority from the Crown. However, it is not business as usual. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII">caretaker convention dictates</a><span> </span>that, when Parliament is dissolved and there is no confidence chamber to hold them accountable, ministers will exercise restraint. Through such self-restraint, ministers show respect for the democratic accountability. They also avoid any perception that the governing party is receiving electoral benefit out of its executive privileges.

This convention operates in Canada similarly to other Westminster countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Under the convention, routine administration may continue, and ministers must still address urgent and unavoidable matters, such as natural disasters. However, they generally avoid making announcements, commitments or decisions that a new incoming government could not reverse.

The daily rhythm of ministers’ offices changes as soon as the writ drops and the caretaker convention comes into operation. The normally heavy volume of briefing notes from the deputy minister slows considerably. Oral briefings cease. Impromptu face-to-face interactions with departmental officials are less frequent,<span> </span><a href="https://utorontopress.com/ca/off-and-running-4">as the public service turns inward</a><span> </span>to focus on planning for post-election transition scenarios. It is almost as if a curtain descends to cut off the two worlds.

Nevertheless, since ministers continue to be heads of their departments, they are entitled to be kept apprised of events within their portfolio since they may be asked questions at any time. Further, they may have to respond to urgent matters that cannot wait until after the election. Examples of such circumstances include international crises, ongoing Canadian military engagements, court rulings, domestic emergencies and high-level negotiations such as the culmination of trade agreements. In these situations, ministers must be kept informed, take decisions and give direction. Therefore, they require political staff who can be trusted to exercise sound judgement in deciding what information needs to be conveyed to the minister and when.

Once the minister is engaged, political staff will often convey the minister’s direction and facilitate next steps if needed. This may mean setting up a telephone call with the deputy minister or, depending on the scope of the issue, with other ministers. Political staff can carry out political legwork with other offices to ensure coordination. Sometimes specific documents need to be conveyed to the minister for signature. This is why one member of the minister’s political staff is permitted to accompany the minister while on campaign yet remain as a government employee. This ensures a constant liaison between the department and the minister, who can receive classified information if needed. Just like colleagues remaining in the Ottawa office, this staffer does not take a full-time part in partisan campaign activities, though proximity to the minister is required.

<strong>Pivoting to a reactive and defensive approach</strong>

In normal times, ministers’ offices devote significant effort to proactively pushing out the government’s<span> </span><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/brand-command">strategic messaging</a>. During an election, however, the campaign team assumes almost all responsibility for public messaging. Ministers’ offices, by contrast, adopt an entirely reactive and defensive approach to communication. Their goal is to manage and mitigate risk by identifying potential problems and neutralizing them before they become public controversies. This involves carefully monitoring news stories, including on social media, to identify negative stories that are relevant to the department, gathering background information from the department in order to understand the context, and recommending response lines.

Ministers’ offices maintain media relations capacity so that they may deal directly with journalists and answer questions about departmental business. In order to monitor potential issues across government, the PMO creates an early morning process so that each day political media relations and issues management staffers from across the government can flag emerging issues and recommend responsive messaging. These lines will then be communicated to ministers so that they are prepared for government-related questions as they are campaigning at public events.

In a similar way, work in the Prime Minister’s Office changes when the election is called. Political staffers staying in the PMO no longer work with the PCO on managing the cabinet policy agenda or coordinating long-term strategic communication efforts across government. The Clerk of the Privy Council significantly curtails the volume of daily briefing notes to the prime minister, though this may reflect the prime minister’s desire to focus on the campaign as much as a desire to defend the caretaker convention.
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The PMO must always ensure that the prime minister is aware of key developments within government. Of course, this includes information in priority areas such as the economy, national security and international relations. However, details vary from day to day. PMO senior staff may speak with the prime minister when required to answer questions and to pass on information that the prime minister needs to know, either in order to ensure smooth governance or to make sure the PM is briefed about government business that may intrude into the campaign setting.

Finally, while interactions between the PMO and the PCO are reduced during the campaign, there are opportunities for dialogue. PCO staff might wish to discuss “transition to government” questions with PMO. If re-elected, what sort of machinery of government changes might the prime minister consider? Is the PM satisfied with the briefing processes in place or could they be improved? Is the prime minister open to revising the publication providing guidelines on conduct and accountability to ministers? Informal consultations on matters such as these may be helpful, though they would be only one-way conversations. For example, PCO can learn from PMO’s opinion on such matters, but should not offer any advice in return on governing after the election, or on matters of transition.

<strong>Overcoming obstacles</strong>

Sometimes obstacles emerge in the relationship between ministers and their offices and public servants in the lead up to and during the election campaign. Such obstacles are often rooted in a misunderstanding of the purpose and limits of the caretaker convention.

In 2015, Stephen Harper was the first prime minister to make the caretaker guidelines available publicly. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII">did so in 2019</a>. This transparency helps the public understand how government works during an election, and ought to provide more clarity across the entire federal government. In practice, there is still more work to do in understanding when the caretaker period begins, what is meant by caretaker, and where the limits of the convention can be found.

Election campaigns in both 2015 and 2019 occurred in the context of majority governments with a legislated fixed-election date. This meant that everyone knew when the election would likely be held, though not when Parliament would be dissolved. In terms of political activity and public perception, the campaign seemed to extend backwards into the summer. To deal with this, the Trudeau government introduced changes for the pre-writ period to restrict government advertising and limit pre-campaign spending.

These steps, combined with the fact that Parliament was adjourned but not dissolved, could have led public servants in some departments to conclude that ministers were not permitted to operate as usual during the summer. Ministers’ offices had to work to counter this perception by, for example, asserting their entitlement to information and briefings as usual. With the support of PMO and PCO, government operated as normal over the months leading up to the election call. However, additional clarity is needed to ensure that everyone recognizes caretaker restraint only begins with the dissolution of Parliament and not in the period leading up to it.
<p class="dropcap">Who is the caretaker? The answer is consistent with our democratic system of government. While ministers may sometimes choose to delegate more authority to their deputy ministers it is never the officials who act as caretakers or who hold the authority or accountability of ministers. Rather, the government continues to be led by a political cabinet of (usually) democratically elected ministers who, in the absence of an elected House of Commons, act with self-restraint. The ministers are the caretakers.</p>
Ultimately, the caretaker convention is adjudicated politically. When to act—or not to act—according to these criteria is ultimately something that ministers must decide, and they are accountable to Canadians for their decisions.

<strong>This article is part of <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-insiders-view-behind-the-scenes-of-election-campaigns/">The Insider’s View Behind the Scenes of Election Campaigns</a><span class="s1"> </span>special feature.</strong>
<div class="article-footnote"><span class="article-footnote__title"></span><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/">submission</a>, or a<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/">letter to the editor.</a> </em></div>
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<img alt="Paul Wilson" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Paul-Wilson.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="51" height="51" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/">Paul Wilson</a> is an Associate Professor in the Clayton Riddell Graduate Program in Political Management at Carleton University. Formerly Director of Policy at PMO under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his research focuses on ministerial and parliamentary political staffers. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/" rel="author">View all by this author</a></em></div>
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<img alt="Michael McNair" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Michael-McNair.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="60" height="60" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/">Michael McNair</a> holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics and Political Science and from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He was Policy Director for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from 2012-2019. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" rel="author">View all by this author</a></em></div>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Wilson and McNair's article "The political staff who help take care of government during elections"</strong>:

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<strong>Economy II – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MAY 28, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link">BAILEY GREENSPON</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-714" class="page-body style-light-bg post-714 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-gender-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/

On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including<span> </span><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link">G(irls)20</a>. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.

Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.

When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “<a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link">she-cession</a>,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link">racialized and immigrant women</a>, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link">affordable and accessible child care</a>. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.

G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.

<strong>
An economic crisis for young women</strong>

To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link">labour force numbers</a><span> </span>from Statistics Canada.

Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.

Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.

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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link">services-producing sector</a>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link">significant barriers persist</a><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link">Statistics Canada survey of students</a>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link">Canada Student Loans</a><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

<strong>
</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em>Bailey Greenspon</em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/gender-covid-19/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-18 tag-link-position-2" role="link">GENDER + COVID-19</a> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Greenspon</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</span>

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<span class="lead">Our labour supply and what’s holding it back are the biggest hurdles to improving employment numbers. Job-search assistance and training are vital.</span>

<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">Fabian Lange, </a><span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/">Mikal Skuterud</a></span><span class="meta__date"> June 22, 2021</span>

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<div class="social-icon single__social-icons col-lg-2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span></div>
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Canada’s employment rate has now nearly fully recovered from its unprecedented drop of 10 percentage points last year, but a gap of 2.5 percentage points remains. As with vaccinations, the “last mile” in our labour market recovery may be the most difficult.

Much of the recovery in the employment rate over the summer and fall of 2020 occurred when workers furloughed from their jobs in the initial shutdowns returned to their former places of employment. This process is all but complete as only a small fraction of the workforce is still on temporary layoff. The question we need to ask now is which policies will help close the remaining gap in the employment rate (figure 1).

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While it is tempting to reach for the economic toolkit first, it is important we recognize that the economic crisis is first and foremost a health crisis, and that recovery depends most critically on putting the health crisis behind us. As long as customers and workers feel insecure in returning to face-to-face activities and employers face uncertainty about future public health measures forcing shutdowns, the economy will not fully recover.

The best remedy to put the virus and its consequences behind us is clear – boost vaccination rates. As the<span> </span><a href="https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/en/data-insights/ieo-2021-03-more-jabs-more-jobs">OECD stated</a><span> </span>in a recent report: “More jabs, more jobs.” As vaccinations provide us with relief from the pandemic, we need to strengthen the public health system to be able to withstand a potential fall resurgence if pockets of unvaccinated populations remain or if a new variant proves resistant to existing vaccines. Even if the probability of such an event is judged to be low, the costs are high enough to justify significant investments in our public health infrastructure.

Canada needs to use the summer to invest in testing programs, including rapid testing, to be able to identify and get on top of any new outbreaks. It should also invest in reducing transmission in public places, schools and workplaces – possibly through improved indoor ventilation systems. Finally, Canada should plan for the possibility that another round of vaccines might become necessary in the event of a break-out variant.

But getting past the virus may be insufficient in itself.

What ails the labour market in 2021? There are strong indications that it is not a lack of demand for labour. In recent months, we have seen a remarkable recovery in job postings and job openings. Data from Statistics Canada’s Job Vacancies and Wage Survey suggest there were 23 per cent more job vacancies in March 2021 than in February 2020. Data from private companies aggregating job postings from online sources suggest that when we get official data through April and May 2021, this upswing will continue and even accelerate. Moreover, the upswing is evident across all provinces, industries and occupations. This suggests to us that insufficient labour demand will not be an important constraint in the jobs recovery.

We find ourselves at a point when labour supply, and factors that may hold it back, become the primary consideration.

Our first concern is that the unavailability of child care will keep parents (mostly women) with young children from returning to work. Indeed, as figure 2 (below) shows, promising employment gains among parents with kids under age 12 are evident in recent months everywhere except in Ontario, where schools have been closed for almost the entire winter. They opened in most of Ontario on Jan. 25, after an extended Christmas holiday break, but have been closed since March 14, and will stay closed for the remainder of this school year. In contrast, schools have remained open for most of the winter and spring in most other provinces. Continued uptake in child vaccination rates is critical to ensure child-care centres can open safely in the weeks ahead, and then schools in September.

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A second concern is that enhanced Employment Insurance (EI) and Canada Response Benefit (CRB) payments disincentivize low-skill workers to search for and accept low-wage jobs. Wage growth seems to have picked up in recent weeks, but earnings in the low-skill sector will often fall short of the EI or CRB benefits available. This implies that this group will, in economic parlance, be elastic in their labour supply – they will respond to changes in the relative economic benefits from drawing benefits as opposed to work. To address this challenge, Ottawa must resist calls for further extensions to enhanced EI/CRB benefit levels and instead focus efforts on increasing the generosity of EI’s working-while-on-claim (WWC) provisions as recommended in a<span> </span><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/transitioning-back-to-work-how-to-improve-ei-working-while-on-claim-provisions/">recent IRPP analysis</a>.

A greater concern, in our view, is the growth we have seen in long-term joblessness. As shown in figure 3 (below), as of mid-May, one-half of Canada’s two million jobless who say they want a job have been without one for more than one year. Moreover, only seven per cent of these people were enrolled in education or training in May 2021.
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There is much evidence indicating that the longer workers are jobless, the less likely they are to return to work and the more likely they are to experience significant earnings losses when they do. This effect reflects a number of factors, but of particular concern now are skill atrophy, loss of work routine and lack of labour market engagement. Long-term or permanent labour market disengagement in this population has high social costs that justify ambitious investments now.

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We also have acute concerns about the pandemic’s effects on Canada’s youth population. Workers aged 15 to 29 comprise 36 per cent of the jobless who want work and 30 per cent of those who have been without a job for more than one year.

As of May, there were 143,000 jobless youth seeking employment for the first time. Closed schools and workplaces have compromised the learning and work experience of young people. Labour market discouragement of middle-aged workers is costly. Youth disengagement is a much more serious problem.

The hope in March 2020 was that in-person work activity would pause for a few weeks, but we would soon press “play” and return to our old jobs. But economies are organic, constantly evolving, and we have now been on pause for 15 months. Workers and consumers have changed their spending habits, living arrangements and found alternative income sources, while employers have exploited opportunities to reorganize and automate. This suggests there may be structural shifts in labour demand, requiring reallocation of workers across sectors and new investments in human capital.

In a recent<span> </span><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/adjusting-to-job-loss-when-times-are-tough/">IRPP study</a>, researchers from Statistics Canada, René Morissette and Theresa Hanqing Qiu, found that three-quarters of Canadian workers laid off following the 2008 crisis who had not found a job by 2010 did not use any of the four adjustment strategies they examined: move to a region with more jobs; enroll in post-secondary education; enroll in a registered apprenticeship; or become self-employed. Among the low-skilled workers, who in this crisis have been most affected, the use of these adjustment strategies was even rarer.

Given this evidence, we see a role for governments to support jobs recovery through active labour market programs (ALMPs) that prioritize labour supply engagement over job-creation.<span> </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jeea/article-abstract/16/3/894/4430618?redirectedFrom=fulltext">Meta analyses</a><span> </span>of ALMPs show they have larger average impacts in periods of high unemployment, especially when downturns have been relatively short-lived.

First, provincial governments need to step up efforts to intensify job search assistance, counselling and support services, thus providing labour market information for the jobless and incentives to enter work quickly. Evidence shows that these “work first” ALMPs are most successful in producing short-term beneficial impacts after a deep recession. Given the real possibility of widespread labour shortages this summer, these programs offer a cost-effective tool to boost job-creation in the short run.

Second, and arguably more significant, it is critical that structural labour market shifts be monitored and job reallocation pressures supported through “human capital” ALMPs, including private hiring subsidies as well as training on the job and in the classroom. Relative to “work first” programs, these programs can produce longer-term beneficial impacts on workers’ employment rates and earnings. They also tend to have relatively large benefits for women and the long-term jobless.

In this regard, the<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/news/2021/06/helping-hard-hit-businesses-hire-more-workers-with-the-canada-recovery-hiring-program.html">Canadian Recovery Hiring Program</a><span> </span>(CRHP), available from June 6 to Nov. 20, may be especially effective if it is used to attract workers, through sign-on bonuses or for training, for example. Restricting CRHP eligibility to employers who recruit long-term jobless applicants and requiring employers to reimburse a share of subsidies if workers are not retained for one year, would have been a preferred approach in our view.

There is much reason to be optimistic that we will see strong employment gains in the second half of 2021. However, we see risks in complacency. To support a full recovery, we need to ensure workers see an incentive to return to work and that they are supported in their transitions through job search assistance and human capital investments. For our youth and the long-term jobless, who are at greatest risk of long-term withdrawals from the labour force, modest policy efforts now can have big returns on the productive capacity of the economy in the long run.
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<div class="article-footnote"><span class="article-footnote__title"></span><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/">submission</a>, or a<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/">letter to the editor.</a> </em></div>
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<img alt="Fabian Lange" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/06/Fabian-Lange.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="48" height="48" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">Fabian Lange</a> is the Canadian Research Chair in Labour and Personnel Economics at McGill University. Since March 2020, he has tracked the performance of the labour market in Canada and the U.S. in the face of the pandemic. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" rel="author">View all by this author</a></em></div>
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<img alt="Mikal Skuterud" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/04/Mikal-Skuterud.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="53" height="53" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/">Mikal Skuterud</a> is a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo. For the past year he has been tracking the labour market impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and its potential long-term effects. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" rel="author">View all by this author</a></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/economy/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2 tag">ECONOMY</a>, </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/policy-making/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2841 tag">POLICY-MAKING</a>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lange &amp; Skuterud's article "Unemployment is down, but there are still issues"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">OCTOBER 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link">KARIM BARDEESY</a> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

<span>The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday,</span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link"><span> </span><span>Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and</span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link"><span> </span><span>Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer</span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link"><span> </span><span>Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span>

<span>Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span>

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<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

<i><span> </span></i><span> </span>

<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="52" height="52" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Karim Bardeesy</a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="45" height="45" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Matthew Mendelsohn</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a> </span>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>
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<p class="h1"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bardeesy &amp; Mendelsohn's article "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</strong><span style="font-weight: normal;text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">:</span></p>

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 25, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> |</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link">MITCHELL DAVIDSON</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span>

<em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Liberal policy chief<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" role="link">Karim Bardeesy</a>.
</em>

As expected, the 2021 Ontario Budget attempts to straddle the line between pandemic management and pandemic recovery. Investments in contact tracing, vaccination rollouts and hospitals help ensure the health-care system can continue to handle the stresses of the COVID-19 pandemic yet to come. That health spending lays the groundwork for a concerted recovery effort in which the government has clearly chosen to put the province’s economic recovery ahead of a quick return to balanced budgets.

The recovery plan is two-fold. First, it must minimize the economic barriers created by COVID-19. For example, the pandemic underscored the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-is-crucial-for-recovery-and-rebuilding/" role="link">importance of childcare to the economy</a><span> </span>and brought new attention to its rising costs; those costs are addressed through enhancing the CARE tax credit and direct financial transfers to parents.

Next, it must adapt to the realities of economic competition in a post-pandemic world. The new Ontario Jobs Training Tax Credit is exactly the type of policy that helps to embrace that change, helping those laid off or struggling to pursue more resilient careers with higher earnings potential. The largest ever provincial commitment to<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link">broadband expansion</a><span> </span>is another of these recovery-focused policies.

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<blockquote>The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</blockquote>
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Tackling the immediate challenges posed in the economic recovery, as seen through measures like these, is where this budget is the strongest. However, it is on the long-term recovery front where the budget falters. In announcing its intent for a new growth plan that will lay out a five-year vision, the government is signalling its intention to think long-term, but not much more at this point. The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.

One notable question is what this five-year vision will mean for deficit reduction. It is hard to imagine that a government facing re-election only months after unveiling its vision will resist the temptation to announce large new spending initiatives as part of that vision. The vision for growth and the goal of deficit reduction — even if it is a on a nine-year timetable — will forever be at odds. To accommodate for this, expect the government to lay out longer-term spending stretched over a number of years, and to outline higher-level goals that are less tied to spending — such as becoming the province with the lowest regulatory burden or becoming the country’s leader in foreign direct investment.

These long-term goals and policy targets are the next logical step for the Ford government to tackle. The pandemic has upended plans to build transit, fix the administrative side of the health-care system and get energy costs under control. Meanwhile, it has added new urgency to developing policy challenges, like skyrocketing home prices, faster automation of jobs, and growth challenges that come with large-scale demographic changes within the province. Yesterday’s document does not reveal plans to solve these thornier and more complex problems, but it does allow the government to get to a place where it can consider those areas to be priorities again instead of solely focusing on lockdowns and vaccine shipments.

Overall, putting together a framework that lets Ontario think about something other than COVID-19 is an overwhelmingly a good thing.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link"><img width="41" height="41" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Mitchell-Davidson-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mitchell Davidson</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy and the former policy chief to Ontario Premier Doug Ford.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link">ECONOMICS</a><span> </span>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/ontario/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-266 tag-link-position-3" role="link">ONTARIO</a>, , , </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Davidson</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 26, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link">ECONOMIC POLICY</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> |</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86023" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86023 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-economic-policy category-implementation-governance tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span>

<em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Progressive Conservative policy chief<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a>.</em>

“Show me their budget, and I’ll tell you a government’s values.” Or so goes the adage. It’s a worthwhile lens to apply to the budget tabled by the Province of Ontario on Wednesday.

Does this government value health care? Health-care spending continues to grow at an impressive clip, and not just for COVID-19 response. This budget offers new investments in long-term care beds and hospitals — needed spending that this government had ignored pre-COVID-19, but also investments that the previous Liberal government I served in too often failed to make at the necessary levels.

Whether the government is competent on health care, and whether it values a healthier population — which depends not just on spending commitments, but on the government’s approach to actually preventing and reducing illness — is another question. It was good to see one step in that direction — a planning grant from the province to Ryerson University<span> </span><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1616857387239000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEjnSN15GQBa9vRuhDWTIuZ5p-m4Q" role="link">toward a new medical school in Brampton</a>, with a focus on primary care and population-based health.

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<blockquote>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic.</blockquote>
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In too many other areas, there’s little sign of commitment. Education and post-secondary education were short-changed. Social assistance rates were again frozen. COVID-19 support payments will go to many people who don’t need them, such as middle- and upper-class families. Inequality will get worse coming out of this budget.

Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic. Most of the economic measures in this budget — job-training tax credits, renewed grants to small business, some other sector supports — are pretty short-term measures. The economic measure with the most foresight behind it might be the expansion of broadband.

And while I’m no fiscal hawk, the growth in debt (especially in comparison to Quebec) creates a concern, with no plan except austerity in the later years of the plan. The best way to reduce debt is with an economic plan. The absence of a plan, or the articulation beyond “a plan to have a plan,” is troubling. Even during a crisis, governments are supposed to do more than one thing at once. Especially when we need some hope about what the economic future will be like.

All in all, this budget is only about the now. Perhaps that’s where Ontarians are at, what the politics suggests. But there’s a public policy opportunity to at least chart a path to an opportunity-driven province, with all talents being drawn on to build back post-pandemic. Ontario did not describe it. Maybe the federal government will have to articulate it instead.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="53" height="53" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/">Karim Bardeesy</a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Bardeesy</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span>"</strong>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>327</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 12:36:15]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 16:36:15]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:22:25]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:22:25]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v2ab-all-articles-fpr-policy-options__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646403745]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v2ab-all-articles-fpr-policy-options]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---Chapter 4-Education (v3a-All Articles-FPR, Dive)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=329</link><pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 19:05:52 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=329</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 25, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time,</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span> </span><span>the kids are at home</span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

&nbsp;

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link"><span>Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link"><span>Annie Kidder: </span><span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link"><span>Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link">Anna Banerji</a><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span>seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link"><span>she-cession</span></a><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link"><span>Statistics Canada</span></a><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link">Tesfai Mengesha</a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its</span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span> </span><span>COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span> </span><span>technology</span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link">Annie Kidder</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link">Medeana Moussa</a><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link"><span>checklists</span></a><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link">Liz Stuart</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link">Charles E. Pascal</a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link">Konrad Glogowski</a><span> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link">Corinne Payne</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link">Harvey Bischof</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link"><span>A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</span></a><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link">Natalie Sadowski</a><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link">Linda White</a><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link">Carolyn Ferns</a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link">Alana Powell</a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link">Brian Dijkema</a><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link"><span>First Policy Response Panel last month</span></a><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare</span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>shows</span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link">Amanda Munday</a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>guidelines from SickKids</span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg</a><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Shawna Vander Velden</a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>
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</article>]]]Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

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[[[Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></div>
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<strong><em><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolCampbell4" role="link">Dr. Carol Campbell</a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em>

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Oct. 5 is<span> </span><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link">World Teachers’ Day</a><span> </span>– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link">“generational catastrophe”</a><span> </span>due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by<span> </span><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link">school closures</a>. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link">education systems</a>.

In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link">back-to-school plan</a><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link">implementation challenges and concerns</a>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link">physical distancing is not feasible.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link">online learning</a>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link">allocated teachers</a>.

Already<span> </span><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link">one out of of every 10</a><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link">survey</a><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link">inequitable choices</a><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link">Education Endowment Foundation</a><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link">research</a><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link">report</a><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link">play</a><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link">mental health</a>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link">overstretched</a><span> </span>with<span> </span><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link">increasing demands</a>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Carol Campbell</a></h5>
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</article>]]]Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span>

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[[[Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 30, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></div>
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For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link">educating children while maintaining public health</a>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link">keeping schools open</a><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link">child abuse</a><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a>.<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link">Federal consultations</a><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link">shelters, transition houses and social services</a><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link">economic downturns</a><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link">high unemployment</a><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link">increased substance use</a><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link">commonly seen in caregivers</a><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">32 per cent of referrals</a><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link">has a legislated duty</a><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link">trained and reminded</a><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">cases are closed</a><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

&nbsp;

<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">support positive child development and resiliency</a><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link">unique role to play</a><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link">exacerbated impact</a><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em>Braelyn Guppy is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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</article>]]]Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

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[[[Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>National childcare system must support childcare workers</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86459" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86459 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-early-childhood-educators">
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link">Toronto Star</a>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">Canada’s childcare crisis</a><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link">shared their experiences</a><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link">new survey</a><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

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<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
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Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-86452" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Hussen_Talk_Update.jpg?time=1635794247" width="1920" height="1080" alt="Updated FPR event photo." /></a>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Event recap: Delivering on the Commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">May 20, 2021</span></p>

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Feature interview with The Honourable Ahmed Hussen followed by panel on how the federal government can move quickly to act on their pandemic childcare promise

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Monica Lysack is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article>]]]Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span>

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[[[Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link">LISA WOLFF</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></div>
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link">Childcare operators and staff</a><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link">Canada’s patchwork programs</a>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link">ranges</a><span> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link">parental leave</a>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h5 class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link">Lisa Wolff</a></h5>
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Lisa Wolff is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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Terence Hamilton is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></div>
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</article>]]]Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span>

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[[[Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span>Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link"><span>Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link"><span>Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link"><span>Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link"><span>Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link"><span>Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link"><span>Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link"><span>Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link"><span>Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link"><span>Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link"><span>Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span></a>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link">Rahul Sapra</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

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<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link">Christopher Conway</a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link">Brenda Austin-Smith</a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link">Nicole Brayiannis</a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
&nbsp;

<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link">Carlo Handy Charles</a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link">CESB</a>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link">eligibility criteria</a>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link">Policy Options</a>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link">hiking tuition fees</a><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link">15 per cent</a>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link">existing challenges</a><span> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link">precarious status</a>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link">Canada’s incredible effort</a><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link">Pierre Cyr</a><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link">temporary foreign workers</a>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link">easing of restrictions</a><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link">Julia Colyar</a><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link">Jackie Pichette</a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link">HEQCO study</a><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link">Universal Design for Learning</a><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a><span> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">Nearly 121,000</a><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">And almost 38,000</a><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link">an hour</a>. How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link">$6 million</a><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link">Erin Knight</a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link">utilized</a><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link">home internet connectivity</a>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link">least connected</a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link">Marium Nur Vahed</a><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link">2017 report</a><span> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link">recent survey</a><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link">Kaleb Zewdineh</a><span> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link">Kelley Castle</a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

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<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link">labour force</a>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link">research</a><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
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</article>]]]Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

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[[[Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.
</span>

&nbsp;

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span>Paul Davidson: </span><span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link"><span>André Côté: </span><span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: </span><span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link"><span>Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: </span><span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link"><span>Philip Oreopoulos: </span><span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link"><span>Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</span></a>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link">Paul Davidson</a> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link">André Côté</a><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link"><span>two million students</span></a><span>, closing borders on </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link"><span>international students</span></a><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link"><span>recent piece</span></a><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span>Eighteen percent</span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> – Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a> – eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a> – Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link">Philip Oreopoulos</a> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link"><span>both</span></a><span> </span><a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link"><span>revealed</span></a><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link"><span>plan</span></a><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link"><span>controversy</span></a><span>, it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link">Helen Tewolde</a> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
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</article>]]]Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

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[[[Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span>
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<h1 class="header-title h1"><span>Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span></h1>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link">SARA ASALYA</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link">ALKA KUMAR</a></div>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/drrahbarijawoko?lang=en" role="link"><strong><em>Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</em></strong></a><em> is an Adjunct Professor at</em><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link"> <em>The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</em></a><em> and</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link"> <em>Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</em></a><em>.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/saraAsalya" role="link"> <strong><em>Sara Asalya</em></strong></a><em> is the founder and executive director of the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a><em> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/kumaralks" role="link"> <strong><em>Alka Kumar</em></strong></a> <em>is the manager of research and policy at the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a>,<em> and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em>

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The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"> online platforms</a>. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.

The pandemic has exposed<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"> pre-existing fault lines</a> rooted in<a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link"> systemic racism and discrimination</a>; underlined the<a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"> persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link">post-secondary students</a> and <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link">racialized groups</a>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A<a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"> study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An<a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"> Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">reliable internet connections</a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"> Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link">open letter</a></u> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link">responded in a statement</a>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a<a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"> recent op-ed</a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"> opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link">Critical and Indigenous scholars</a> have described how Canada’s long and<a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"> enduring history of colonialism</a> and<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"> exclusion</a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"> exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"> micro-aggressions</a> and “<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link">psychological gaslighting</a><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link">overlooked or undervalued</a>; scarcity of<a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"> social and academic support</a>;<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"> social isolation</a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"> responsive strategies</a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context,<a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link"> changing demographics</a>,<a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link"> multiculturalism</a>, increased recruitment and retention of <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link">international and racialized students</a> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with<a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"> new mandates for research funding</a>, have triggered<a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link"> senior administrative leadership</a> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through<a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"> EDI action plans</a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are<a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"> different ideological approaches to equity</a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link">best practice</a> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an<a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"> Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link">broad institutional support</a> for IE in <a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link">teaching</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link">operations</a> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link">recruitment</a> to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link">learning outcomes</a>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link">why race-based data matters in health care</a>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link">data misuse</a>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist<a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"> David Graeber</a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko is an Adjunct Professor at The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University and Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert.

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Sara Asalya is the founder and executive director of the Newcomer Students Association and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.

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Alka Kumar is the manager of research and policy at the Newcomer Students Association, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.

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<div class="tagcloud"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link">EDUCATION</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></div>
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</article>]]]Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span>

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>329</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 15:05:52]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 19:05:52]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:29:32]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:29:32]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v3a-all-articles-fpr-dive__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646404172]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v3a-all-articles-fpr-dive]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---Chapter 4-Education (v3b-All Articles-FPR, Dive)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=331</link><pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 16:39:09 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=331</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 25, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time,</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span> </span><span>the kids are at home</span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link"><span>Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link"><span>Annie Kidder: </span><span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link"><span>Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link">Anna Banerji</a><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span>seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link"><span>she-cession</span></a><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link"><span>Statistics Canada</span></a><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link">Tesfai Mengesha</a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its</span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span> </span><span>COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span> </span><span>technology</span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link">Annie Kidder</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link">Medeana Moussa</a><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link"><span>checklists</span></a><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link">Liz Stuart</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link">Charles E. Pascal</a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link">Konrad Glogowski</a><span> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link">Corinne Payne</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link">Harvey Bischof</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link"><span>A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</span></a><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link">Natalie Sadowski</a><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link">Linda White</a><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

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<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link">Carolyn Ferns</a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link">Alana Powell</a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
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 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
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<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link">Brian Dijkema</a><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link"><span>First Policy Response Panel last month</span></a><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare</span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>shows</span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link">Amanda Munday</a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>guidelines from SickKids</span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg</a><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Shawna Vander Velden</a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Various Contributors</a>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">World Teachers’ Day</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“generational catastrophe”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">school closures</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">education systems</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link">back-to-school plan</a><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link">implementation challenges and concerns</a>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link">physical distancing is not feasible.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link">online learning</a>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link">allocated teachers</a>.

Already<span> </span><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link">one out of of every 10</a><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link">survey</a><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link">inequitable choices</a><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link">Education Endowment Foundation</a><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link">research</a><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link">report</a><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link">play</a><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link">mental health</a>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link">overstretched</a><span> </span>with<span> </span><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link">increasing demands</a>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link">Dr. Carol Campbell</a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JULY 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link">educating children while maintaining public health</a>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link">keeping schools open</a><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link">child abuse</a><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a>.<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link">Federal consultations</a><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link">shelters, transition houses and social services</a><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link">economic downturns</a><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link">high unemployment</a><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link">increased substance use</a><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link">commonly seen in caregivers</a><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">32 per cent of referrals</a><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link">has a legislated duty</a><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link">trained and reminded</a><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">cases are closed</a><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

&nbsp;

<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">support positive child development and resiliency</a><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link">unique role to play</a><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link">exacerbated impact</a><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

Alternate link

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">National childcare system must support childcare workers</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86459" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86459 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-early-childhood-educators">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link">Toronto Star</a>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">Canada’s childcare crisis</a><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link">shared their experiences</a><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link">new survey</a><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

&nbsp;
<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
</ul>
Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" class="pushed" target="_self" data-lb-index="0" role="link" rel="noopener"><img class="wp-image-86452" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Hussen_Talk_Update.jpg?time=1635794247" width="1920" height="1080" alt="Updated FPR event photo." /></a>

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<h3 class="t-entry-title h3"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" target="_self" role="link" rel="noopener">Event recap: Delivering on the Commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</a></h3>
<p class="t-entry-meta"><span class="t-entry-date">May 20, 2021</span></p>

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Feature interview with The Honourable Ahmed Hussen followed by panel on how the federal government can move quickly to act on their pandemic childcare promise

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Monica Lysack</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a>, <span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link">LISA WOLFF</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></div>
<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></div>
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<article id="post-86760" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86760 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare">
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link">Childcare operators and staff</a><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link">Canada’s patchwork programs</a>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link">ranges</a><span> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link">parental leave</a>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="40" height="40" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Lisa Wolff</a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="39" height="39" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Terence Hamilton</a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Hamilton and Wolff<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>"</strong>:

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

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[[[First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

]]]First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span>Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link"><span>Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link"><span>Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link"><span>Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link"><span>Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link"><span>Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link"><span>Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link"><span>Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link"><span>Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link"><span>Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link"><span>Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span></a>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link">Rahul Sapra</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link">Christopher Conway</a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link">Brenda Austin-Smith</a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link">Nicole Brayiannis</a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
&nbsp;

<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link">Carlo Handy Charles</a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link">CESB</a>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link">eligibility criteria</a>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link">Policy Options</a>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link">hiking tuition fees</a><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link">15 per cent</a>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link">existing challenges</a><span> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link">precarious status</a>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link">Canada’s incredible effort</a><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link">Pierre Cyr</a><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link">temporary foreign workers</a>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link">easing of restrictions</a><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link">Julia Colyar</a><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link">Jackie Pichette</a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link">HEQCO study</a><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link">Universal Design for Learning</a><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a><span> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">Nearly 121,000</a><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">And almost 38,000</a><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link">an hour</a>. How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link">$6 million</a><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link">Erin Knight</a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link">utilized</a><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link">home internet connectivity</a>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link">least connected</a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link">Marium Nur Vahed</a><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link">2017 report</a><span> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link">recent survey</a><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link">Kaleb Zewdineh</a><span> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link">Kelley Castle</a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link">labour force</a>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link">research</a><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Various Contributors</a></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sapra et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020</span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">|</span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span>Paul Davidson: </span><span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link"><span>André Côté: </span><span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: </span><span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link"><span>Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: </span><span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link"><span>Philip Oreopoulos: </span><span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link"><span>Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</span></a>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link">Paul Davidson</a> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link">André Côté</a><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link"><span>two million students</span></a><span>, closing borders on </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link"><span>international students</span></a><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link"><span>recent piece</span></a><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span>Eighteen percent</span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> – Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a> – eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a> – Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link">Philip Oreopoulos</a> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link"><span>both</span></a><span> </span><a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link"><span>revealed</span></a><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link"><span>plan</span></a><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link"><span>controversy</span></a><span>, it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link">Helen Tewolde</a> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Various Contributors</a></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021</div>
<div class="category-info"><span>|</span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></div>
<div class="author-info"><span>|</span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link">SARA ASALYA</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link">ALKA KUMAR</a></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></div>
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<del><a href="https://twitter.com/drrahbarijawoko?lang=en" role="link"><strong><em>Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</em></strong></a><em> is an Adjunct Professor at</em><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link"> <em>The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</em></a><em> and</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link"> <em>Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</em></a><em>.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/saraAsalya" role="link"> <strong><em>Sara Asalya</em></strong></a><em> is the founder and executive director of the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a><em> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/kumaralks" role="link"> <strong><em>Alka Kumar</em></strong></a> <em>is the manager of research and policy at the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a>,<em> and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em></del>

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The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"> online platforms</a>. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.

The pandemic has exposed<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"> pre-existing fault lines</a> rooted in<a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link"> systemic racism and discrimination</a>; underlined the<a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"> persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link">post-secondary students</a> and <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link">racialized groups</a>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A<a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"> study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An<a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"> Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">reliable internet connections</a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"> Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link">open letter</a></u> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link">responded in a statement</a>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a<a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"> recent op-ed</a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"> opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link">Critical and Indigenous scholars</a> have described how Canada’s long and<a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"> enduring history of colonialism</a> and<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"> exclusion</a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"> exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"> micro-aggressions</a> and “<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link">psychological gaslighting</a><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link">overlooked or undervalued</a>; scarcity of<a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"> social and academic support</a>;<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"> social isolation</a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"> responsive strategies</a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context,<a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link"> changing demographics</a>,<a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link"> multiculturalism</a>, increased recruitment and retention of <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link">international and racialized students</a> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with<a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"> new mandates for research funding</a>, have triggered<a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link"> senior administrative leadership</a> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through<a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"> EDI action plans</a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are<a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"> different ideological approaches to equity</a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link">best practice</a> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an<a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"> Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link">broad institutional support</a> for IE in <a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link">teaching</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link">operations</a> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link">recruitment</a> to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link">learning outcomes</a>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link">why race-based data matters in health care</a>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link">data misuse</a>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist<a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"> David Graeber</a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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<h3><a href="https://twitter.com/drrahbarijawoko?lang=en" role="link"><strong><em>Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</em></strong></a><em> is an Adjunct Professor at</em><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link"> <em>The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</em></a><em> and</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link"> <em>Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</em></a><em>.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/saraAsalya" role="link"> <strong><em>Sara Asalya</em></strong></a><em> is the founder and executive director of the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a><em> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/kumaralks" role="link"> <strong><em>Alka Kumar</em></strong></a> <em>is the manager of research and policy at the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a>,<em> and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em></h3>
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Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko is an Adjunct Professor at The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University and Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert.

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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><a href="https://twitter.com/drrahbarijawoko?lang=en" role="link"><strong><em>Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</em></strong></a><em> is an Adjunct Professor at</em><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link"> <em>The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</em></a><em> and</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link"> <em>Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</em></a><em>.</em></div>
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Sara Asalya is the founder and executive director of the Newcomer Students Association and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.

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Alka Kumar is the manager of research and policy at the Newcomer Students Association, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.

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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><a href="https://twitter.com/saraAsalya" role="link"> <strong><em>Sara Asalya</em></strong></a><em> is the founder and executive director of the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a><em> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em><a href="https://twitter.com/kumaralks" role="link"> <strong><em>Alka Kumar</em></strong></a> <em>is the manager of research and policy at the</em><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> <em>Newcomer Students Association</em></a>,<em> and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link">EDUCATION</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rahbari-Jawoko, Asalya, and Kumar</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?’</span>"</strong>:

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)

-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change

-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)

-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)

-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)

-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "’</span>"</strong>:

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[[[DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)

]]]DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)

-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "’</span>"</strong>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>331</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 12:39:09]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 16:39:09]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:24:55]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:24:55]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v3b-all-articles-fpr-dive__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646403895]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v3b-all-articles-fpr-dive]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v3-All Articles-FPR)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=333</link><pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 16:40:39 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=333</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1330" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1330 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-covid-19-six-months-later tag-fpr-original tag-indigenous">
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span> </span><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link">Yellowhead Institute</a><span> </span>at Ryerson University,</em><em><span> </span>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link">here</a>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong> </strong>

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<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span> </span><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link">Indian Act chief and council elections</a>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<h2>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</h2>
Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.

And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link">doctors from Cuba</a><span> </span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span> </span><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link">community-based research project</a><span> </span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

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<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

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<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

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<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span> </span><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link">duty to consult</a>, like<span> </span><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link">free, prior and informed consent</a><span> </span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.

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<h2>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

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<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">low-income, racialized communities</a>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

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<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span> </span><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.

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<h2>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

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<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/">Hayden King</a> is the executive director of the<span> </span><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link">Yellowhead Institute</a><span> </span>at Ryerson University.</em><em>.</em><strong> </strong></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INDIGENOUS</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 21, 2021 <span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a><span> <span class="date-info"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link">ELISA LEVI</a></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></div>
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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span> </span><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link">World Health Organization</a><span> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link">socio-economic marginalization</a><span> </span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link">concerns</a><span> </span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link">Arlen Dumas</a><span> </span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link">Indian Hospitals</a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup><span> </span>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link">nutrition experiments</a> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link">Joyce Echaquan</a><span> </span>fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the<span> </span><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a><span> </span>delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government<span> </span><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link">rejected</a><span> </span>the proposal.

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<blockquote>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong></h2>
We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span> </span><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link">H1N1 flu outbreak</a><span> </span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span> </span><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link">said</a><span> </span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a><span> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link">rising</a><span> </span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link">hardest hit</a>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a><span> </span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span> </span><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link">equity</a>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span> </span><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link">NACI recognizes</a>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<span> </span><em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a><span> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that<span> </span><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link">70 per cent uptake</a><span> </span>is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link">Elisa Levi</a> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INDIGENOUS</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>333</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-03 12:40:39]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-03 16:40:39]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:27:18]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:27:18]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v2-all-articles-fpr-2__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646404038]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v2-all-articles-fpr-2]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---Chapter 4-Education (v4b-All Articles-FPR, Dive)---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=361</link><pubDate>Thu, 04 Nov 2021 12:13:16 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=361</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 25, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time,</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span> </span><span>the kids are at home</span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link"><span>Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link"><span>Annie Kidder: </span><span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link"><span>Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link">Anna Banerji</a><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span>seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link"><span>she-cession</span></a><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link"><span>Statistics Canada</span></a><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link">Tesfai Mengesha</a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its</span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span> </span><span>COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span> </span><span>technology</span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link">Jeffrey Schiffer</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link">Annie Kidder</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link">Medeana Moussa</a><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link"><span>checklists</span></a><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link">Liz Stuart</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link">Charles E. Pascal</a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link">Konrad Glogowski</a><span> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link">Corinne Payne</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link">Harvey Bischof</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link"><span>A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</span></a><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link">Natalie Sadowski</a><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link">Linda White</a><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

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<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link">Carolyn Ferns</a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link">Alana Powell</a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link">Brian Dijkema</a><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link"><span>First Policy Response Panel last month</span></a><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare</span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>shows</span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link"><span>Research</span></a><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link">Amanda Munday</a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span> </span><span>guidelines from SickKids</span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Anneke Van den Berg</a><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link">Shawna Vander Velden</a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Various Contributors</a>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">World Teachers’ Day</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“generational catastrophe”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">school closures</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">education systems</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link">back-to-school plan</a><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link">implementation challenges and concerns</a>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link">physical distancing is not feasible.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link">online learning</a>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link">allocated teachers</a>.

Already<span> </span><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link">one out of of every 10</a><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link">survey</a><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link">inequitable choices</a><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link">Education Endowment Foundation</a><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link">research</a><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link">report</a><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link">play</a><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link">mental health</a>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link">overstretched</a><span> </span>with<span> </span><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link">increasing demands</a>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link">Dr. Carol Campbell</a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JULY 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link">educating children while maintaining public health</a>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link">keeping schools open</a><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link">child abuse</a><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a>.<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link">Federal consultations</a><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link">shelters, transition houses and social services</a><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link">economic downturns</a><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link">high unemployment</a><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link">increased substance use</a><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link">commonly seen in caregivers</a><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">32 per cent of referrals</a><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link">has a legislated duty</a><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link">trained and reminded</a><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link">cases are closed</a><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

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<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link">support positive child development and resiliency</a><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link">unique role to play</a><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link">exacerbated impact</a><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>"</span></strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">National childcare system must support childcare workers</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link">Toronto Star</a>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">Canada’s childcare crisis</a><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link">shared their experiences</a><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link">new survey</a><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

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<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
</ul>
Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Monica Lysack</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| I</span></span><span class="category-info">N<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link">LISA WOLFF</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></div>
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<article id="post-86760" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86760 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare">
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link">Childcare operators and staff</a><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link">Canada’s patchwork programs</a>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link">ranges</a><span> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link">parental leave</a>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="40" height="40" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Lisa Wolff</a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="39" height="39" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Terence Hamilton</a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link">CHILDCARE</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Hamilton and Wolff<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>"</strong>:

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First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

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First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary) – Weekly Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span>Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link"><span>Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link"><span>Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link"><span>Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link"><span>Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link"><span>Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link"><span>Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link"><span>Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link"><span>Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link"><span>Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link"><span>Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span></a>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link">Rahul Sapra</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

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<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

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<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link">Christopher Conway</a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

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<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link">Brenda Austin-Smith</a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

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<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link">Nicole Brayiannis</a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
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<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

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<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link">Carlo Handy Charles</a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link">CESB</a>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link">eligibility criteria</a>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link">Policy Options</a>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link">hiking tuition fees</a><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link">15 per cent</a>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link">existing challenges</a><span> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link">precarious status</a>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link">Canada’s incredible effort</a><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

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<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link">Pierre Cyr</a><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link">temporary foreign workers</a>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link">easing of restrictions</a><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

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<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link">Julia Colyar</a><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link">Jackie Pichette</a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link">HEQCO study</a><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link">Universal Design for Learning</a><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

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<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a><span> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

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<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">Nearly 121,000</a><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link">And almost 38,000</a><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link">an hour</a>. How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link">$6 million</a><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

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<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link">Erin Knight</a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link">utilized</a><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link">home internet connectivity</a>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link">least connected</a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link">Marium Nur Vahed</a><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link">2017 report</a><span> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

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<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link">recent survey</a><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link">Kaleb Zewdineh</a><span> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link">Kelley Castle</a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link">labour force</a>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link">research</a><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Various Contributors</a></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sapra et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span>Paul Davidson: </span><span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link"><span>André Côté: </span><span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link"><span>Mitchell Davidson: </span><span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link"><span>Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link"><span>Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link"><span>Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link"><span>Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link"><span>Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link"><span>Colin Furness: </span><span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link"><span>Philip Oreopoulos: </span><span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link"><span>Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link"><span>Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span></a>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link"><span>Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</span></a>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link">Paul Davidson</a> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link">André Côté</a><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link"><span>two million students</span></a><span>, closing borders on </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link"><span>international students</span></a><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link"><span>recent piece</span></a><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link">Mitchell Davidson</a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span>Eighteen percent</span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link">Dana Stephenson</a> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link">Duane McNair</a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> – Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link">Jen Laliberte</a> – eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link">Philippe LeBel</a> – Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link">Colin Furness</a> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link">Philip Oreopoulos</a> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link"><span>both</span></a><span> </span><a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link"><span>revealed</span></a><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link">Julia Pereira</a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link">Hilary Hagar</a> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link"><span>plan</span></a><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link"><span>controversy</span></a><span>, it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link">Helen Tewolde</a> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">Various Contributors</a></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021 <span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>IN<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19">EQUITY + COVID-19</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a><span><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a>,<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link">SARA ASALYA</a><span> </span>AND<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link">ALKA KUMAR</a></div>
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<article id="post-85444" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85444 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 category-children-youth-education tag-inclusive-policy-making tag-fpr-original tag-education">
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to</span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> online platforms</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.</span></div>
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The pandemic has exposed<a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"> pre-existing fault lines</a> rooted in<a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link"> systemic racism and discrimination</a>; underlined the<a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"> persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link">post-secondary students</a> and <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link">racialized groups</a>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A<a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"> study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An<a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"> Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link">reliable internet connections</a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s<a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"> Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link">open letter</a></u> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link">responded in a statement</a>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a<a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"> recent op-ed</a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"> opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link">Critical and Indigenous scholars</a> have described how Canada’s long and<a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"> enduring history of colonialism</a> and<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"> exclusion</a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"> exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"> micro-aggressions</a> and “<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link">psychological gaslighting</a><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link">overlooked or undervalued</a>; scarcity of<a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"> social and academic support</a>;<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"> social isolation</a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt<a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"> responsive strategies</a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context,<a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link"> changing demographics</a>,<a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link"> multiculturalism</a>, increased recruitment and retention of <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link">international and racialized students</a> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with<a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"> new mandates for research funding</a>, have triggered<a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link"> senior administrative leadership</a> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through<a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"> EDI action plans</a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are<a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"> different ideological approaches to equity</a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link">best practice</a> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an<a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"> Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link">broad institutional support</a> for IE in <a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link">teaching</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link">operations</a> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link">recruitment</a> to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link">learning outcomes</a>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link">why race-based data matters in health care</a>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link">data misuse</a>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist<a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"> David Graeber</a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Mojgan-Rahbari-Jawoko-e1614124576564-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link"><strong>Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</strong></a> is an Adjunct Professor at <a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link">The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</a> and <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link">Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</a>.</em></div>
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<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sara-Asalya-e1614125086618-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sara Asalya" itemprop="image" /></a></em></p>
<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link"><strong>Sara Asalya</strong></a> is the founder and executive director of the<a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> Newcomer Students Association</a> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em></p>

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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Alka-Kumar-scaled-e1614122679576-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Alka Kumar" itemprop="image" /></a></em>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link"><strong>Alka Kumar</strong></a> is the manager of research and policy at the<a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link"> Newcomer Students Association</a>, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link">EDUCATION</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link">FPR ORIGINAL</a>, <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rahbari-Jawoko, Asalya, and Kumar</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change</li>
 	<li>-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: student activism, political staff, bureaucrats</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on DIVE: Student Aid<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em>’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: advocacy, government</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria"</span></strong>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>361</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-04 08:13:16]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-04 12:13:16]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:31:40]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:31:40]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v4b-all-articles-fpr-dive__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646404299]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v4b-all-articles-fpr-dive]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 1-Pandemic Control Basics (v4-All Articles,FormatLinks)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=369</link><pubDate>Thu, 04 Nov 2021 13:45:43 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=369</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[(1) <strong>Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
<ul>
 	<li>Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?</li>
 	<li>Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics</li>
</ul>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></div>
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<p id="a1e5">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</p>

<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a></span>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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<div class="tagcloud"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></div>
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<div><strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></div>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA" style="color: #0000ff">PEDRO BARATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">WENDY CUKIER</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</span></a></span></div>
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<em>This piece is based on survey research<span> </span></em><strong><em>conducted by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a></span>, in partnership with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future Skills Centre</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a></span>.<span> </span></em></strong><em>For more details, see the full report:<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a></span>.</em>

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The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teachers and students</a></span><span> </span>are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.

There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">some types of workers</a></span><span> </span>have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.

The numbers from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">our recent survey</a></span><span> </span>are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.

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Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.

The situation for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">younger workers</a></span><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.

Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.

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However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">given a chance</a></span>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.

Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.

None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.

As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pedro Barata</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Wendy Cukier</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the founder and academic director of the Ted Rogers School of Management’s Diversity Institute.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" role="link"><img width="73" height="73" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Andrew-Parkin-Headshot-wide-angle-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Andrew Parkin</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</span></a></div>
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<em>Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 28, 2021 <span>| </span>IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span> | </span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></div>
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For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.

The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.

There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.

It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.

Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.

Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.

But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be <em>inclusive – </em>supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.

There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also <em>stronger growth</em>. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.

If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.

A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed <em>inclusive</em> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.

In a joint effort with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span>, we recently released a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.

The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions.

Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Class Learning Objectives</strong>:

-Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks

-Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics

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<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</span>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
</ol>
Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>369</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-04 09:45:43]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-04 13:45:43]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:34:30]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:34:30]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v4-all-articles-fpr-only-orwell-link__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646404470]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v4-all-articles-fpr-only-orwell-link]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 3-Economy (v4-All Articles,FormatLinks)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=383</link><pubDate>Thu, 04 Nov 2021 14:16:37 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=383</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Economy I – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 23, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RINALDO WALCOTT</a></span></span></span></p>

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<article id="post-85677" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85677 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-equity tag-data tag-tvo">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></p>

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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ongoing</a> <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">debate</a></span>. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.

But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.

Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The calls</a></span><span> </span>for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">race-based data</a></span><span> </span>in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.

So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">14 per cent</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.

Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significantly exposed</a></span>.

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<blockquote>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</blockquote>
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But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">China</a></span><span> </span>and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">six months into the pandemic</span></a>.

Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.

Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="51" height="51" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Rinaldo-Walcott-scaled-e1614124936566-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Rinaldo Walcott" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rinaldo Walcott</span></a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/data/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-258 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">DATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/equity/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-257 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-5" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a> </span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Walcott's article "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>'s article"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" title="View all posts by KEN BOESSENKOOL" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KEN BOESSENKOOL</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" title="View all posts by ADMIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ADMIN</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</span></a></span></div>
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<em>With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em>

<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a></span><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>here</em></a></span><em>.</em>

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<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

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<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

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<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

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<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

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<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

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<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

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<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.<em> </em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><img width="76" height="76" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Ken-Boessenkool-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</span></a> is the </em><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">McConnell Professor of Practice at the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University and Research Fellow at C.D. Howe Institute. </em><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://kenboessenkool/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/individual-income-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-2 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIVIDUAL INCOME SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-159 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">YEAR END Q&amp;A</a> </span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Boessenkool</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The political staff who help take care of government during elections</span>
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<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="lead">Not all political staff leave to work on the party’s campaign during elections. Some stay behind to help support ministers in their official duties.</span></p>
<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</a></span>, </span><span class="meta__date">June 12, 2020</span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Many people gravitate to political jobs because they love the adrenalin of campaigning and are ideologically committed to building support for their party. Predictably, when an election is called, most political staffers take leave to work on the campaign. However, some remain at their desks in ministers’ offices, including in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), in order to support the ministry that continues throughout the writ period.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministerial exempt staff, political partisans who are paid by public funds to support ministers with their official duties, play an important role in maintaining the information flow between the department and ministers as well as ongoing dialogue with the public service during the campaign. In essence, they act as democratic insurance so that even during an election period final government decisions and accountability rest with those who earned a democratic mandate in the previous election. Clear public guidelines for conduct during the campaign are essential for ensuring a smooth relationship.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The curtain falls between two worlds</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers are usually MPs and need to run for re-election. Yet, during the campaign, ministers continue to be ministers. Government business continues and they retain their legal authority from the Crown. However, it is not business as usual. The</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">caretaker convention dictates</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> that, when Parliament is dissolved and there is no confidence chamber to hold them accountable, ministers will exercise restraint. Through such self-restraint, ministers show respect for the democratic accountability. They also avoid any perception that the governing party is receiving electoral benefit out of its executive privileges.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This convention operates in Canada similarly to other Westminster countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Under the convention, routine administration may continue, and ministers must still address urgent and unavoidable matters, such as natural disasters. However, they generally avoid making announcements, commitments or decisions that a new incoming government could not reverse.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The daily rhythm of ministers’ offices changes as soon as the writ drops and the caretaker convention comes into operation. The normally heavy volume of briefing notes from the deputy minister slows considerably. Oral briefings cease. Impromptu face-to-face interactions with departmental officials are less frequent, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utorontopress.com/ca/off-and-running-4" style="color: #0000ff">as the public service turns inward</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> to focus on planning for post-election transition scenarios. It is almost as if a curtain descends to cut off the two worlds.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Nevertheless, since ministers continue to be heads of their departments, they are entitled to be kept apprised of events within their portfolio since they may be asked questions at any time. Further, they may have to respond to urgent matters that cannot wait until after the election. Examples of such circumstances include international crises, ongoing Canadian military engagements, court rulings, domestic emergencies and high-level negotiations such as the culmination of trade agreements. In these situations, ministers must be kept informed, take decisions and give direction. Therefore, they require political staff who can be trusted to exercise sound judgement in deciding what information needs to be conveyed to the minister and when.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Once the minister is engaged, political staff will often convey the minister’s direction and facilitate next steps if needed. This may mean setting up a telephone call with the deputy minister or, depending on the scope of the issue, with other ministers. Political staff can carry out political legwork with other offices to ensure coordination. Sometimes specific documents need to be conveyed to the minister for signature. This is why one member of the minister’s political staff is permitted to accompany the minister while on campaign yet remain as a government employee. This ensures a constant liaison between the department and the minister, who can receive classified information if needed. Just like colleagues remaining in the Ottawa office, this staffer does not take a full-time part in partisan campaign activities, though proximity to the minister is required.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Pivoting to a reactive and defensive approach</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In normal times, ministers’ offices devote significant effort to proactively pushing out the government’s </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/brand-command" style="color: #0000ff">strategic messaging</a>.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> During an election, however, the campaign team assumes almost all responsibility for public messaging. Ministers’ offices, by contrast, adopt an entirely reactive and defensive approach to communication. Their goal is to manage and mitigate risk by identifying potential problems and neutralizing them before they become public controversies. This involves carefully monitoring news stories, including on social media, to identify negative stories that are relevant to the department, gathering background information from the department in order to understand the context, and recommending response lines.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers’ offices maintain media relations capacity so that they may deal directly with journalists and answer questions about departmental business. In order to monitor potential issues across government, the PMO creates an early morning process so that each day political media relations and issues management staffers from across the government can flag emerging issues and recommend responsive messaging. These lines will then be communicated to ministers so that they are prepared for government-related questions as they are campaigning at public events.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In a similar way, work in the Prime Minister’s Office changes when the election is called. Political staffers staying in the PMO no longer work with the PCO on managing the cabinet policy agenda or coordinating long-term strategic communication efforts across government. The Clerk of the Privy Council significantly curtails the volume of daily briefing notes to the prime minister, though this may reflect the prime minister’s desire to focus on the campaign as much as a desire to defend the caretaker convention.</span>

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The PMO must always ensure that the prime minister is aware of key developments within government. Of course, this includes information in priority areas such as the economy, national security and international relations. However, details vary from day to day. PMO senior staff may speak with the prime minister when required to answer questions and to pass on information that the prime minister needs to know, either in order to ensure smooth governance or to make sure the PM is briefed about government business that may intrude into the campaign setting.

Finally, while interactions between the PMO and the PCO are reduced during the campaign, there are opportunities for dialogue. PCO staff might wish to discuss “transition to government” questions with PMO. If re-elected, what sort of machinery of government changes might the prime minister consider? Is the PM satisfied with the briefing processes in place or could they be improved? Is the prime minister open to revising the publication providing guidelines on conduct and accountability to ministers? Informal consultations on matters such as these may be helpful, though they would be only one-way conversations. For example, PCO can learn from PMO’s opinion on such matters, but should not offer any advice in return on governing after the election, or on matters of transition.

<strong>Overcoming obstacles</strong>

Sometimes obstacles emerge in the relationship between ministers and their offices and public servants in the lead up to and during the election campaign. Such obstacles are often rooted in a misunderstanding of the purpose and limits of the caretaker convention.

In 2015, Stephen Harper was the first prime minister to make the caretaker guidelines available publicly. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">did so in 2019</a></span>. This transparency helps the public understand how government works during an election, and ought to provide more clarity across the entire federal government. In practice, there is still more work to do in understanding when the caretaker period begins, what is meant by caretaker, and where the limits of the convention can be found.

Election campaigns in both 2015 and 2019 occurred in the context of majority governments with a legislated fixed-election date. This meant that everyone knew when the election would likely be held, though not when Parliament would be dissolved. In terms of political activity and public perception, the campaign seemed to extend backwards into the summer. To deal with this, the Trudeau government introduced changes for the pre-writ period to restrict government advertising and limit pre-campaign spending.

These steps, combined with the fact that Parliament was adjourned but not dissolved, could have led public servants in some departments to conclude that ministers were not permitted to operate as usual during the summer. Ministers’ offices had to work to counter this perception by, for example, asserting their entitlement to information and briefings as usual. With the support of PMO and PCO, government operated as normal over the months leading up to the election call. However, additional clarity is needed to ensure that everyone recognizes caretaker restraint only begins with the dissolution of Parliament and not in the period leading up to it.
<p class="dropcap">Who is the caretaker? The answer is consistent with our democratic system of government. While ministers may sometimes choose to delegate more authority to their deputy ministers it is never the officials who act as caretakers or who hold the authority or accountability of ministers. Rather, the government continues to be led by a political cabinet of (usually) democratically elected ministers who, in the absence of an elected House of Commons, act with self-restraint. The ministers are the caretakers.</p>
Ultimately, the caretaker convention is adjudicated politically. When to act—or not to act—according to these criteria is ultimately something that ministers must decide, and they are accountable to Canadians for their decisions.

<strong>This article is part of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-insiders-view-behind-the-scenes-of-election-campaigns/" style="color: #0000ff">The Insider’s View Behind the Scenes of Election Campaigns</a></span> special feature.</strong>
<div class="article-footnote"><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/" style="color: #0000ff">submission</a></span>, or a <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/"><span style="color: #0000ff">letter to the editor</span>.</a></em></div>
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<img alt="Paul Wilson" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Paul-Wilson.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="51" height="51" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a> is an Associate Professor in the Clayton Riddell Graduate Program in Political Management at Carleton University. Formerly Director of Policy at PMO under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his research focuses on ministerial and parliamentary political staffers. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</span></a> holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics and Political Science and from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He was Policy Director for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from 2012-2019. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" rel="author"><span style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</span></a></em></div>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Wilson and McNair's article "The political staff who help take care of government during elections"</strong>:

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<strong>Economy II – Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span></h1>
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<p class="uncont"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MAY 28, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BAILEY GREENSPON</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-decoration: underline;color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">G(irls)20</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized and immigrant women</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable and accessible child care</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">An economic crisis for young women</strong></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force numbers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from Statistics Canada.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.</span></p>

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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">services-producing sector</a></span>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a></span>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a></span><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significant barriers persist</a></span><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada survey of students</a></span>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Student Loans</a></span><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a></span>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a></span>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

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</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em><span style="color: #0000ff">Bailey Greenspon</span></em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/gender-covid-19/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-18 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GENDER + COVID-19</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</span></a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Greenspon</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</span>

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<span class="lead">Our labour supply and what’s holding it back are the biggest hurdles to improving employment numbers. Job-search assistance and training are vital.</span>

<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</a></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">,</a></span><span class="meta__date"> June 22, 2021</span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s employment rate has now nearly fully recovered from its unprecedented drop of 10 percentage points last year, but a gap of 2.5 percentage points remains. As with vaccinations, the “last mile” in our labour market recovery may be the most difficult.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Much of the recovery in the employment rate over the summer and fall of 2020 occurred when workers furloughed from their jobs in the initial shutdowns returned to their former places of employment. This process is all but complete as only a small fraction of the workforce is still on temporary layoff. The question we need to ask now is which policies will help close the remaining gap in the employment rate (figure 1).</span>

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While it is tempting to reach for the economic toolkit first, it is important we recognize that the economic crisis is first and foremost a health crisis, and that recovery depends most critically on putting the health crisis behind us. As long as customers and workers feel insecure in returning to face-to-face activities and employers face uncertainty about future public health measures forcing shutdowns, the economy will not fully recover.

The best remedy to put the virus and its consequences behind us is clear – boost vaccination rates. As the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/en/data-insights/ieo-2021-03-more-jabs-more-jobs" style="color: #0000ff">OECD stated</a></span><span> </span>in a recent report: “More jabs, more jobs.” As vaccinations provide us with relief from the pandemic, we need to strengthen the public health system to be able to withstand a potential fall resurgence if pockets of unvaccinated populations remain or if a new variant proves resistant to existing vaccines. Even if the probability of such an event is judged to be low, the costs are high enough to justify significant investments in our public health infrastructure.

Canada needs to use the summer to invest in testing programs, including rapid testing, to be able to identify and get on top of any new outbreaks. It should also invest in reducing transmission in public places, schools and workplaces – possibly through improved indoor ventilation systems. Finally, Canada should plan for the possibility that another round of vaccines might become necessary in the event of a break-out variant.

But getting past the virus may be insufficient in itself.

What ails the labour market in 2021? There are strong indications that it is not a lack of demand for labour. In recent months, we have seen a remarkable recovery in job postings and job openings. Data from Statistics Canada’s Job Vacancies and Wage Survey suggest there were 23 per cent more job vacancies in March 2021 than in February 2020. Data from private companies aggregating job postings from online sources suggest that when we get official data through April and May 2021, this upswing will continue and even accelerate. Moreover, the upswing is evident across all provinces, industries and occupations. This suggests to us that insufficient labour demand will not be an important constraint in the jobs recovery.

We find ourselves at a point when labour supply, and factors that may hold it back, become the primary consideration.

Our first concern is that the unavailability of child care will keep parents (mostly women) with young children from returning to work. Indeed, as figure 2 (below) shows, promising employment gains among parents with kids under age 12 are evident in recent months everywhere except in Ontario, where schools have been closed for almost the entire winter. They opened in most of Ontario on Jan. 25, after an extended Christmas holiday break, but have been closed since March 14, and will stay closed for the remainder of this school year. In contrast, schools have remained open for most of the winter and spring in most other provinces. Continued uptake in child vaccination rates is critical to ensure child-care centres can open safely in the weeks ahead, and then schools in September.

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A second concern is that enhanced Employment Insurance (EI) and Canada Response Benefit (CRB) payments disincentivize low-skill workers to search for and accept low-wage jobs. Wage growth seems to have picked up in recent weeks, but earnings in the low-skill sector will often fall short of the EI or CRB benefits available. This implies that this group will, in economic parlance, be elastic in their labour supply – they will respond to changes in the relative economic benefits from drawing benefits as opposed to work. To address this challenge, Ottawa must resist calls for further extensions to enhanced EI/CRB benefit levels and instead focus efforts on increasing the generosity of EI’s working-while-on-claim (WWC) provisions as recommended in a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/transitioning-back-to-work-how-to-improve-ei-working-while-on-claim-provisions/" style="color: #0000ff">recent IRPP analysis</a></span>.

A greater concern, in our view, is the growth we have seen in long-term joblessness. As shown in figure 3 (below), as of mid-May, one-half of Canada’s two million jobless who say they want a job have been without one for more than one year. Moreover, only seven per cent of these people were enrolled in education or training in May 2021.
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There is much evidence indicating that the longer workers are jobless, the less likely they are to return to work and the more likely they are to experience significant earnings losses when they do. This effect reflects a number of factors, but of particular concern now are skill atrophy, loss of work routine and lack of labour market engagement. Long-term or permanent labour market disengagement in this population has high social costs that justify ambitious investments now.

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We also have acute concerns about the pandemic’s effects on Canada’s youth population. Workers aged 15 to 29 comprise 36 per cent of the jobless who want work and 30 per cent of those who have been without a job for more than one year.

As of May, there were 143,000 jobless youth seeking employment for the first time. Closed schools and workplaces have compromised the learning and work experience of young people. Labour market discouragement of middle-aged workers is costly. Youth disengagement is a much more serious problem.

The hope in March 2020 was that in-person work activity would pause for a few weeks, but we would soon press “play” and return to our old jobs. But economies are organic, constantly evolving, and we have now been on pause for 15 months. Workers and consumers have changed their spending habits, living arrangements and found alternative income sources, while employers have exploited opportunities to reorganize and automate. This suggests there may be structural shifts in labour demand, requiring reallocation of workers across sectors and new investments in human capital.

In a recent<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/adjusting-to-job-loss-when-times-are-tough/" style="color: #0000ff">IRPP study</a></span>, researchers from Statistics Canada, René Morissette and Theresa Hanqing Qiu, found that three-quarters of Canadian workers laid off following the 2008 crisis who had not found a job by 2010 did not use any of the four adjustment strategies they examined: move to a region with more jobs; enroll in post-secondary education; enroll in a registered apprenticeship; or become self-employed. Among the low-skilled workers, who in this crisis have been most affected, the use of these adjustment strategies was even rarer.

Given this evidence, we see a role for governments to support jobs recovery through active labour market programs (ALMPs) that prioritize labour supply engagement over job-creation.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jeea/article-abstract/16/3/894/4430618?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #0000ff">Meta analyses</a></span><span> </span>of ALMPs show they have larger average impacts in periods of high unemployment, especially when downturns have been relatively short-lived.

First, provincial governments need to step up efforts to intensify job search assistance, counselling and support services, thus providing labour market information for the jobless and incentives to enter work quickly. Evidence shows that these “work first” ALMPs are most successful in producing short-term beneficial impacts after a deep recession. Given the real possibility of widespread labour shortages this summer, these programs offer a cost-effective tool to boost job-creation in the short run.

Second, and arguably more significant, it is critical that structural labour market shifts be monitored and job reallocation pressures supported through “human capital” ALMPs, including private hiring subsidies as well as training on the job and in the classroom. Relative to “work first” programs, these programs can produce longer-term beneficial impacts on workers’ employment rates and earnings. They also tend to have relatively large benefits for women and the long-term jobless.

In this regard, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/news/2021/06/helping-hard-hit-businesses-hire-more-workers-with-the-canada-recovery-hiring-program.html" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Recovery Hiring Program</a></span><span> </span>(CRHP), available from June 6 to Nov. 20, may be especially effective if it is used to attract workers, through sign-on bonuses or for training, for example. Restricting CRHP eligibility to employers who recruit long-term jobless applicants and requiring employers to reimburse a share of subsidies if workers are not retained for one year, would have been a preferred approach in our view.

There is much reason to be optimistic that we will see strong employment gains in the second half of 2021. However, we see risks in complacency. To support a full recovery, we need to ensure workers see an incentive to return to work and that they are supported in their transitions through job search assistance and human capital investments. For our youth and the long-term jobless, who are at greatest risk of long-term withdrawals from the labour force, modest policy efforts now can have big returns on the productive capacity of the economy in the long run.
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<img alt="Fabian Lange" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/06/Fabian-Lange.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="48" height="48" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</span></a> is the Canadian Research Chair in Labour and Personnel Economics at McGill University. Since March 2020, he has tracked the performance of the labour market in Canada and the U.S. in the face of the pandemic. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<img alt="Mikal Skuterud" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/04/Mikal-Skuterud.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="53" height="53" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</span></a> is a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo. For the past year he has been tracking the labour market impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and its potential long-term effects. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/economy/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2 tag" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMY</a></span>, </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/policy-making/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2841 tag"><span style="color: #0000ff">POLICY-MAKING</span></a>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lange &amp; Skuterud's article "Unemployment is down, but there are still issues"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?</span></h1>
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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">OCTOBER 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</span></a></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday, </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and </span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span></p>

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<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

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<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="52" height="52" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="45" height="45" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bardeesy &amp; Mendelsohn's article "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</strong><span style="font-weight: normal;text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>

MARCH 25, 2021 <span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MITCHELL DAVIDSON</a></span></span></span>

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<p class="uncode_text_column"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Liberal policy chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">As expected, the 2021 Ontario Budget attempts to straddle the line between pandemic management and pandemic recovery. Investments in contact tracing, vaccination rollouts and hospitals help ensure the health-care system can continue to handle the stresses of the COVID-19 pandemic yet to come. That health spending lays the groundwork for a concerted recovery effort in which the government has clearly chosen to put the province’s economic recovery ahead of a quick return to balanced budgets.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">The recovery plan is two-fold. First, it must minimize the economic barriers created by COVID-19. For example, the pandemic underscored the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-is-crucial-for-recovery-and-rebuilding/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">importance of childcare to the economy</a></span><span> </span>and brought new attention to its rising costs; those costs are addressed through enhancing the CARE tax credit and direct financial transfers to parents.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">Next, it must adapt to the realities of economic competition in a post-pandemic world. The new Ontario Jobs Training Tax Credit is exactly the type of policy that helps to embrace that change, helping those laid off or struggling to pursue more resilient careers with higher earnings potential. The largest ever provincial commitment to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broadband expansion</a></span><span> </span>is another of these recovery-focused policies.</p>

<div class="textbox"><em>The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</em></div>
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Tackling the immediate challenges posed in the economic recovery, as seen through measures like these, is where this budget is the strongest. However, it is on the long-term recovery front where the budget falters. In announcing its intent for a new growth plan that will lay out a five-year vision, the government is signalling its intention to think long-term, but not much more at this point. The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.

One notable question is what this five-year vision will mean for deficit reduction. It is hard to imagine that a government facing re-election only months after unveiling its vision will resist the temptation to announce large new spending initiatives as part of that vision. The vision for growth and the goal of deficit reduction — even if it is a on a nine-year timetable — will forever be at odds. To accommodate for this, expect the government to lay out longer-term spending stretched over a number of years, and to outline higher-level goals that are less tied to spending — such as becoming the province with the lowest regulatory burden or becoming the country’s leader in foreign direct investment.

These long-term goals and policy targets are the next logical step for the Ford government to tackle. The pandemic has upended plans to build transit, fix the administrative side of the health-care system and get energy costs under control. Meanwhile, it has added new urgency to developing policy challenges, like skyrocketing home prices, faster automation of jobs, and growth challenges that come with large-scale demographic changes within the province. Yesterday’s document does not reveal plans to solve these thornier and more complex problems, but it does allow the government to get to a place where it can consider those areas to be priorities again instead of solely focusing on lockdowns and vaccine shipments.

Overall, putting together a framework that lets Ontario think about something other than COVID-19 is an overwhelmingly a good thing.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link"><img width="41" height="41" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Mitchell-Davidson-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy and the former policy chief to Ontario Premier Doug Ford.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/ontario/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-266 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ONTARIO</a></span>   </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Davidson</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span></h1>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 26, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> |</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></p>
<p class="clear"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For an alternative view, read the response from former Progressive Conservative policy chief <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“Show me their budget, and I’ll tell you a government’s values.” Or so goes the adage. It’s a worthwhile lens to apply to the budget tabled by the Province of Ontario on Wednesday.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Does this government value health care? Health-care spending continues to grow at an impressive clip, and not just for COVID-19 response. This budget offers new investments in long-term care beds and hospitals — needed spending that this government had ignored pre-COVID-19, but also investments that the previous Liberal government I served in too often failed to make at the necessary levels.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Whether the government is competent on health care, and whether it values a healthier population — which depends not just on spending commitments, but on the government’s approach to actually preventing and reducing illness — is another question. It was good to see one step in that direction — a planning grant from the province to Ryerson University</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1616857387239000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEjnSN15GQBa9vRuhDWTIuZ5p-m4Q" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">toward a new medical school in Brampton</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, with a focus on primary care and population-based health.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic.</em></div>
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In too many other areas, there’s little sign of commitment. Education and post-secondary education were short-changed. Social assistance rates were again frozen. COVID-19 support payments will go to many people who don’t need them, such as middle- and upper-class families. Inequality will get worse coming out of this budget.

Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic. Most of the economic measures in this budget — job-training tax credits, renewed grants to small business, some other sector supports — are pretty short-term measures. The economic measure with the most foresight behind it might be the expansion of broadband.

And while I’m no fiscal hawk, the growth in debt (especially in comparison to Quebec) creates a concern, with no plan except austerity in the later years of the plan. The best way to reduce debt is with an economic plan. The absence of a plan, or the articulation beyond “a plan to have a plan,” is troubling. Even during a crisis, governments are supposed to do more than one thing at once. Especially when we need some hope about what the economic future will be like.

All in all, this budget is only about the now. Perhaps that’s where Ontarians are at, what the politics suggests. But there’s a public policy opportunity to at least chart a path to an opportunity-driven province, with all talents being drawn on to build back post-pandemic. Ontario did not describe it. Maybe the federal government will have to articulate it instead.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="53" height="53" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Bardeesy</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span>"</strong>:

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>383</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-04 10:16:37]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-04 14:16:37]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:37:07]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:37:07]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v4-all-articlesformatlinks__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646404627]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v4-all-articlesformatlinks]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 4-Education (v4c-All Articles,format)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=415</link><pubDate>Thu, 04 Nov 2021 15:08:35 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=415</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 25, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</span></a></span>

<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time, </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">the kids are at home</span></span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder: Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a></span>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji</a></span><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a></span><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha</span></a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">technology</span></span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder</a></span><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa</a></span><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">checklists</a></span><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal</span></a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski</a> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</a></span><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski</a></span><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White</a></span><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns</span></a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Alana Powell</span></a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">First Policy Response Panel last month</a></span><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">shows</span></span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday</span></a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span> <a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">guidelines from SickKids</span></span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg</a></span><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Shawna Vander Velden</span></a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">World Teachers’ Day</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“<span style="color: #0000ff">generational catastrophe</span>”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">school closures</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">education systems</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">back-to-school plan</a></span><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">implementation challenges and concerns</a></span>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">physical distancing is not feasible</span>.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">online learning</a></span>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">allocated teachers</a></span>.

Already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">one out of of every 10</a></span><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">survey</a></span><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">inequitable choices</a></span><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a></span>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Education Endowment Foundation</a></span><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">play</a></span><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">mental health</a></span>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">overstretched</a></span><span> </span>with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increasing demands</a></span>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Carol Campbell</span></a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JULY 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">educating children while maintaining public health</a></span>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">keeping schools open</a></span><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a></span><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child abuse</a></span><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a></span>.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Federal consultations</a></span><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shelters, transition houses and social services</a></span><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">economic downturns</a></span><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">high unemployment</a></span><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a></span>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increased substance use</a></span><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">commonly seen in caregivers</a></span><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">32 per cent of referrals</a></span><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">has a legislated duty</a></span><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">trained and reminded</a></span><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">cases are closed</a></span><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a></span>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

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<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a></span><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">support positive child development and resiliency</a></span><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unique role to play</a></span><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a></span><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">exacerbated impact</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>"</span></strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">National childcare system must support childcare workers</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86459" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86459 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-early-childhood-educators">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</span></a></span></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Star</a></span>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s childcare crisis</a></span><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shared their experiences</a></span><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">new survey</a></span><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

&nbsp;
<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
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Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Monica Lysack</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| I</span></span><span class="category-info">N<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">LISA WOLFF</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</span></a></span></div>
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a></span><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Childcare operators and staff</a></span><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s patchwork programs</span></a></span>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em></span><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ranges</a> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">parental leave</a></span>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="40" height="40" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">Lisa Wolff</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="39" height="39" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Terence Hamilton</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Hamilton and Wolff<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>"</strong>:

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First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

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First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary)</strong>

<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1077" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1077 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</a></span>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

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<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

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<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Christopher Conway</span></a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

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<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith</span></a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

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<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis</span></a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
&nbsp;

<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a></span><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a></span>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles</span></a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CESB</a></span>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">eligibility criteria</a></span>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hiking tuition fees</a></span><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">15 per cent</a></span>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">existing challenges</a> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious status</a></span>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s incredible effort</a></span><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">temporary foreign workers</a></span>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">easing of restrictions</a></span><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar</a></span><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jackie Pichette</span></a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HEQCO study</a></span><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Universal Design for Learning</a></span><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

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<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nearly 121,000</a></span><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">And almost 38,000</a></span><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">an hour</a>.</span> How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$6 million</a></span><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight</span></a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">utilized</a></span><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">home internet connectivity</a></span>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">least connected</span></a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

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<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed</a></span><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">2017 report</a> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

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<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</span></a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

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<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</span></a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent survey</a></span><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

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<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh</a> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle</span></a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force</a></span>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sapra et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson: </span></span><span style="color: #0000ff">Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté: Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos: Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</a></span>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson</a></span> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté</a></span><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">two million students</a></span><span>, closing borders on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international students</a></span><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent piece</a></span><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Eighteen percent</span></span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> </span>– Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</a> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</a></span> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos</a></span> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">both</a> <a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">revealed</a></span><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</span></a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">plan</a></span><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">controversy</a></span><span><span style="color: #0000ff">,</span> it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde</a></span> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021 <span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>IN<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SARA ASALYA</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ALKA KUMAR</a></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">online platforms</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.</span></div>
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The pandemic has exposed <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">pre-existing fault lines</span></a> rooted in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">systemic racism and discrimination</a></span>; underlined the <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</span></a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">post-secondary students</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized groups</a></span>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A <a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</span></a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An <a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</span></a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">reliable internet connections</span></a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</span></a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <span style="color: #0000ff"><u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">open letter</a></u></span> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">responded in a statement</a></span>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a <a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">recent op-ed</span></a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</span></a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Critical and Indigenous scholars</span></a> have described how Canada’s long and <a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">enduring history of colonialism</span></a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion</span></a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</span></a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">micro-aggressions</span></a> and “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">psychological gaslighting</a></span><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">overlooked or undervalued</span></a>; scarcity of <a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social and academic support</span></a>; <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social isolation</span></a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">responsive strategies</span></a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">changing demographics</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">multiculturalism</a></span>, increased recruitment and retention of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international and racialized students</a></span> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with <a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">new mandates for research funding</span></a>, have triggered <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">senior administrative leadership</a></span> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through <a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">EDI action plans</span></a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">different ideological approaches to equity</span></a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">best practice</a></span> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</span></a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broad institutional support</a></span> for IE in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">teaching</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">operations</a></span> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recruitment</a></span> to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">learning outcomes</a></span>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">why race-based data matters in health care</a></span>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">data misuse</a></span>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist <a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">David Graeber</span></a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Mojgan-Rahbari-Jawoko-e1614124576564-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</span></strong></a> is an Adjunct Professor at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</a></span>.</em></div>
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<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sara-Asalya-e1614125086618-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sara Asalya" itemprop="image" /></a></em></p>
<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Sara Asalya</span></strong></a> is the founder and executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em></p>

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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Alka-Kumar-scaled-e1614122679576-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Alka Kumar" itemprop="image" /></a></em>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>Alka Kumar</strong></a></span> is the manager of research and policy at the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span>, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EDUCATION</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rahbari-Jawoko, Asalya, and Kumar</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change</li>
 	<li>-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: student activism, political staff, bureaucrats</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on DIVE: Student Aid<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em>’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: advocacy, government</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria"</span></strong>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>415</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-04 11:08:35]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-04 15:08:35]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:39:59]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:39:59]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v4c-all-articlesformat__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646404799]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v4c-all-articlesformat]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v4-All Articles,format)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=428</link><pubDate>Thu, 04 Nov 2021 15:57:44 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=428</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></span></div>
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<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span><span> </span>at Ryerson University,</em><em><span> </span>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong> </strong>

&nbsp;

<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Act chief and council elections</a></span>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<h2>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</h2>
Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.

And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">doctors from Cuba</a></span><span> </span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community-based research project</a></span><span> </span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">duty to consult</a></span>, like<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">free, prior and informed consent</a></span><span> </span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.

&nbsp;
<h2>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low-income, racialized communities</a></span>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a></span>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.

&nbsp;
<h2>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</h2>
<strong>FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span><span> </span>at Ryerson University.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 21, 2021 <span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span>IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span> <span class="date-info"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELISA LEVI</a></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></div>
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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">World Health Organization</a></span><span> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">socio-economic marginalization</a></span><span> </span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">concerns</a></span><span> </span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Arlen Dumas</a></span><span> </span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Indian Hospitals</span></a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup><span> </span>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">nutrition experiments</a></span> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Joyce Echaquan</a></span><span> </span>fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a></span><span> </span>delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rejected</a></span><span> </span>the proposal.

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<blockquote>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</blockquote>
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<h2><strong>First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong></h2>
We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">H1N1 flu outbreak</a></span><span> </span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">said</a></span><span> </span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a><span> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rising</a></span><span> </span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hardest hit</a></span>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a></span><span> </span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity</a></span>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NACI recognizes</a></span>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a></span>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<span> </span><em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</span></a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a></span><span> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">70 per cent uptake</a></span><span> </span>is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span><span> </span>at Ryerson University,</em><em><span> </span>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong> </strong>

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<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Act chief and council elections</a></span>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</em></div>
Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.

And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">doctors from Cuba</a></span><span> </span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community-based research project</a></span><span> </span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

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<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

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<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

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<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">duty to consult</a></span>, like<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">free, prior and informed consent</a></span><span> </span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

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<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low-income, racialized communities</a></span>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

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<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a></span>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.
<div class="textbox"><em>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

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<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

<span>[h5p id="28"]</span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 21, 2021 <span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span>IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span> <span class="date-info"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELISA LEVI</a></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></div>
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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">World Health Organization</a></span><span> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">socio-economic marginalization</a></span><span> </span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">concerns</a></span><span> </span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Arlen Dumas</a></span><span> </span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Indian Hospitals</span></a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup><span> </span>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">nutrition experiments</a></span> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Joyce Echaquan</a></span><span> </span>fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a></span><span> </span>delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rejected</a></span><span> </span>the proposal.
<div class="textbox"><em>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</em></div>
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<h2><strong>First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong></h2>
We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">H1N1 flu outbreak</a></span><span> </span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">said</a></span><span> </span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a><span> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rising</a></span><span> </span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hardest hit</a></span>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a></span><span> </span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity</a></span>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NACI recognizes</a></span>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a></span>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<span> </span><em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</span></a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a></span><span> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">70 per cent uptake</a></span><span> </span>is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>435</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-04 19:12:47]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-04 23:12:47]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:48:51]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:48:51]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v5-all-articlesformat__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646405331]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v5-all-articlesformat]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 1-Pandemic Control Basics (v5-All Articles,FormatLinks)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=440</link><pubDate>Thu, 04 Nov 2021 23:25:35 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=440</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[(1) <strong>Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?</li>
 	<li>Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics</li>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</span>

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<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a></span>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="83" height="83" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="color: #0000ff"><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></p>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></h1>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA" style="color: #0000ff">PEDRO BARATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">WENDY CUKIER</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></p>
<p class="clear"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This piece is based on survey research </em><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>conducted by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a></span>, in partnership with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future Skills Centre</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a></span>. </em></strong><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For more details, see the full report: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teachers and students</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">some types of workers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The numbers from</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">our recent survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.</span></p>

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Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.

The situation for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">younger workers</a></span><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.

Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.

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However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">given a chance</a></span>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.

Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.

None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.

As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pedro Barata</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Wendy-Cukier-scaled-e1614642411912-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Wendy Cukier" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Wendy Cukier</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the founder and academic director of the Ted Rogers School of Management’s Diversity Institute.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" role="link"><img width="73" height="73" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Andrew-Parkin-Headshot-wide-angle-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Andrew Parkin</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="heading-text el-text alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible start_animation"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</span></a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><em style="font-size: 1em">Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em></p>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/CIGI-headshot-e1629748877903-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Stephanie MacLellan" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELECTION 2021</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">JANUARY 28, 2021 </span><span style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span style="font-size: 1em">IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em">AND</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a>

<span style="font-size: 1em">For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">``There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive – </em><span style="font-size: 1em">supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also </span><em style="font-size: 1em">stronger growth</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive</em><span style="font-size: 1em"> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">In a joint effort with the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> and the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, we recently released a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em></p>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Class Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</span>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
</ol>
Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>440</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-04 19:25:35]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-04 23:25:35]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-04 09:52:13]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-04 14:52:13]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v5-all-articlesformatlinks__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646405533]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v5-all-articlesformatlinks]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Health-Articles]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=473</link><pubDate>Fri, 05 Nov 2021 12:58:07 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=473</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Galabuzi-SystemicRacism-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.55.42-PM-300x112.png" alt="" width="913" height="341" class="alignnone wp-image-108" /></h2>
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<div class="heading-text el-text alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible start_animation" style="text-align: center"><strong>Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die</strong></div>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation" style="text-align: center"><span class="date-info"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em>, FEBRUARY 24, 2021 </span></div>
<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation" style="text-align: center"><span class="category-info">IN <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</span></a></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info"> | BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GRACE-EDWARD GALABUZI</a></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: center"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span></div>
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<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</em>

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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</span></a></p>

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<article id="post-85706" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85706 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo">
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The early proclamations about COVID-19 suggested that the virus does not discriminate. There was a sense that everyone was equally susceptible to this once-in-generations pandemic. But these assertions were quickly invalidated by the names and faces of those who were contracting the virus and perishing from it.

Our pandemic response has shown clearly how race, class, and gender determine who is most likely to be in the line of fire: the Black, Brown, and Indigenous Canadians who keep working during the crisis while others shelter. They must work to live because they are precariously employed, as the standard employment relationship — with one permanent employer and stable, full-time hours — is gradually disintegrating as a labour-market norm. They earn <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low wages</a></span> and have <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/publications/canadas-colour-coded-labour-market-the-gap-for-racialized-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">little wealth</a></span> to fall back on.

COVID-19 has demonstrated starkly how social determinants of health include employment opportunities — the sectors of the economy and forms of work that racialized, and often poor, people have access to. In contrast, white Canadians, who have more economic resources, are far more likely to be protected against these outcomes.

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<div class="textbox"><em>The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income.</em></div></blockquote>
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While there is some debate over whether class or race is to blame, this is an artificial dichotomy. We have enough documented evidence to show that insecure work, low income, and poor health outcomes are inextricably linked to both race and class. Systemic racism lies at the heart not just of economic inequality in Canada but also of how we get sick and die.

Throughout the pandemic, we have seen protection measures, particularly stay-at-home orders, exclude Canadians whose jobs were deemed to be an “essential service” — long-term-care workers, grocery store clerks, transit operators, and so on. These occupations carry a higher risk of infection by virtue of their ongoing proximity to others. Data collected so far has shown massive differences in COVID-19 infection rates between the working-class Black and Brown people who predominantly do these jobs in Canadian society and the white people who are more likely to be in office jobs that allow them to stay at home and shelter from risk without jeopardizing their incomes.

For example, racialized people — particularly Black and Filipino women — are more likely than those from other groups to be personal support workers, and there have been a significant number of COVID-19 cases among personal support workers in long-term-care homes, according to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span> data. This makes them disproportionately vulnerable to infections, and possibly death, because of the power relationships in their work.

The labour-market sorting by race, class and, gender that makes these disproportionate risks possible is the result of structural features of society that start in the school systems, operate into disparate opportunities in the labour market, and lead to uneven access to generational wealth and family income. It also stems from a lack of adequate social policy, including unequal funding formulas that mean less government support for public education in some neighbourhoods; a lack of paid sick days; crowding on transit lines serving highly racialized and low-income neighbourhoods; a lack of investment in health resources in those neighbourhoods; and the persistence of racial discrimination in hiring processes that prevent Black and Brown people from obtaining high-wage, high-status jobs, even when they have the education and experience necessary.

A number of actions are advisable here: Action on strengthening equitable access to employment for Black, Indigenous, and racialized workers. Public policy to address precarious employment and the conditions of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://metcalffoundation.com/publication/the-working-poor-in-the-toronto-region-a-closer-look-at-the-increasing-numbers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">working poverty</a></span> it generates. Employment-standards reforms, such as ensuring access to paid sick days for low-income earners. Anti-poverty measures, such as improved access to housing to decrease overcrowding among immigrant populations. And disaggregated data collection so we have a fuller picture of these impacts on particular communities.

There is a role for local public-health agencies to engage directly with communities so that they can generate recommendations relevant to each community’s conditions. At the national level, the Public Health Agency of Canada should leverage its resources to declare racism a <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Colour-Coded-Health-Care-Sheryl-Nestel.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">social determinant of health</a></span> and work to confront it.

In total, we need a pan-Canadian strategy that includes the province and cities in implementing aggressive workplace and health-sector reforms to address the impact of systemic racism on work and life.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="49" height="54" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-title"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</span></a></em><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>
<strong>Licence</strong>: Article licenced under <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span>
<p class="m-a-box-title"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span></p>

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<strong>Citation</strong>: Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Galabuzi's article "Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die"</strong>:

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<strong>Check the map below to see how COVID-19 has impacted various Canadian provinces between March 2020 and July 2020</strong>.
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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/126110866@N08/20110907723"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Canada-Map-With-Cities"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/126110866@N08" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">larrywkoester</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

<strong>The chart below compares data from the map above. It accentuates the major difference between certain Canadian provinces and Canada as a whole</strong>.

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For more information, please read:<span> </span><strong>COVID-19 mortality rates in Canada’s ethno-cultural neighbourhoods</strong>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00079-eng.htm</a></span>

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<h2 data-profile-layout="layout-1" data-author-ref="user-119"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Lofters-ONHealthCareSystem-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.32.18-PM-300x89.png" alt="" width="920" height="273" class="alignnone wp-image-94" /></h2>
<article id="post-85462" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85462 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-tvo tag-health">
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</em>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</span></a></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Over the past year, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact, with more than 100 million cases and more than 2.4 million deaths worldwide. But despite what feels like the universal nature of the pandemic, not all of us have been affected equally.</span></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">After months of community advocacy, public-health officials, researchers, and policy-makers finally started to look at the impact of COVID-19 on racialized people. The results were striking, although sadly not surprising. In Toronto, by the end of December, it was reported that nearly </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">80 per cent</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> of people with COVID-19 were racialized. To put that in perspective, only 52 per cent of Toronto’s population is racialized.</span></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace. Our system’s response to the pandemic has too often ignored, trivialized, and been slow to protect these groups, leaving them at ever higher risk of infection.</span></p>
<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">We also have to ask about the why behind the why. Why are racialized people more likely to be in these </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious working and living situations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">? Because this is one of the many ways in which systemic, long-standing racism manifests. Racialized people are not genetically engineered to be precarious workers and did not end up on the lowest rungs of the social ladder by chance. Societal structures that play out in education, employment, housing, and other areas disproportionately push racialized people into these positions.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Racialized people in Ontario are at higher risk of COVID-19 because they are more likely to be “essential workers” who cannot work from home and less likely to be able to take paid sick leave, physically distance, or receive adequate protective equipment in the workplace.</em></div>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">So what can be done to address all this? In the short term, we need to take a hard look at the system response to the COVID-19 pandemic through an anti-racist and health-equity lens. An anti-racist system response requires specific policies and systems to explicitly protect and prioritize those who are marginalized and at higher risk of infection.</span>

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<span>It will mean providing paid sick days for everyone and viewing affordable housing and food security as human rights. It will mean providing support to community organizations to lead COVID-19 testing and contact tracing. It will mean not blaming people's <span style="text-decoration: underline"><a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069">genetics</a></span> or</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/dont-blame-culture-for-covid-19-rates-in-south-asian-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">culture</a></span><span> for disproportionate COVID-19 rates. It will mean infrastructure to provide wrap-around care and social-service supports for those who test positive.</span>

<span>And, crucially, it will mean developing a community-based and community-led vaccine strategy that prioritizes those living and working in settings at higher risk of COVID-19. There are promising initiatives we can learn from. The Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, at Women’s College Hospital, is working in partnership with multiple other Indigenous-focused community and health-care organizations on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.womenscollegehospital.ca/research,-education-and-innovation/maadookiing-mshkiki%E2%80%94sharing-medicine?utm_source=CWP-IH%20MICROSITE&amp;utm_medium=Socials&amp;utm_campaign=Maad%27ookiing%20Mshkiki&amp;fbclid=IwAR2pT4aYaFmoRQlewXcNiPZt4Wf1mNU0Id8Pcb43oVM1lbf3JqOZilp8zX8" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sharing Medicine</a></span><span>, a project that will develop community-centred resources specifically tailored to Indigenous communities. Importantly, they are using a decolonial approach to understand and address vaccine concerns (and how they are related to </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">colonial histories</a></span><span>).</span>

<span>Examples such as this make it clear that taking a hard look at our current policies, systems, and plans from an anti-racist perspective cannot be done behind closed doors. Community leaders and advocates from racialized communities must be central voices in the response and be recognized as the experts that they are.</span>

<span>In the longer term, we need to take that anti-racist lens to all our social and public-health policies. Housing insecurity, food insecurity, job insecurity, precarious work, unsafe working conditions, and everyday racism will all still be with us after everyone has been vaccinated. The current pandemic is just one example of how these factors play out, but there are countless others.</span>

<span>We also need to increase representation of racialized people in positions of power and decision-making across all sectors. There has been focus on the over-representation of racialized people at the margins of our society in this pandemic, but the flipside of that is the under-representation at the centres of our society, including at the decision-making tables. A meaningful, sustainable increase in representation will require the involvement of all governmental sectors. How can we ensure that our racialized students are not streamlined away from career paths they’d be more than capable of pursuing? How can we ensure that racialized people have equal employment opportunities and receive equal pay?</span>

<span>The road that led us to where are now is centuries long. We cannot expect the solutions to be quick and easy. But we must choose — today — to take a different path.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="56" height="56" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Aisha Lofters</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a family physician and researcher at Women’s College Hospital and the University of Toronto. She is the chair in implementation science at the Peter Gilgan Centre for Women’s Cancers in partnership with the Canadian Cancer Society.</em></p>
<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong>Licence</strong>: Article licenced under <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span></p>
<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-261 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">TVO</a></span></p>
<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span></p>
<p class="molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Lofters' article "Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19"</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span></p>

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<strong>Check the map below to see COVID-19's global impact</strong>.
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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/29712230@N08/2861478881"><span style="color: #0000ff">"world map 3D"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/29712230@N08" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">kcp4911</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Bhimani-ForMoreEquitableHealthOutcomes-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.34.21-PM-300x120.png" alt="" width="905" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-97" /></h2>
<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">Over the course of the pandemic, we have seen deep inequalities rise to the surface. The acknowledgement of these disparities has led to the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">push for race-based data collection</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> and other policy measures aimed at reducing inequality. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-to-beat-the-second-wave-we-must-focus-on-high-risk-communities/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sociodemographic data reveal</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> that racialized, marginalized and low-income communities have been most affected by COVID-19, and </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Public Health</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> reports that non-white residents make up 52 per cent of the population but 82 per cent of COVID-19 cases in the city.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Now, amid the second wave, these inequalities continue to persist in the health system. This prompts the question: Are we doing all we can to learn how health outcomes can be improved for those most affected by this pandemic?</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To date, more than </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2020/03/23/canadas-plan-mobilize-science-fight-covid-19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$275 million</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> has been invested to enhance Canada’s capacity in research and development, as part of Canada’s COVID-19 research response. Now more than ever, research is one of the most powerful tools we have for improving health outcomes. But before we can attain answers, we need to address institutional barriers within clinical research.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s clinical research response to studying patients with COVID-19 and related treatments must be representative and inclusive of racially marginalized populations across Canada. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52174.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recently released a statement</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> committed to fostering a more “equitable, diverse and inclusive research-funding system,” noting that its predominant focus to date has been on sex and gender diversity.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The homogeneity of clinical trial participants has long been recognized as both an </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2002040" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ethical and scientific issue</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">; relying on data that may not be generalizable (but may be considered as such) is problematic. Taking action that will result in tangible change is important, and the time to act is now. The current pandemic offers an opportunity to address this problem by reducing disparities in health outcomes across the country, but that depends on organizations that fund Canadian health research adopting system-wide policy solutions:</span></p>

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<h3><strong>Increase transparency of funding decisions by enabling public involvement</strong></h3>
First and foremost, the Canadian health research-funding system should consider enabling demographically representative public participation in its funding decisions. Public involvement is imperative to increase transparency and accountability in government decision-making. Just as recent demand for greater citizen engagement in matters that affect the health outcomes of Canadians has been met with <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/52115.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient-oriented research strategies</a></span>, a demographically representative sample of the Canadian public should become a mandated requirement when decisions that fund health research take place. Public representatives drawing from lived experience would be able to judge research proposals by the quality of their equity, diversity and inclusion strategies. In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, when critical policies were being made about patients (such as long-term care facilities and visitation rights), <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.bmj.com/company/newsroom/why-are-patient-and-public-voices-absent-in-covid-19-policy-making/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">patient and public voices were largely left out</a></span> of the decision-making. The second wave offers an opportunity to make policy decisions transparent and inclusive.
<h3><strong>Require equitable inclusion of racially marginalized populations in clinical research</strong></h3>
While researchers may have the willingness to improve the diversity of clinical trials, they have to consider many important barriers, such as historical abuses. One particularly successful means for building trust, educating patients and raising awareness is through <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2774214/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community‐based participatory research</a></span>. Trial sponsors and research teams are forging new paths to diversity by obtaining the support of trusted community leaders. Given our history, building the trust of Indigenous and Black communities in Canada will be particularly critical, and our research-funding system should make this a requirement for all clinical researchers seeking funding.
<h3><strong>Address disparities in clinical trial access</strong></h3>
All funded research should require that research sites have the resources and personnel to simplify research and translate consent documents to languages spoken by local populations. Though translation services are often available, their use is not mandated by our funding system, which limits trial participation from patients who speak little or no English or French. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://scholarlyworks.lvhn.org/research-scholars-posters/357/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Low income and education levels</a></span> are also barriers to increased participation in clinical research. Requiring research teams to include professionals trained and educated on the potential barriers that racially marginalized populations face, who share cultural and language similarities with patients and who use simplified language to explain their research, will help overcome the barriers to including low-income and racially marginalized populations in research. This solution would not only be a step closer toward inclusive science, but also toward health equity and consequently, improved health outcomes.

<span style="font-size: 1em">As we strive as a country to tackle the second wave of the pandemic, and as CIHR develops a new strategic plan for 2021-25 Canada’s health research-funding community must take a close look at current research practices that may be exacerbating inequalities in clinical research, and act swiftly to enact these recommendations.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="55" height="55" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Zahra Bhimani</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

<strong>Licence</strong>: Article licenced under <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/health-economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-13 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">HEALTH ECONOMICS</a></span></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. </span><em style="font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bhimani's article "For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system"</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Please click on the image below oF the <a href="https://www.nps.gov/museum/exhibits/tuskegee/gwcarver/exb/Overview/Carver_museum.html">Carver Museum at Tuskegee University</a>, which was involved with the Tuskegee Experiment as well as its impact on research.</strong>

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/32693718@N07/50241912868" style="color: #0000ff">"20200222 19 Tuskegee University"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/32693718@N07" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">davidwilson1949</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<h2><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/10/Sinha-UnderfundedLong-TermCare-Screen-Shot-2021-10-25-at-7.36.18-PM-300x119.png" alt="" width="913" height="362" class="alignnone wp-image-98" /></h2>
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<p class="row-container"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</span></a></p>
<p class="row-container"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em></p>
<p class="row-container"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This interview with Dr. Samir Sinha, director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University, is part of a series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response: As of May, the National Institute on Ageing was reporting that more than 80 per cent of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were in long-term care homes. Is that still accurate at this point?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Dr. Samir Sinha: Yes. Towards the end of March, we launched what we call our </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ltc-covid19-tracker.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NIA Long-term Care COVID-19 Tracker</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. It’s available online and we continue to update it to this day. By May, or at the height of the pandemic, if you will, we were even up as high as 82, 83 per cent of Canadian deaths that occurred in long-term care settings. By the time the Canadian Institute for Health Information did an </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c2fa7b03917eed9b5a436d8/t/5f071dda1fbff833fe105111/1594301915196/covid-19-rapid-response-long-term-care-snapshot-en.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">analysis</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> towards the end of May looking at our data, they confirmed about 80 to 81 per cent. Right now that number is about 77 per cent of Canadian deaths that have occurred in long-term care homes. So the number is decreasing a little bit, but it’s staying around the 80 per cent mark, and this reflects that more younger people are now becoming infected. And certainly younger populations, with the second ripple or second wave that’s starting to develop across the country, we’re starting to see more deaths occurring outside long-term care homes in the general population, as well.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But the bottom line is that Canada still holds this record of 77 per cent or close to 80 per cent of its deaths occurring in our long-term care homes. And that’s about double what we’re seeing on the international stage.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: Why do you think that is?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">I think there are two fundamental reasons why we’ve actually been seeing such a high proportion of our deaths occur in long-term care homes. The first part is good news: Canada did a really, really good job early on in the pandemic, as cases were starting to climb in Canada, to actually take some definitive public health measures to lock us all down, essentially, and limit our ability to travel and interact, and close our borders as well. And by doing that, we helped to significantly limit the rate of community spread that could potentially occur, that we had seen become real issues in places like the U.K., Spain, Italy, etc. And so, because we had fair warning compared to some European countries, for example, we were able to heed those warnings and close our borders, create our lockdown situation early, which helped to limit the amount of community spread and the number of cases and deaths. And overall we’ve seen only about 1 per cent of Canadians in total have actually been infected, probably, with COVID-19.The challenge is that, when it came to the way that we were preparing ourselves in our health-care system, a huge amount of focus was placed on our hospitals at the expense of our long-term care and our retirement-home systems, which really in the end were not well equipped and well supported enough to deal with COVID-19. So even though COVID-19 was circulating in the communities, we weren’t making sure that all of our long-term care homes were fully equipped with personal protective equipment. While we assumed that our staff in these homes knew how to follow IPAC [Infection Prevention and Control] procedures and use their PPE, this wasn’t quite the case.And then we already had a system that was plagued with staffing shortages and issues. And as COVID got into homes and spread easily – because we weren’t aware early on of the possibilities of asymptomatic spread and transmission – staff weren’t equipped with enough PPE and we already had severe staffing shortages to begin with. As soon as COVID started taking effect in these homes, this just exacerbated all these problems even further, and especially in provinces like Ontario and Quebec, really set us off on a wrong foot overall.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: What does that tell us about the long-term care system in Canada?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">I think what it really exposed to us is that, when we think about how Canada did compared to the rest of the world, we could say, yes, some of our high case numbers or rates of deaths in these settings was partly related to the fact that we actually had done a reasonably good job of limiting the amount of general community spread. But you know, when you’re double the international rate of deaths in long-term care homes, it also speaks to the fact that COVID-19 exposed how vulnerable our long-term care system was to begin with. So when you look at OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries, in general, which experienced half the rate of deaths in its care homes that we did, what we see is that we spend 30 per cent less on providing long-term care services in Canada compared to other OECD countries. We’re already funding significantly less as a proportion of our GDP compared to other countries, only 1.3 per cent versus 1.7 per cent on average. So that’s the first challenge.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">And then, when you underfund an entire long-term care system, it means that we have staff who aren’t paid as well as those who are generally working in our hospitals, for example. And we also have the challenge where more people tend to work part-time in these settings than, say, in other health-care settings, and as a result, to try and make a full-time salary, people are working multiple jobs in multiple settings. All of this means that if you have infection in one home, when staff are working between multiple homes, they could inadvertently become vectors to transmit this virus from one home to the other. So when you underfund the system, it affects the level at which we staff these homes.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">It also affects the resources we actually provide these homes to provide the care that residents need. And it really just exposed the fact that we had these systemic vulnerabilities – that not only were we having challenges staffing and making sure that homes have the resources they did, but we also see this phenomenon in Canada, compared to many other countries, where in Ontario, for example, a large portion of the rooms happened to be two-, three- or four-bedded rooms, where in many other jurisdictions, they moved to an all-single-room format. The problem is, if you move to all single rooms, that’s a much more expensive home to build than packing people two or three or four to a room. And so again, when you underfund the system, you’re going to have poor-quality facilities and many older facilities that are vastly in need of redevelopment, but also a system that can’t actually even attract the basic staff it needs to keep these homes properly staffed and supported, especially during a pandemic.</span></p>
<p class="row-container"><strong style="font-size: 1em">FPR: Was it a surprise to you, how much higher the rate was in Canada compared to the rest of the world?</strong></p>
<p class="row-container"><span style="font-size: 1em">It was. I mean, the data doesn’t lie. And when you see that Canada has such a high rate of death in long-term care settings, especially when we had other countries that had significant community spread but their long-term care settings seem to fare better, we started realizing what other countries were doing and what we weren’t doing, and it reinforced how our approaches were not well balanced in Canada. For example, other countries, realizing that their long-term care homes or settings were highly vulnerable settings, were making sure that they actually increased the staffing in those settings. They were making sure that homes had adequate supplies of PPE. They were making sure that staff in those homes were having their skills augmented in terms of how to use PPE, and making sure that they were well versed in their infection prevention control efforts. And in some jurisdictions, they had developed early response teams, so that if a home did go on outbreak, it would actually have extra resources deployed almost immediately. Yet we didn’t have a lot of those mechanisms in place or those considerations in place. I think so many people were concerned about our hospitals getting overwhelmed at the beginning; we were concerned about conserving PPE for these settings at the expense of our long-term care settings. So while we were masking all the staff in our hospital settings, we weren’t doing that for staff in long-term care homes for even weeks after we started mandating this in our own hospitals. This really just showed that we almost created a bit of a double standard, and ironically, a double standard in environments that had the most to lose if COVID-19 got in.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox"><em>“Fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: How do you think we ended up in this position where the long-term care homes were so much less prepared than hospitals?</strong>

I think part of it was just the fact that what we were seeing around the world was that countries that were really struggling had hospitals that were utterly overwhelmed. And so I think a lot of people just naturally felt that if we shore up our hospitals, then the rest of the system will be OK. But what we weren’t hearing about was the fact that in countries like Spain or Italy, people weren’t even getting the opportunity to be sent to hospital for care from a long-term care home. Because the hospitals were so overwhelmed, they kind of left long-term care homes on their own. And it’s only after the fact that we found that thousands of additional people were dying in these settings, weren’t even being tested and weren’t even being given the chance of going to a hospital.

And I think part of it is because fundamentally, as a society, we’re ageist. And we’re more focused on maybe protecting the shinier and more expensive parts of our health-care system that we can all relate to, versus the more underfunded and forgotten parts of our system that tend to a group of people towards the end of their lives, who no longer have as much relevance in our society as, say, children and adults in general. So when you think that these homes basically housed hundreds of thousands of Canadians who are in their last few years of their life, 70 per cent of whom have dementia, I think that sometimes the attitude is, “Well, if they get COVID and die, they were going to die in a few years anyways, so is this really a loss?”

We see the utter hysteria right now happening at this time around schools reopening, and parents really worried about their children and protecting the children. If we imagine these homes being boarding schools, and all of these victims, the thousands of Canadians who have died in these homes, were actually young children, I wonder if we would have even more of a visceral response as Canadians, feeling that if these were young lives, that they would have mattered more, because they lost the lives that were completely ahead of them. But because these were older people towards the end of their lives, did their lives matter as much as others?

And we saw these attitudes and these issues play out in places like Italy. When they ran out of ventilators, for example, they would just simply say, “If we have to choose between two people, we’re going to choose a young person over an older person, because frankly, that older person has probably less of a chance of surviving on a ventilator and they have fewer years of life ahead of them.”

I think there were a lot of different issues that came into play. This was a less well-known part of our system. It’s always been, traditionally, a less well-supported and funded part of our system, and I think that partly reflects societal attitudes and views. And then when it came to an overall response, I think that many people were just feeling that if we just better support our hospitals and make sure that our efforts are focused on them, then the rest of the system will follow. But what we really saw is that by having poorly coordinated and under-supported responses early on for our long-term care homes, especially as COVID was spreading in communities in Ontario and Quebec, we saw what the consequences ended up being. And in provinces like B.C. that actually took much more definitive action early – perhaps because they were next to Washington state, which was seeing some of the first major outbreaks occurring in their nursing homes – I think B.C., frankly, gets top marks so far because they recognized quickly how vulnerable these homes were. I think they really focused on making sure that they were particularly well supported with the right policies, staffing solutions and PPE supplies. By doing those things early and definitively, our work has shown that only 12 per cent of B.C. homes ended up in outbreak. You compare that to the province next door of Alberta, where 24 per cent of its homes in a less populous province ended up in outbreak; then you go to Ontario, and you see 35 per cent of Ontario homes, 27 per cent of Quebec homes in outbreak. You see that B.C., as one of Canada’s most populous provinces, by definitively taking earlier and more direct actions to support their long-term care homes, saw only 12 per cent of their homes ever end up in outbreak.

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<strong>FPR: What policy interventions so far do you think have been helpful?</strong>

Universal masking, for example – making sure that all the staff in these care settings and all visitors to these settings are wearing masks. Especially when we realized that COVID-19 can have such a high rate of asymptomatic transmission and spread. By universally masking – what we’re asking citizens to do in their everyday lives now, as well – we knew that putting that in place had a significant level of impact. But B.C. did this fairly early on. They did this towards the end of March, for example, where this still wasn’t implemented in other provinces, like Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec, until well into April.

We also know that COVID-19 can be rather asymptomatic in its presentation and spread. Traditionally when there’s an influenza outbreak, it’s pretty easy to tell who has influenza and who doesn’t, but with COVID-19, because a person could look perfectly well and actually have COVID-19, it became really important to start changing our approaches to testing and isolating residents. So, making sure that we don’t simply just isolate and test people who look symptomatic, but we also think about people who possibly could have been positive contacts and making sure that we test and isolate them, as well. It was quickly adopting more advanced testing and isolation strategies that also recognized the rates of asymptomatic transmission.

And then also making sure that we could actually support staff or enable staff to not have to work in multiple care settings, because when you have a lot of foot traffic occurring between different settings, we have a risk where these staff can inadvertently start transmitting this virus between homes. That was an early lesson learned in B.C., where the very first outbreak led to the second outbreak, when it was staff working between two homes who actually introduced it to a second home.
<div class="textbox"><em>“We’re trying to be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: I am also struck by the fact that the NIA is collecting data on this. Does that identify a gap in the system, that nobody else has been doing this?</strong>

Yeah. I think certainly at the start of the pandemic, did we think this was something that needed to be done? Absolutely. Did we think we needed to be the ones doing it? Certainly not. I think what we anticipated early on was that there would be some kind of national system to help, just as we would hear in the daily news brief – how many cases, how many deaths, etc. What we were seeing was the most vulnerable part of the system wasn’t really getting a lot of air time, other than hearing stories about significant outbreaks occurring in parts of Canada, but not necessarily seeing the data being reported. We would hear number of cases, deaths, how many people are hospitalized, how many people are using ICUs, but never how many homes are in outbreak across the country? How many residents have been infected? How many staff have been infected? How many residents and staff have died? And because we didn’t see this being collected, first of all, at a national level – or at least being reported publicly at a national level – and then we were seeing provinces collect information in different ways and not collecting it in a systematic way that would allow us to compare and learn from different provincial experiences, we clearly saw a gap here that nobody else seemed to be filling. And that’s why I think the NIA decided to step in and actually start collecting this information in a robust way that we could present in an open way back to the public, with a goal to fill in a clear data-collection gap that nobody else seemed to be focusing on in Canada at the time. And we certainly have seen over time that certain provinces have improved some of their reporting systems, but we’ve seen some provinces that have kind of backed away from being so public in the way they’re reporting things and even becoming a bit more, I think, secretive in the data that they’re even willing to share.

Quebec is one of those classic examples. I think, as things were getting really bad in Quebec, for example, there wasn’t really clear, definitive information on what was actually happening in its long-term care homes. And then I think by April, the Quebec government started releasing a daily list showing what the size of the outbreaks were, which homes were in outbreak, etc. But then they abruptly stopped reporting that data on April 30. They said there was some kind of accounting or technical error that they would fix and start reposting that information back within a few days. But then it was literally about two weeks that, that information system was down. When it got re-posted, it was even, I would even argue, a little bit less transparent than it was before, and it made it really hard for people to understand exactly what was happening. So even with our tracker data in Quebec, we know that we’re probably under-reporting the total number of resident cases and staff cases and overall [cases]. And that’s a concern because, again, without accurate data, we’re making assumptions about what happened in Quebec that may actually be under-reporting the issue there, and maybe [affecting] how accurately we can interpret the Quebec situation in a way that can be helpful for other provinces and territories not wanting to make some of the same mistakes.

We’ve had real problems trying to get clear, definitive answers towards our data in both Nova Scotia and Quebec, whereas other provinces like B.C. and Alberta have been incredibly transparent and supportive of our work and helping us to make sure that we have good quality, accurate data, because they appreciate that what we’re trying to do is just be open and transparent about what the data actually shows to better inform better policy responses.

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<strong>FPR: At this stage, as we’ve kind of gone through the first six months of this, what kind of policy responses do you think are needed as we’re going forward over the next few months?</strong>

I think right now, the good news is that we have learned a lot during the first six months that helped us to understand why long-term care homes are particularly vulnerable and what potentially makes them particularly vulnerable. And I think through provinces that have been particularly hard hit, like Ontario and Quebec, they’ve started to appreciate the resources and mechanisms that they didn’t have in place before. They now better understand what the virus is, how it operates, the things that we can do that can effectively prevent its introduction and spread, and again, mimicking some of the good policy decisions that B.C. made early on. I think now other jurisdictions are starting to increasingly emulate that. The key is that we haven’t fundamentally changed any of the underlying staffing problems that we had prior to the pandemic, so there still remains significant issues that relate to the staffing of care homes and what we need to be doing that way.

So I think we’ve come away with a lot of lessons learned, both internationally and locally. And I think that will hopefully stand us in better stead. But it also reminds us how vigilant we need to be, not just saying, “Oh well, we appreciate that we needed to have adequate supplies of PPE.” We actually have to make sure that all of our staff are really well trained in infection prevention and control strategies, as well. So I think all of these sorts of things have been good lessons learned. The question is, only time will tell how well we’ve actually learned those lessons.

For example, more recently, we’re seeing new outbreaks occur in places like B.C., in places like Manitoba and Alberta, as well. So we’re seeing new outbreaks that are actually developing. And in some of these cases, people are saying, “Well, when we look at it, we certainly were making sure staff are trained in PPE, we thought we were doing all the right things, but we also realized that we have to maintain a high level of vigilance.” And in places where we see right now that they still haven’t resolved their staffing issues overall, it’s going to make them particularly vulnerable yet again if there’s another outbreak in that setting.

I think the other challenge has been, in homes that remain understaffed, they’re finding it increasingly difficult to try and do things like even permit homes to reopen to visitors. So for family caregivers and families and friends who want to visit their loved ones in care, a lot of people have just been shut out of these homes because the staffing situation of the home remained below the level where they can provide the basic care that they need to be providing, let alone actually provide additional staffing resources to facilitate families and friends wanting to come and visit their loved ones in care.

So I don’t think we’ve resolved a lot of the core, underlying, fundamental issues that were the problems related to long-term care in the first place. I think we’re still just kind of grappling and thinking about what needs to be done.

But I think what COVID-19 is done is exposed, certainly, a lot of the vulnerabilities within the system. I think it’s really shaken a lot of Canadians’ trust and confidence in the system, whether that be residents, whether that be family members and friends, whether that be members of the general public thinking about their own future. I think a lot of individuals and a lot of staff who were working in the system have probably lost a lot of faith in it – lost faith in it to be able to protect the residents, but also protect the staff who work in these systems, as well. So there’s going to need to be a lot more work done to further figure out what the future of long-term care needs to look like in Canada, and how do we actually advance that.

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Samir Sinha</span></a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

<strong>Licence</strong>: Article licenced under <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" style="color: #0000ff">Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>

</article><strong>Citation</strong>: Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sinha's article "Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click below to learn more about ageism as well as how it connects to issues like healthcare.</strong>

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</article>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>473</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-05 08:58:07]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-05 12:58:07]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:36:11]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:36:11]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[part-1-chapter1__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647264971]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[part-1-chapter1]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v6-AllArticles,Format,AddQuizzes)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=504</link><pubDate>Fri, 05 Nov 2021 18:05:04 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=504</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span><span> </span>at Ryerson University,</em><em><span> </span>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong> </strong>

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<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Act chief and council elections</a></span>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</em></div>
Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.

And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">doctors from Cuba</a></span><span> </span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community-based research project</a></span><span> </span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

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<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

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<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

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<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">duty to consult</a></span>, like<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">free, prior and informed consent</a></span><span> </span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

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<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low-income, racialized communities</a></span>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

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<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a></span>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.
<div class="textbox"><em>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

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<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

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<strong>For more information on the Six Nations, please click on this photograph below</strong>.

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02/6836781189"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Studio portrait of the surviving Six Nations warriors who fought with the British in the War of 1812 / Portrait en studio des survivants des Six-Nations qui ont combattu aux côtés des Britanniques pendant la guerre de 1812"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">BiblioArchives / LibraryArchives</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 21, 2021 <span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span>IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span> <span class="date-info"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELISA LEVI</a></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></div>
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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">World Health Organization</a></span><span> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">socio-economic marginalization</a></span><span> </span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">concerns</a></span><span> </span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Arlen Dumas</a></span><span> </span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Indian Hospitals</span></a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup><span> </span>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">nutrition experiments</a></span> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Joyce Echaquan</a></span><span> </span>fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a></span><span> </span>delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rejected</a></span><span> </span>the proposal.
<div class="textbox"><em>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</em></div>
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<h2><strong>First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong></h2>
We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">H1N1 flu outbreak</a></span><span> </span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">said</a></span><span> </span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a><span> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rising</a></span><span> </span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hardest hit</a></span>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a></span><span> </span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity</a></span>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NACI recognizes</a></span>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a></span>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<span> </span><em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</span></a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a></span><span> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">70 per cent uptake</a></span><span> </span>is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photograph below to learn more about the world's deadliest pandemic – The Spanish Flu</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.rawpixel.com/image/2298586/free-photo-image-pandemic-spanish-flu-epidemic"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Emergency hospital during influenza epidemic, Camp Funston, Kansas (1918). Original image from National Museum of Health and Medicine. Digitally enhanced by rawpixel."</span></a><span> </span><span>is marked with </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/cc0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</span></a>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>504</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-05 14:05:04]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-05 18:05:04]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 09:19:51]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 14:19:51]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v6-allarticlesformataddquizzes__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646662791]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v6-allarticlesformataddquizzes]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials-Final Chapter Assessment]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=524</link><pubDate>Fri, 05 Nov 2021 20:15:21 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=524</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Based on the articles above from <em>First Policy Response</em>, please engage in the following assessments to test your learning.

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy in Action</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">You are a new policy analyst for <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/indigenous-northern-affairs.html" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada</a></span>. There has been a major COVID-19 outbreak in an Indigenous community in Canada. </span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">You are to prepare a short policy brief that addresses this major outbreak. It will be presented to the federal Minister of Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada. Identify the top three issues that need to be addressed to quickly address this situation. Based on the three issues outlined, you will also include your recommendations to communicate possible effective strategies.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Final Paper</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">:</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Drawing upon the readings and impacts on Canadian Indigenous people and communities, in a 750 – 1,500 worded expository essay, choose one level of governance (e.g., federal, provincial, or municipal) or an institution that has been active in some aspect of the response to the COVID-19 pandemic (e.g., a corporation, advocacy group, or non-profit) from an Indigenous perspective.</span>
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 	<li><strong>Vaccination hesitancy</strong>: Identify reasons for long-term vaccine hesitancy among Indigenous people. Based on these reasons, discuss ways to improve attitudes toward vaccination with the eventual goal of improving vaccine uptake.</li>
 	<li><strong>Economic costs of the pandemic</strong>: COVID-19 created massive economic impacts across Canada, especially among communities that have already been vulnerable and suffering from inequalities. How can policy makers and social actors help reshape the post-crisis economy by promoting inclusive and sustainable economic models in the aftermath of COVID-19?</li>
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<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?</li>
 	<li>Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics</li>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</span>

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<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a></span>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="83" height="83" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="color: #0000ff"><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></p>
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<strong>For general information on taxes, and specifically the GST, please click on the photo below</strong>:

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="heading-text el-text alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible start_animation"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</span></a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><em style="font-size: 1em">Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em></p>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELECTION 2021</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about N-95 masks and their Canadian connection</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/thing:4241389"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Deep well Covid Mask"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/Kenomahn" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Kenan Hoffpauir</a></span></span><span> is marked with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/CC0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">JANUARY 28, 2021 </span><span style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span style="font-size: 1em">IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em">AND</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a>

<span style="font-size: 1em">For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">``There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive – </em><span style="font-size: 1em">supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also </span><em style="font-size: 1em">stronger growth</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive</em><span style="font-size: 1em"> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">In a joint effort with the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> and the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, we recently released a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em></p>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Class Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</span>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
</ol>
Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about the Atlantic Bubble</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00/3118553943"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Prince Edward Island"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Joe Shlabotnik</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Readings</strong>:

Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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<h1 class="h1"><del><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></del></h1>
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<p class="clear"><del><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA" style="color: #0000ff">PEDRO BARATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">WENDY CUKIER</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This piece is based on survey research </em><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>conducted by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a></span>, in partnership with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future Skills Centre</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a></span>. </em></strong><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For more details, see the full report: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a></span>.</em></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teachers and students</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">some types of workers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The numbers from</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">our recent survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.</span></del></p>

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<del>Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.</del>

<del>The situation for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">younger workers</a></span><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.</del>

<del>Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.</del>

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<del>However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">given a chance</a></span>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.</del>

<del>Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.</del>

<del>None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.</del>

<del>As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pedro Barata</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Wendy-Cukier-scaled-e1614642411912-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Wendy Cukier" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Wendy Cukier</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the founder and academic director of the Ted Rogers School of Management’s Diversity Institute.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" role="link"><img width="73" height="73" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Andrew-Parkin-Headshot-wide-angle-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Andrew Parkin</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></del></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></del></p>

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</article><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:</del>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>531</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-05 16:37:13]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-05 20:37:13]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 09:24:07]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 14:24:07]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v6-all-articlesformatlinks__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646663047]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v6-all-articlesformatlinks]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 3-Economy (v5-AddArticles,Links,AddQuizzes)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=565</link><pubDate>Sun, 07 Nov 2021 14:06:02 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=565</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Economy I – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 23, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RINALDO WALCOTT</a></span></span></span></p>

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<article id="post-85677" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85677 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-equity tag-data tag-tvo">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></p>

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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ongoing</a> <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">debate</a></span>. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.

But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.

Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The calls</a></span><span> </span>for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">race-based data</a></span><span> </span>in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.

So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">14 per cent</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.

Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significantly exposed</a></span>.

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<blockquote>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</blockquote>
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But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">China</a></span><span> </span>and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">six months into the pandemic</span></a>.

Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.

Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="51" height="51" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Rinaldo-Walcott-scaled-e1614124936566-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Rinaldo Walcott" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rinaldo Walcott</span></a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/data/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-258 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">DATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/equity/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-257 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-5" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a> </span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Walcott's article "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>'s article"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about sick leave</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03/12178605035"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Mental Illness"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Alachua County</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" title="View all posts by KEN BOESSENKOOL" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KEN BOESSENKOOL</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" title="View all posts by ADMIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ADMIN</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></div>
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<em>With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em>

<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a></span><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>here</em></a></span><em>.</em>

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<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

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<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

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<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

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<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

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<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

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<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

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<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.<em> </em>

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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/individual-income-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-2 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIVIDUAL INCOME SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-159 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">YEAR END Q&amp;A</a> </span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Boessenkool</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Canadian Emergency Relief Benefit (CERB)</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05/42001216232" style="color: #0000ff">"cheque book"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">CreditDebitPro</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The political staff who help take care of government during elections</span>
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<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="lead">Not all political staff leave to work on the party’s campaign during elections. Some stay behind to help support ministers in their official duties.</span></p>
<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</a></span>, </span><span class="meta__date">June 12, 2020</span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Many people gravitate to political jobs because they love the adrenalin of campaigning and are ideologically committed to building support for their party. Predictably, when an election is called, most political staffers take leave to work on the campaign. However, some remain at their desks in ministers’ offices, including in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), in order to support the ministry that continues throughout the writ period.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministerial exempt staff, political partisans who are paid by public funds to support ministers with their official duties, play an important role in maintaining the information flow between the department and ministers as well as ongoing dialogue with the public service during the campaign. In essence, they act as democratic insurance so that even during an election period final government decisions and accountability rest with those who earned a democratic mandate in the previous election. Clear public guidelines for conduct during the campaign are essential for ensuring a smooth relationship.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The curtain falls between two worlds</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers are usually MPs and need to run for re-election. Yet, during the campaign, ministers continue to be ministers. Government business continues and they retain their legal authority from the Crown. However, it is not business as usual. The</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">caretaker convention dictates</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> that, when Parliament is dissolved and there is no confidence chamber to hold them accountable, ministers will exercise restraint. Through such self-restraint, ministers show respect for the democratic accountability. They also avoid any perception that the governing party is receiving electoral benefit out of its executive privileges.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This convention operates in Canada similarly to other Westminster countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Under the convention, routine administration may continue, and ministers must still address urgent and unavoidable matters, such as natural disasters. However, they generally avoid making announcements, commitments or decisions that a new incoming government could not reverse.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The daily rhythm of ministers’ offices changes as soon as the writ drops and the caretaker convention comes into operation. The normally heavy volume of briefing notes from the deputy minister slows considerably. Oral briefings cease. Impromptu face-to-face interactions with departmental officials are less frequent, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utorontopress.com/ca/off-and-running-4" style="color: #0000ff">as the public service turns inward</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> to focus on planning for post-election transition scenarios. It is almost as if a curtain descends to cut off the two worlds.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Nevertheless, since ministers continue to be heads of their departments, they are entitled to be kept apprised of events within their portfolio since they may be asked questions at any time. Further, they may have to respond to urgent matters that cannot wait until after the election. Examples of such circumstances include international crises, ongoing Canadian military engagements, court rulings, domestic emergencies and high-level negotiations such as the culmination of trade agreements. In these situations, ministers must be kept informed, take decisions and give direction. Therefore, they require political staff who can be trusted to exercise sound judgement in deciding what information needs to be conveyed to the minister and when.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Once the minister is engaged, political staff will often convey the minister’s direction and facilitate next steps if needed. This may mean setting up a telephone call with the deputy minister or, depending on the scope of the issue, with other ministers. Political staff can carry out political legwork with other offices to ensure coordination. Sometimes specific documents need to be conveyed to the minister for signature. This is why one member of the minister’s political staff is permitted to accompany the minister while on campaign yet remain as a government employee. This ensures a constant liaison between the department and the minister, who can receive classified information if needed. Just like colleagues remaining in the Ottawa office, this staffer does not take a full-time part in partisan campaign activities, though proximity to the minister is required.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Pivoting to a reactive and defensive approach</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In normal times, ministers’ offices devote significant effort to proactively pushing out the government’s </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/brand-command" style="color: #0000ff">strategic messaging</a>.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> During an election, however, the campaign team assumes almost all responsibility for public messaging. Ministers’ offices, by contrast, adopt an entirely reactive and defensive approach to communication. Their goal is to manage and mitigate risk by identifying potential problems and neutralizing them before they become public controversies. This involves carefully monitoring news stories, including on social media, to identify negative stories that are relevant to the department, gathering background information from the department in order to understand the context, and recommending response lines.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers’ offices maintain media relations capacity so that they may deal directly with journalists and answer questions about departmental business. In order to monitor potential issues across government, the PMO creates an early morning process so that each day political media relations and issues management staffers from across the government can flag emerging issues and recommend responsive messaging. These lines will then be communicated to ministers so that they are prepared for government-related questions as they are campaigning at public events.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In a similar way, work in the Prime Minister’s Office changes when the election is called. Political staffers staying in the PMO no longer work with the PCO on managing the cabinet policy agenda or coordinating long-term strategic communication efforts across government. The Clerk of the Privy Council significantly curtails the volume of daily briefing notes to the prime minister, though this may reflect the prime minister’s desire to focus on the campaign as much as a desire to defend the caretaker convention.</span>

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The PMO must always ensure that the prime minister is aware of key developments within government. Of course, this includes information in priority areas such as the economy, national security and international relations. However, details vary from day to day. PMO senior staff may speak with the prime minister when required to answer questions and to pass on information that the prime minister needs to know, either in order to ensure smooth governance or to make sure the PM is briefed about government business that may intrude into the campaign setting.

Finally, while interactions between the PMO and the PCO are reduced during the campaign, there are opportunities for dialogue. PCO staff might wish to discuss “transition to government” questions with PMO. If re-elected, what sort of machinery of government changes might the prime minister consider? Is the PM satisfied with the briefing processes in place or could they be improved? Is the prime minister open to revising the publication providing guidelines on conduct and accountability to ministers? Informal consultations on matters such as these may be helpful, though they would be only one-way conversations. For example, PCO can learn from PMO’s opinion on such matters, but should not offer any advice in return on governing after the election, or on matters of transition.

<strong>Overcoming obstacles</strong>

Sometimes obstacles emerge in the relationship between ministers and their offices and public servants in the lead up to and during the election campaign. Such obstacles are often rooted in a misunderstanding of the purpose and limits of the caretaker convention.

In 2015, Stephen Harper was the first prime minister to make the caretaker guidelines available publicly. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">did so in 2019</a></span>. This transparency helps the public understand how government works during an election, and ought to provide more clarity across the entire federal government. In practice, there is still more work to do in understanding when the caretaker period begins, what is meant by caretaker, and where the limits of the convention can be found.

Election campaigns in both 2015 and 2019 occurred in the context of majority governments with a legislated fixed-election date. This meant that everyone knew when the election would likely be held, though not when Parliament would be dissolved. In terms of political activity and public perception, the campaign seemed to extend backwards into the summer. To deal with this, the Trudeau government introduced changes for the pre-writ period to restrict government advertising and limit pre-campaign spending.

These steps, combined with the fact that Parliament was adjourned but not dissolved, could have led public servants in some departments to conclude that ministers were not permitted to operate as usual during the summer. Ministers’ offices had to work to counter this perception by, for example, asserting their entitlement to information and briefings as usual. With the support of PMO and PCO, government operated as normal over the months leading up to the election call. However, additional clarity is needed to ensure that everyone recognizes caretaker restraint only begins with the dissolution of Parliament and not in the period leading up to it.
<p class="dropcap">Who is the caretaker? The answer is consistent with our democratic system of government. While ministers may sometimes choose to delegate more authority to their deputy ministers it is never the officials who act as caretakers or who hold the authority or accountability of ministers. Rather, the government continues to be led by a political cabinet of (usually) democratically elected ministers who, in the absence of an elected House of Commons, act with self-restraint. The ministers are the caretakers.</p>
Ultimately, the caretaker convention is adjudicated politically. When to act—or not to act—according to these criteria is ultimately something that ministers must decide, and they are accountable to Canadians for their decisions.

<strong>This article is part of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-insiders-view-behind-the-scenes-of-election-campaigns/" style="color: #0000ff">The Insider’s View Behind the Scenes of Election Campaigns</a></span> special feature.</strong>
<div class="article-footnote"><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/" style="color: #0000ff">submission</a></span>, or a <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/"><span style="color: #0000ff">letter to the editor</span>.</a></em></div>
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<img alt="Paul Wilson" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Paul-Wilson.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="51" height="51" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a> is an Associate Professor in the Clayton Riddell Graduate Program in Political Management at Carleton University. Formerly Director of Policy at PMO under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his research focuses on ministerial and parliamentary political staffers. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</span></a> holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics and Political Science and from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He was Policy Director for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from 2012-2019. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" rel="author"><span style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</span></a></em></div>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Wilson and McNair's article "The political staff who help take care of government during elections"</strong>:

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<strong>Economy II – Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span></h1>
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<p class="uncont"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MAY 28, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BAILEY GREENSPON</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-decoration: underline;color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">G(irls)20</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized and immigrant women</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable and accessible child care</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">An economic crisis for young women</strong></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force numbers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from Statistics Canada.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.</span></p>

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<article id="post-714" class="page-body style-light-bg post-714 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-gender-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">services-producing sector</a></span>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a></span>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a></span><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significant barriers persist</a></span><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada survey of students</a></span>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Student Loans</a></span><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a></span>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a></span>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

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</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em><span style="color: #0000ff">Bailey Greenspon</span></em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/gender-covid-19/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-18 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GENDER + COVID-19</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Greenspon</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about women in the labour force</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10101046@N06/3206541859" style="color: #0000ff">"Patriotic Uncle Sam &amp; Rosie the Riveter together, add your own custom message."</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10101046@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Beverly &amp; Pack</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</span>

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<span class="lead">Our labour supply and what’s holding it back are the biggest hurdles to improving employment numbers. Job-search assistance and training are vital.</span>

<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</a></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">,</a></span><span class="meta__date"> June 22, 2021</span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s employment rate has now nearly fully recovered from its unprecedented drop of 10 percentage points last year, but a gap of 2.5 percentage points remains. As with vaccinations, the “last mile” in our labour market recovery may be the most difficult.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Much of the recovery in the employment rate over the summer and fall of 2020 occurred when workers furloughed from their jobs in the initial shutdowns returned to their former places of employment. This process is all but complete as only a small fraction of the workforce is still on temporary layoff. The question we need to ask now is which policies will help close the remaining gap in the employment rate (figure 1).</span>

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While it is tempting to reach for the economic toolkit first, it is important we recognize that the economic crisis is first and foremost a health crisis, and that recovery depends most critically on putting the health crisis behind us. As long as customers and workers feel insecure in returning to face-to-face activities and employers face uncertainty about future public health measures forcing shutdowns, the economy will not fully recover.

The best remedy to put the virus and its consequences behind us is clear – boost vaccination rates. As the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/en/data-insights/ieo-2021-03-more-jabs-more-jobs" style="color: #0000ff">OECD stated</a></span><span> </span>in a recent report: “More jabs, more jobs.” As vaccinations provide us with relief from the pandemic, we need to strengthen the public health system to be able to withstand a potential fall resurgence if pockets of unvaccinated populations remain or if a new variant proves resistant to existing vaccines. Even if the probability of such an event is judged to be low, the costs are high enough to justify significant investments in our public health infrastructure.

Canada needs to use the summer to invest in testing programs, including rapid testing, to be able to identify and get on top of any new outbreaks. It should also invest in reducing transmission in public places, schools and workplaces – possibly through improved indoor ventilation systems. Finally, Canada should plan for the possibility that another round of vaccines might become necessary in the event of a break-out variant.

But getting past the virus may be insufficient in itself.

What ails the labour market in 2021? There are strong indications that it is not a lack of demand for labour. In recent months, we have seen a remarkable recovery in job postings and job openings. Data from Statistics Canada’s Job Vacancies and Wage Survey suggest there were 23 per cent more job vacancies in March 2021 than in February 2020. Data from private companies aggregating job postings from online sources suggest that when we get official data through April and May 2021, this upswing will continue and even accelerate. Moreover, the upswing is evident across all provinces, industries and occupations. This suggests to us that insufficient labour demand will not be an important constraint in the jobs recovery.

We find ourselves at a point when labour supply, and factors that may hold it back, become the primary consideration.

Our first concern is that the unavailability of child care will keep parents (mostly women) with young children from returning to work. Indeed, as figure 2 (below) shows, promising employment gains among parents with kids under age 12 are evident in recent months everywhere except in Ontario, where schools have been closed for almost the entire winter. They opened in most of Ontario on Jan. 25, after an extended Christmas holiday break, but have been closed since March 14, and will stay closed for the remainder of this school year. In contrast, schools have remained open for most of the winter and spring in most other provinces. Continued uptake in child vaccination rates is critical to ensure child-care centres can open safely in the weeks ahead, and then schools in September.

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A second concern is that enhanced Employment Insurance (EI) and Canada Response Benefit (CRB) payments disincentivize low-skill workers to search for and accept low-wage jobs. Wage growth seems to have picked up in recent weeks, but earnings in the low-skill sector will often fall short of the EI or CRB benefits available. This implies that this group will, in economic parlance, be elastic in their labour supply – they will respond to changes in the relative economic benefits from drawing benefits as opposed to work. To address this challenge, Ottawa must resist calls for further extensions to enhanced EI/CRB benefit levels and instead focus efforts on increasing the generosity of EI’s working-while-on-claim (WWC) provisions as recommended in a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/transitioning-back-to-work-how-to-improve-ei-working-while-on-claim-provisions/" style="color: #0000ff">recent IRPP analysis</a></span>.

A greater concern, in our view, is the growth we have seen in long-term joblessness. As shown in figure 3 (below), as of mid-May, one-half of Canada’s two million jobless who say they want a job have been without one for more than one year. Moreover, only seven per cent of these people were enrolled in education or training in May 2021.
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There is much evidence indicating that the longer workers are jobless, the less likely they are to return to work and the more likely they are to experience significant earnings losses when they do. This effect reflects a number of factors, but of particular concern now are skill atrophy, loss of work routine and lack of labour market engagement. Long-term or permanent labour market disengagement in this population has high social costs that justify ambitious investments now.

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We also have acute concerns about the pandemic’s effects on Canada’s youth population. Workers aged 15 to 29 comprise 36 per cent of the jobless who want work and 30 per cent of those who have been without a job for more than one year.

As of May, there were 143,000 jobless youth seeking employment for the first time. Closed schools and workplaces have compromised the learning and work experience of young people. Labour market discouragement of middle-aged workers is costly. Youth disengagement is a much more serious problem.

The hope in March 2020 was that in-person work activity would pause for a few weeks, but we would soon press “play” and return to our old jobs. But economies are organic, constantly evolving, and we have now been on pause for 15 months. Workers and consumers have changed their spending habits, living arrangements and found alternative income sources, while employers have exploited opportunities to reorganize and automate. This suggests there may be structural shifts in labour demand, requiring reallocation of workers across sectors and new investments in human capital.

In a recent<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/adjusting-to-job-loss-when-times-are-tough/" style="color: #0000ff">IRPP study</a></span>, researchers from Statistics Canada, René Morissette and Theresa Hanqing Qiu, found that three-quarters of Canadian workers laid off following the 2008 crisis who had not found a job by 2010 did not use any of the four adjustment strategies they examined: move to a region with more jobs; enroll in post-secondary education; enroll in a registered apprenticeship; or become self-employed. Among the low-skilled workers, who in this crisis have been most affected, the use of these adjustment strategies was even rarer.

Given this evidence, we see a role for governments to support jobs recovery through active labour market programs (ALMPs) that prioritize labour supply engagement over job-creation.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jeea/article-abstract/16/3/894/4430618?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #0000ff">Meta analyses</a></span><span> </span>of ALMPs show they have larger average impacts in periods of high unemployment, especially when downturns have been relatively short-lived.

First, provincial governments need to step up efforts to intensify job search assistance, counselling and support services, thus providing labour market information for the jobless and incentives to enter work quickly. Evidence shows that these “work first” ALMPs are most successful in producing short-term beneficial impacts after a deep recession. Given the real possibility of widespread labour shortages this summer, these programs offer a cost-effective tool to boost job-creation in the short run.

Second, and arguably more significant, it is critical that structural labour market shifts be monitored and job reallocation pressures supported through “human capital” ALMPs, including private hiring subsidies as well as training on the job and in the classroom. Relative to “work first” programs, these programs can produce longer-term beneficial impacts on workers’ employment rates and earnings. They also tend to have relatively large benefits for women and the long-term jobless.

In this regard, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/news/2021/06/helping-hard-hit-businesses-hire-more-workers-with-the-canada-recovery-hiring-program.html" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Recovery Hiring Program</a></span><span> </span>(CRHP), available from June 6 to Nov. 20, may be especially effective if it is used to attract workers, through sign-on bonuses or for training, for example. Restricting CRHP eligibility to employers who recruit long-term jobless applicants and requiring employers to reimburse a share of subsidies if workers are not retained for one year, would have been a preferred approach in our view.

There is much reason to be optimistic that we will see strong employment gains in the second half of 2021. However, we see risks in complacency. To support a full recovery, we need to ensure workers see an incentive to return to work and that they are supported in their transitions through job search assistance and human capital investments. For our youth and the long-term jobless, who are at greatest risk of long-term withdrawals from the labour force, modest policy efforts now can have big returns on the productive capacity of the economy in the long run.
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<img alt="Fabian Lange" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/06/Fabian-Lange.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="48" height="48" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</span></a> is the Canadian Research Chair in Labour and Personnel Economics at McGill University. Since March 2020, he has tracked the performance of the labour market in Canada and the U.S. in the face of the pandemic. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<img alt="Mikal Skuterud" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/04/Mikal-Skuterud.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="53" height="53" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</span></a> is a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo. For the past year he has been tracking the labour market impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and its potential long-term effects. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/economy/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2 tag" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMY</a></span>, </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/policy-making/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2841 tag"><span style="color: #0000ff">POLICY-MAKING</span></a>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lange &amp; Skuterud's article "Unemployment is down, but there are still issues"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?</span></h1>
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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">OCTOBER 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</span></a></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday, </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and </span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span></p>

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<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

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<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="52" height="52" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="45" height="45" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bardeesy &amp; Mendelsohn's article "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</strong><span style="font-weight: normal;text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Bank of Canada</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00/1007321825"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Bank of Canada"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">colros</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>

MARCH 25, 2021 <span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MITCHELL DAVIDSON</a></span></span></span>

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<p class="uncode_text_column"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Liberal policy chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">As expected, the 2021 Ontario Budget attempts to straddle the line between pandemic management and pandemic recovery. Investments in contact tracing, vaccination rollouts and hospitals help ensure the health-care system can continue to handle the stresses of the COVID-19 pandemic yet to come. That health spending lays the groundwork for a concerted recovery effort in which the government has clearly chosen to put the province’s economic recovery ahead of a quick return to balanced budgets.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">The recovery plan is two-fold. First, it must minimize the economic barriers created by COVID-19. For example, the pandemic underscored the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-is-crucial-for-recovery-and-rebuilding/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">importance of childcare to the economy</a></span><span> </span>and brought new attention to its rising costs; those costs are addressed through enhancing the CARE tax credit and direct financial transfers to parents.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">Next, it must adapt to the realities of economic competition in a post-pandemic world. The new Ontario Jobs Training Tax Credit is exactly the type of policy that helps to embrace that change, helping those laid off or struggling to pursue more resilient careers with higher earnings potential. The largest ever provincial commitment to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broadband expansion</a></span><span> </span>is another of these recovery-focused policies.</p>

<div class="textbox"><em>The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</em></div>
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Tackling the immediate challenges posed in the economic recovery, as seen through measures like these, is where this budget is the strongest. However, it is on the long-term recovery front where the budget falters. In announcing its intent for a new growth plan that will lay out a five-year vision, the government is signalling its intention to think long-term, but not much more at this point. The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.

One notable question is what this five-year vision will mean for deficit reduction. It is hard to imagine that a government facing re-election only months after unveiling its vision will resist the temptation to announce large new spending initiatives as part of that vision. The vision for growth and the goal of deficit reduction — even if it is a on a nine-year timetable — will forever be at odds. To accommodate for this, expect the government to lay out longer-term spending stretched over a number of years, and to outline higher-level goals that are less tied to spending — such as becoming the province with the lowest regulatory burden or becoming the country’s leader in foreign direct investment.

These long-term goals and policy targets are the next logical step for the Ford government to tackle. The pandemic has upended plans to build transit, fix the administrative side of the health-care system and get energy costs under control. Meanwhile, it has added new urgency to developing policy challenges, like skyrocketing home prices, faster automation of jobs, and growth challenges that come with large-scale demographic changes within the province. Yesterday’s document does not reveal plans to solve these thornier and more complex problems, but it does allow the government to get to a place where it can consider those areas to be priorities again instead of solely focusing on lockdowns and vaccine shipments.

Overall, putting together a framework that lets Ontario think about something other than COVID-19 is an overwhelmingly a good thing.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link"><img width="41" height="41" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Mitchell-Davidson-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy and the former policy chief to Ontario Premier Doug Ford.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/ontario/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-266 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ONTARIO</a></span>   </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Davidson</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span></h1>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 26, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> |</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></p>
<p class="clear"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For an alternative view, read the response from former Progressive Conservative policy chief <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“Show me their budget, and I’ll tell you a government’s values.” Or so goes the adage. It’s a worthwhile lens to apply to the budget tabled by the Province of Ontario on Wednesday.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Does this government value health care? Health-care spending continues to grow at an impressive clip, and not just for COVID-19 response. This budget offers new investments in long-term care beds and hospitals — needed spending that this government had ignored pre-COVID-19, but also investments that the previous Liberal government I served in too often failed to make at the necessary levels.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Whether the government is competent on health care, and whether it values a healthier population — which depends not just on spending commitments, but on the government’s approach to actually preventing and reducing illness — is another question. It was good to see one step in that direction — a planning grant from the province to Ryerson University</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1616857387239000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEjnSN15GQBa9vRuhDWTIuZ5p-m4Q" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">toward a new medical school in Brampton</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, with a focus on primary care and population-based health.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic.</em></div>
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In too many other areas, there’s little sign of commitment. Education and post-secondary education were short-changed. Social assistance rates were again frozen. COVID-19 support payments will go to many people who don’t need them, such as middle- and upper-class families. Inequality will get worse coming out of this budget.

Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic. Most of the economic measures in this budget — job-training tax credits, renewed grants to small business, some other sector supports — are pretty short-term measures. The economic measure with the most foresight behind it might be the expansion of broadband.

And while I’m no fiscal hawk, the growth in debt (especially in comparison to Quebec) creates a concern, with no plan except austerity in the later years of the plan. The best way to reduce debt is with an economic plan. The absence of a plan, or the articulation beyond “a plan to have a plan,” is troubling. Even during a crisis, governments are supposed to do more than one thing at once. Especially when we need some hope about what the economic future will be like.

All in all, this budget is only about the now. Perhaps that’s where Ontarians are at, what the politics suggests. But there’s a public policy opportunity to at least chart a path to an opportunity-driven province, with all talents being drawn on to build back post-pandemic. Ontario did not describe it. Maybe the federal government will have to articulate it instead.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="53" height="53" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Bardeesy</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span>"</strong>:

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>565</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-07 09:06:02]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-07 14:06:02]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 09:34:34]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 14:34:34]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v5-articleslinksaddquizzes__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646663674]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v5-articleslinksaddquizzes]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 4-Education (v5c-AllArticles,Links,Quizzes)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=582</link><pubDate>Sun, 07 Nov 2021 18:37:24 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=582</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 25, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time, </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">the kids are at home</span></span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder: Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a></span>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji</a></span><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a></span><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha</span></a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">technology</span></span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder</a></span><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa</a></span><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">checklists</a></span><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal</span></a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski</a> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</a></span><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski</a></span><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White</a></span><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns</span></a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Alana Powell</span></a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">First Policy Response Panel last month</a></span><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">shows</span></span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday</span></a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span> <a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">guidelines from SickKids</span></span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg</a></span><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Shawna Vander Velden</span></a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about child care centres</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05/4340825219"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Lyme Regis -June 2006 - The Wall - Nice Hat."</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Gareth1953 All Right Now</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">World Teachers’ Day</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“<span style="color: #0000ff">generational catastrophe</span>”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">school closures</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">education systems</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">back-to-school plan</a></span><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">implementation challenges and concerns</a></span>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">physical distancing is not feasible</span>.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">online learning</a></span>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">allocated teachers</a></span>.

Already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">one out of of every 10</a></span><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">survey</a></span><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">inequitable choices</a></span><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a></span>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Education Endowment Foundation</a></span><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">play</a></span><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">mental health</a></span>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">overstretched</a></span><span> </span>with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increasing demands</a></span>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Carol Campbell</span></a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about World Teachers' Day</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00/15721622934"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Gratitude to a Teacher!"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Carol (vanhookc)</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JULY 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">educating children while maintaining public health</a></span>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">keeping schools open</a></span><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a></span><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child abuse</a></span><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a></span>.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Federal consultations</a></span><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shelters, transition houses and social services</a></span><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">economic downturns</a></span><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">high unemployment</a></span><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a></span>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increased substance use</a></span><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">commonly seen in caregivers</a></span><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">32 per cent of referrals</a></span><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">has a legislated duty</a></span><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">trained and reminded</a></span><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">cases are closed</a></span><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a></span>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

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<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a></span><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">support positive child development and resiliency</a></span><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unique role to play</a></span><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a></span><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">exacerbated impact</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about Children's Aid Societies</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06/48931986626" style="color: #0000ff">"Children's Aid Society"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">edenpictures</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>"</span></strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">National childcare system must support childcare workers</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86459" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86459 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-early-childhood-educators">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Star</a></span>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s childcare crisis</a></span><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shared their experiences</a></span><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">new survey</a></span><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

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<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
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Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Monica Lysack</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about early childhood education</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06/9009267170" style="color: #0000ff">"Early Childhood Education play 11"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">University of the Fraser Valley</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| I</span></span><span class="category-info">N<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">LISA WOLFF</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></div>
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a></span><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Childcare operators and staff</a></span><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s patchwork programs</a></span>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em></span><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ranges</a> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">parental leave</a></span>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="40" height="40" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff">Lisa Wolff</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="39" height="39" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Terence Hamilton</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Hamilton and Wolff<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>"</strong>:

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First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

<hr />

First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

<hr />



<hr />

<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary)</strong>

<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</a></span>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Christopher Conway</span></a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith</span></a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis</span></a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
&nbsp;

<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a></span><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a></span>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles</span></a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CESB</a></span>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">eligibility criteria</a></span>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hiking tuition fees</a></span><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">15 per cent</a></span>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">existing challenges</a> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious status</a></span>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s incredible effort</a></span><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">temporary foreign workers</a></span>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">easing of restrictions</a></span><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar</a></span><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jackie Pichette</span></a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HEQCO study</a></span><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Universal Design for Learning</a></span><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nearly 121,000</a></span><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">And almost 38,000</a></span><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">an hour</a>.</span> How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$6 million</a></span><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

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<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight</span></a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">utilized</a></span><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">home internet connectivity</a></span>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">least connected</span></a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

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<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed</a></span><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">2017 report</a> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

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<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</span></a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

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<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</span></a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent survey</a></span><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

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<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh</a> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle</span></a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force</a></span>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sapra et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson: </span></span><span style="color: #0000ff">Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté: Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos: Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</a></span>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson</a></span> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté</a></span><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">two million students</a></span><span>, closing borders on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international students</a></span><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent piece</a></span><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Eighteen percent</span></span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> </span>– Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</a> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</a></span> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos</a></span> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">both</a> <a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">revealed</a></span><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</span></a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">plan</a></span><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">controversy</a></span><span><span style="color: #0000ff">,</span> it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde</a></span> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021 <span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>IN<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SARA ASALYA</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ALKA KUMAR</a></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">online platforms</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.</span></div>
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The pandemic has exposed <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">pre-existing fault lines</span></a> rooted in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">systemic racism and discrimination</a></span>; underlined the <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</span></a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">post-secondary students</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized groups</a></span>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A <a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</span></a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An <a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</span></a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">reliable internet connections</span></a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</span></a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <span style="color: #0000ff"><u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">open letter</a></u></span> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">responded in a statement</a></span>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a <a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">recent op-ed</span></a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</span></a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Critical and Indigenous scholars</span></a> have described how Canada’s long and <a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">enduring history of colonialism</span></a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion</span></a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</span></a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">micro-aggressions</span></a> and “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">psychological gaslighting</a></span><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">overlooked or undervalued</span></a>; scarcity of <a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social and academic support</span></a>; <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social isolation</span></a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">responsive strategies</span></a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">changing demographics</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">multiculturalism</a></span>, increased recruitment and retention of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international and racialized students</a></span> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with <a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">new mandates for research funding</span></a>, have triggered <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">senior administrative leadership</a></span> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through <a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">EDI action plans</span></a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">different ideological approaches to equity</span></a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">best practice</a></span> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</span></a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broad institutional support</a></span> for IE in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">teaching</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">operations</a></span> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recruitment</a></span> to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">learning outcomes</a></span>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">why race-based data matters in health care</a></span>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">data misuse</a></span>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist <a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">David Graeber</span></a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Mojgan-Rahbari-Jawoko-e1614124576564-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</span></strong></a> is an Adjunct Professor at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</a></span>.</em></div>
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<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sara-Asalya-e1614125086618-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sara Asalya" itemprop="image" /></a></em></p>
<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Sara Asalya</span></strong></a> is the founder and executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em></p>

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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Alka-Kumar-scaled-e1614122679576-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Alka Kumar" itemprop="image" /></a></em>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>Alka Kumar</strong></a></span> is the manager of research and policy at the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span>, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EDUCATION</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rahbari-Jawoko, Asalya, and Kumar</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change</li>
 	<li>-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: student activism, political staff, bureaucrats</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on DIVE: Student Aid<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em>’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: advocacy, government</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria"</span></strong>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>582</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-07 13:37:24]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-07 18:37:24]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 09:37:18]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 14:37:18]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v5c-allarticleslinksquizzes__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646663838]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v5c-allarticleslinksquizzes]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 1-Pandemic Control Basics (v7-AllArticles,FormatLinks,MoveArticles,AddQuizzes)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=599</link><pubDate>Mon, 08 Nov 2021 14:42:43 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=599</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[(1) <strong>Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?</li>
 	<li>Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics</li>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</span>

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<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a></span>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="83" height="83" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="color: #0000ff"><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></p>
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<strong>For general information on taxes, and specifically the GST, please click on the photo below</strong>:

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<h1 class="heading-text el-text alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible start_animation"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</span></a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><em style="font-size: 1em">Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em></p>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

&nbsp;
<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/CIGI-headshot-e1629748877903-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Stephanie MacLellan" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELECTION 2021</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about N-95 masks and their Canadian connection</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/thing:4241389"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Deep well Covid Mask"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/Kenomahn" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Kenan Hoffpauir</a></span></span><span> is marked with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/CC0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">JANUARY 28, 2021 </span><span style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span style="font-size: 1em">IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em">AND</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a>

<span style="font-size: 1em">For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">``There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive – </em><span style="font-size: 1em">supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also </span><em style="font-size: 1em">stronger growth</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive</em><span style="font-size: 1em"> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">In a joint effort with the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> and the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, we recently released a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em></p>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Class Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</span>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

&nbsp;

<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

&nbsp;

<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

&nbsp;

<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
</ol>
Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about the Atlantic Bubble</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00/3118553943"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Prince Edward Island"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Joe Shlabotnik</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Readings</strong>:

Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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<h1 class="h1"><del><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></del></h1>
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<p class="clear"><del><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA" style="color: #0000ff">PEDRO BARATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">WENDY CUKIER</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This piece is based on survey research </em><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>conducted by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a></span>, in partnership with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future Skills Centre</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a></span>. </em></strong><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For more details, see the full report: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a></span>.</em></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teachers and students</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">some types of workers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The numbers from</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">our recent survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.</span></del></p>

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<del>Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.</del>

<del>The situation for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">younger workers</a></span><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.</del>

<del>Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.</del>

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<del>However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">given a chance</a></span>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.</del>

<del>Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.</del>

<del>None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.</del>

<del>As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pedro Barata</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" role="link"><img width="73" height="73" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Andrew-Parkin-Headshot-wide-angle-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Andrew Parkin</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:  </del>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 23, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RINALDO WALCOTT</a></span></span></span></p>

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<article id="post-85677" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85677 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-equity tag-data tag-tvo">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></p>

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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response </span></h3>
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COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ongoing</a> <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">debate</a></span>. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.

But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.

Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The calls</a></span><span> </span>for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">race-based data</a></span><span> </span>in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.

So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">14 per cent</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.

Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significantly exposed</a></span>.

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<blockquote>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</blockquote>
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But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">China</a></span><span> </span>and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">six months into the pandemic</span></a>.

Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.

Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="51" height="51" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Rinaldo-Walcott-scaled-e1614124936566-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Rinaldo Walcott" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rinaldo Walcott</span></a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/data/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-258 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">DATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/equity/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-257 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-5" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a> </span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Walcott's article "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>'s article"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about sick leave</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03/12178605035"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Mental Illness"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Alachua County</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" title="View all posts by KEN BOESSENKOOL" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KEN BOESSENKOOL</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" title="View all posts by ADMIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ADMIN</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></div>
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<em>With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em>

<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a></span><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>here</em></a></span><em>.</em>

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<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

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<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

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<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

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<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

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<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.<em> </em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><img width="76" height="76" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Ken-Boessenkool-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/individual-income-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-2 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIVIDUAL INCOME SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-159 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">YEAR END Q&amp;A</a> </span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Boessenkool</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Canadian Emergency Relief Benefit (CERB)</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The political staff who help take care of government during elections</span>
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<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="lead">Not all political staff leave to work on the party’s campaign during elections. Some stay behind to help support ministers in their official duties.</span></p>
<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</a></span>, </span><span class="meta__date">June 12, 2020</span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Many people gravitate to political jobs because they love the adrenalin of campaigning and are ideologically committed to building support for their party. Predictably, when an election is called, most political staffers take leave to work on the campaign. However, some remain at their desks in ministers’ offices, including in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), in order to support the ministry that continues throughout the writ period.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministerial exempt staff, political partisans who are paid by public funds to support ministers with their official duties, play an important role in maintaining the information flow between the department and ministers as well as ongoing dialogue with the public service during the campaign. In essence, they act as democratic insurance so that even during an election period final government decisions and accountability rest with those who earned a democratic mandate in the previous election. Clear public guidelines for conduct during the campaign are essential for ensuring a smooth relationship.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The curtain falls between two worlds</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers are usually MPs and need to run for re-election. Yet, during the campaign, ministers continue to be ministers. Government business continues and they retain their legal authority from the Crown. However, it is not business as usual. The</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">caretaker convention dictates</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> that, when Parliament is dissolved and there is no confidence chamber to hold them accountable, ministers will exercise restraint. Through such self-restraint, ministers show respect for the democratic accountability. They also avoid any perception that the governing party is receiving electoral benefit out of its executive privileges.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This convention operates in Canada similarly to other Westminster countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Under the convention, routine administration may continue, and ministers must still address urgent and unavoidable matters, such as natural disasters. However, they generally avoid making announcements, commitments or decisions that a new incoming government could not reverse.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The daily rhythm of ministers’ offices changes as soon as the writ drops and the caretaker convention comes into operation. The normally heavy volume of briefing notes from the deputy minister slows considerably. Oral briefings cease. Impromptu face-to-face interactions with departmental officials are less frequent, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utorontopress.com/ca/off-and-running-4" style="color: #0000ff">as the public service turns inward</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> to focus on planning for post-election transition scenarios. It is almost as if a curtain descends to cut off the two worlds.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Nevertheless, since ministers continue to be heads of their departments, they are entitled to be kept apprised of events within their portfolio since they may be asked questions at any time. Further, they may have to respond to urgent matters that cannot wait until after the election. Examples of such circumstances include international crises, ongoing Canadian military engagements, court rulings, domestic emergencies and high-level negotiations such as the culmination of trade agreements. In these situations, ministers must be kept informed, take decisions and give direction. Therefore, they require political staff who can be trusted to exercise sound judgement in deciding what information needs to be conveyed to the minister and when.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Once the minister is engaged, political staff will often convey the minister’s direction and facilitate next steps if needed. This may mean setting up a telephone call with the deputy minister or, depending on the scope of the issue, with other ministers. Political staff can carry out political legwork with other offices to ensure coordination. Sometimes specific documents need to be conveyed to the minister for signature. This is why one member of the minister’s political staff is permitted to accompany the minister while on campaign yet remain as a government employee. This ensures a constant liaison between the department and the minister, who can receive classified information if needed. Just like colleagues remaining in the Ottawa office, this staffer does not take a full-time part in partisan campaign activities, though proximity to the minister is required.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Pivoting to a reactive and defensive approach</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In normal times, ministers’ offices devote significant effort to proactively pushing out the government’s </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/brand-command" style="color: #0000ff">strategic messaging</a>.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> During an election, however, the campaign team assumes almost all responsibility for public messaging. Ministers’ offices, by contrast, adopt an entirely reactive and defensive approach to communication. Their goal is to manage and mitigate risk by identifying potential problems and neutralizing them before they become public controversies. This involves carefully monitoring news stories, including on social media, to identify negative stories that are relevant to the department, gathering background information from the department in order to understand the context, and recommending response lines.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers’ offices maintain media relations capacity so that they may deal directly with journalists and answer questions about departmental business. In order to monitor potential issues across government, the PMO creates an early morning process so that each day political media relations and issues management staffers from across the government can flag emerging issues and recommend responsive messaging. These lines will then be communicated to ministers so that they are prepared for government-related questions as they are campaigning at public events.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In a similar way, work in the Prime Minister’s Office changes when the election is called. Political staffers staying in the PMO no longer work with the PCO on managing the cabinet policy agenda or coordinating long-term strategic communication efforts across government. The Clerk of the Privy Council significantly curtails the volume of daily briefing notes to the prime minister, though this may reflect the prime minister’s desire to focus on the campaign as much as a desire to defend the caretaker convention.</span>

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The PMO must always ensure that the prime minister is aware of key developments within government. Of course, this includes information in priority areas such as the economy, national security and international relations. However, details vary from day to day. PMO senior staff may speak with the prime minister when required to answer questions and to pass on information that the prime minister needs to know, either in order to ensure smooth governance or to make sure the PM is briefed about government business that may intrude into the campaign setting.

Finally, while interactions between the PMO and the PCO are reduced during the campaign, there are opportunities for dialogue. PCO staff might wish to discuss “transition to government” questions with PMO. If re-elected, what sort of machinery of government changes might the prime minister consider? Is the PM satisfied with the briefing processes in place or could they be improved? Is the prime minister open to revising the publication providing guidelines on conduct and accountability to ministers? Informal consultations on matters such as these may be helpful, though they would be only one-way conversations. For example, PCO can learn from PMO’s opinion on such matters, but should not offer any advice in return on governing after the election, or on matters of transition.

<strong>Overcoming obstacles</strong>

Sometimes obstacles emerge in the relationship between ministers and their offices and public servants in the lead up to and during the election campaign. Such obstacles are often rooted in a misunderstanding of the purpose and limits of the caretaker convention.

In 2015, Stephen Harper was the first prime minister to make the caretaker guidelines available publicly. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">did so in 2019</a></span>. This transparency helps the public understand how government works during an election, and ought to provide more clarity across the entire federal government. In practice, there is still more work to do in understanding when the caretaker period begins, what is meant by caretaker, and where the limits of the convention can be found.

Election campaigns in both 2015 and 2019 occurred in the context of majority governments with a legislated fixed-election date. This meant that everyone knew when the election would likely be held, though not when Parliament would be dissolved. In terms of political activity and public perception, the campaign seemed to extend backwards into the summer. To deal with this, the Trudeau government introduced changes for the pre-writ period to restrict government advertising and limit pre-campaign spending.

These steps, combined with the fact that Parliament was adjourned but not dissolved, could have led public servants in some departments to conclude that ministers were not permitted to operate as usual during the summer. Ministers’ offices had to work to counter this perception by, for example, asserting their entitlement to information and briefings as usual. With the support of PMO and PCO, government operated as normal over the months leading up to the election call. However, additional clarity is needed to ensure that everyone recognizes caretaker restraint only begins with the dissolution of Parliament and not in the period leading up to it.
<p class="dropcap">Who is the caretaker? The answer is consistent with our democratic system of government. While ministers may sometimes choose to delegate more authority to their deputy ministers it is never the officials who act as caretakers or who hold the authority or accountability of ministers. Rather, the government continues to be led by a political cabinet of (usually) democratically elected ministers who, in the absence of an elected House of Commons, act with self-restraint. The ministers are the caretakers.</p>
Ultimately, the caretaker convention is adjudicated politically. When to act—or not to act—according to these criteria is ultimately something that ministers must decide, and they are accountable to Canadians for their decisions.

<strong>This article is part of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-insiders-view-behind-the-scenes-of-election-campaigns/" style="color: #0000ff">The Insider’s View Behind the Scenes of Election Campaigns</a></span> special feature.</strong>
<div class="article-footnote"><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/" style="color: #0000ff">submission</a></span>, or a <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/"><span style="color: #0000ff">letter to the editor</span>.</a></em></div>
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<img alt="Paul Wilson" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Paul-Wilson.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="51" height="51" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a> is an Associate Professor in the Clayton Riddell Graduate Program in Political Management at Carleton University. Formerly Director of Policy at PMO under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his research focuses on ministerial and parliamentary political staffers. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<img alt="Michael McNair" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Michael-McNair.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="60" height="60" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</span></a> holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics and Political Science and from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He was Policy Director for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from 2012-2019. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" rel="author"><span style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</span></a></em></div>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Wilson and McNair's article "The political staff who help take care of government during elections"</strong>:

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<strong>Economy II – Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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<h1 class="h1"><span>Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span></h1>
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<p class="uncont"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MAY 28, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BAILEY GREENSPON</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-decoration: underline;color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">G(irls)20</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized and immigrant women</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable and accessible child care</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">An economic crisis for young women</strong></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force numbers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from Statistics Canada.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.</span></p>

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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">services-producing sector</a></span>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a></span>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a></span><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significant barriers persist</a></span><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada survey of students</a></span>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Student Loans</a></span><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a></span>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a></span>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

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</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em><span style="color: #0000ff">Bailey Greenspon</span></em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/gender-covid-19/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-18 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GENDER + COVID-19</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Greenspon</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about women in the labour force</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</span>

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<span class="lead">Our labour supply and what’s holding it back are the biggest hurdles to improving employment numbers. Job-search assistance and training are vital.</span>

<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</a></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">,</a></span><span class="meta__date"> June 22, 2021</span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s employment rate has now nearly fully recovered from its unprecedented drop of 10 percentage points last year, but a gap of 2.5 percentage points remains. As with vaccinations, the “last mile” in our labour market recovery may be the most difficult.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Much of the recovery in the employment rate over the summer and fall of 2020 occurred when workers furloughed from their jobs in the initial shutdowns returned to their former places of employment. This process is all but complete as only a small fraction of the workforce is still on temporary layoff. The question we need to ask now is which policies will help close the remaining gap in the employment rate (figure 1).</span>

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While it is tempting to reach for the economic toolkit first, it is important we recognize that the economic crisis is first and foremost a health crisis, and that recovery depends most critically on putting the health crisis behind us. As long as customers and workers feel insecure in returning to face-to-face activities and employers face uncertainty about future public health measures forcing shutdowns, the economy will not fully recover.

The best remedy to put the virus and its consequences behind us is clear – boost vaccination rates. As the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/en/data-insights/ieo-2021-03-more-jabs-more-jobs" style="color: #0000ff">OECD stated</a></span><span> </span>in a recent report: “More jabs, more jobs.” As vaccinations provide us with relief from the pandemic, we need to strengthen the public health system to be able to withstand a potential fall resurgence if pockets of unvaccinated populations remain or if a new variant proves resistant to existing vaccines. Even if the probability of such an event is judged to be low, the costs are high enough to justify significant investments in our public health infrastructure.

Canada needs to use the summer to invest in testing programs, including rapid testing, to be able to identify and get on top of any new outbreaks. It should also invest in reducing transmission in public places, schools and workplaces – possibly through improved indoor ventilation systems. Finally, Canada should plan for the possibility that another round of vaccines might become necessary in the event of a break-out variant.

But getting past the virus may be insufficient in itself.

What ails the labour market in 2021? There are strong indications that it is not a lack of demand for labour. In recent months, we have seen a remarkable recovery in job postings and job openings. Data from Statistics Canada’s Job Vacancies and Wage Survey suggest there were 23 per cent more job vacancies in March 2021 than in February 2020. Data from private companies aggregating job postings from online sources suggest that when we get official data through April and May 2021, this upswing will continue and even accelerate. Moreover, the upswing is evident across all provinces, industries and occupations. This suggests to us that insufficient labour demand will not be an important constraint in the jobs recovery.

We find ourselves at a point when labour supply, and factors that may hold it back, become the primary consideration.

Our first concern is that the unavailability of child care will keep parents (mostly women) with young children from returning to work. Indeed, as figure 2 (below) shows, promising employment gains among parents with kids under age 12 are evident in recent months everywhere except in Ontario, where schools have been closed for almost the entire winter. They opened in most of Ontario on Jan. 25, after an extended Christmas holiday break, but have been closed since March 14, and will stay closed for the remainder of this school year. In contrast, schools have remained open for most of the winter and spring in most other provinces. Continued uptake in child vaccination rates is critical to ensure child-care centres can open safely in the weeks ahead, and then schools in September.

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A second concern is that enhanced Employment Insurance (EI) and Canada Response Benefit (CRB) payments disincentivize low-skill workers to search for and accept low-wage jobs. Wage growth seems to have picked up in recent weeks, but earnings in the low-skill sector will often fall short of the EI or CRB benefits available. This implies that this group will, in economic parlance, be elastic in their labour supply – they will respond to changes in the relative economic benefits from drawing benefits as opposed to work. To address this challenge, Ottawa must resist calls for further extensions to enhanced EI/CRB benefit levels and instead focus efforts on increasing the generosity of EI’s working-while-on-claim (WWC) provisions as recommended in a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/transitioning-back-to-work-how-to-improve-ei-working-while-on-claim-provisions/" style="color: #0000ff">recent IRPP analysis</a></span>.

A greater concern, in our view, is the growth we have seen in long-term joblessness. As shown in figure 3 (below), as of mid-May, one-half of Canada’s two million jobless who say they want a job have been without one for more than one year. Moreover, only seven per cent of these people were enrolled in education or training in May 2021.
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There is much evidence indicating that the longer workers are jobless, the less likely they are to return to work and the more likely they are to experience significant earnings losses when they do. This effect reflects a number of factors, but of particular concern now are skill atrophy, loss of work routine and lack of labour market engagement. Long-term or permanent labour market disengagement in this population has high social costs that justify ambitious investments now.

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We also have acute concerns about the pandemic’s effects on Canada’s youth population. Workers aged 15 to 29 comprise 36 per cent of the jobless who want work and 30 per cent of those who have been without a job for more than one year.

As of May, there were 143,000 jobless youth seeking employment for the first time. Closed schools and workplaces have compromised the learning and work experience of young people. Labour market discouragement of middle-aged workers is costly. Youth disengagement is a much more serious problem.

The hope in March 2020 was that in-person work activity would pause for a few weeks, but we would soon press “play” and return to our old jobs. But economies are organic, constantly evolving, and we have now been on pause for 15 months. Workers and consumers have changed their spending habits, living arrangements and found alternative income sources, while employers have exploited opportunities to reorganize and automate. This suggests there may be structural shifts in labour demand, requiring reallocation of workers across sectors and new investments in human capital.

In a recent<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/adjusting-to-job-loss-when-times-are-tough/" style="color: #0000ff">IRPP study</a></span>, researchers from Statistics Canada, René Morissette and Theresa Hanqing Qiu, found that three-quarters of Canadian workers laid off following the 2008 crisis who had not found a job by 2010 did not use any of the four adjustment strategies they examined: move to a region with more jobs; enroll in post-secondary education; enroll in a registered apprenticeship; or become self-employed. Among the low-skilled workers, who in this crisis have been most affected, the use of these adjustment strategies was even rarer.

Given this evidence, we see a role for governments to support jobs recovery through active labour market programs (ALMPs) that prioritize labour supply engagement over job-creation.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jeea/article-abstract/16/3/894/4430618?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #0000ff">Meta analyses</a></span><span> </span>of ALMPs show they have larger average impacts in periods of high unemployment, especially when downturns have been relatively short-lived.

First, provincial governments need to step up efforts to intensify job search assistance, counselling and support services, thus providing labour market information for the jobless and incentives to enter work quickly. Evidence shows that these “work first” ALMPs are most successful in producing short-term beneficial impacts after a deep recession. Given the real possibility of widespread labour shortages this summer, these programs offer a cost-effective tool to boost job-creation in the short run.

Second, and arguably more significant, it is critical that structural labour market shifts be monitored and job reallocation pressures supported through “human capital” ALMPs, including private hiring subsidies as well as training on the job and in the classroom. Relative to “work first” programs, these programs can produce longer-term beneficial impacts on workers’ employment rates and earnings. They also tend to have relatively large benefits for women and the long-term jobless.

In this regard, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/news/2021/06/helping-hard-hit-businesses-hire-more-workers-with-the-canada-recovery-hiring-program.html" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Recovery Hiring Program</a></span><span> </span>(CRHP), available from June 6 to Nov. 20, may be especially effective if it is used to attract workers, through sign-on bonuses or for training, for example. Restricting CRHP eligibility to employers who recruit long-term jobless applicants and requiring employers to reimburse a share of subsidies if workers are not retained for one year, would have been a preferred approach in our view.

There is much reason to be optimistic that we will see strong employment gains in the second half of 2021. However, we see risks in complacency. To support a full recovery, we need to ensure workers see an incentive to return to work and that they are supported in their transitions through job search assistance and human capital investments. For our youth and the long-term jobless, who are at greatest risk of long-term withdrawals from the labour force, modest policy efforts now can have big returns on the productive capacity of the economy in the long run.
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<img alt="Fabian Lange" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/06/Fabian-Lange.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="48" height="48" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</span></a> is the Canadian Research Chair in Labour and Personnel Economics at McGill University. Since March 2020, he has tracked the performance of the labour market in Canada and the U.S. in the face of the pandemic. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<img alt="Mikal Skuterud" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/04/Mikal-Skuterud.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="53" height="53" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</span></a> is a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo. For the past year he has been tracking the labour market impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and its potential long-term effects. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/economy/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2 tag" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMY</a></span>, </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/policy-making/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2841 tag"><span style="color: #0000ff">POLICY-MAKING</span></a>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lange &amp; Skuterud's article "Unemployment is down, but there are still issues"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?</span></h1>
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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">OCTOBER 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</span></a></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday, </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and </span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span></p>

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<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

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<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="52" height="52" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="45" height="45" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bardeesy &amp; Mendelsohn's article "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</strong><span style="font-weight: normal;text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Bank of Canada</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00/1007321825"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Bank of Canada"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">colros</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>

MARCH 25, 2021 <span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MITCHELL DAVIDSON</a></span></span></span>

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<p class="uncode_text_column"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Liberal policy chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">As expected, the 2021 Ontario Budget attempts to straddle the line between pandemic management and pandemic recovery. Investments in contact tracing, vaccination rollouts and hospitals help ensure the health-care system can continue to handle the stresses of the COVID-19 pandemic yet to come. That health spending lays the groundwork for a concerted recovery effort in which the government has clearly chosen to put the province’s economic recovery ahead of a quick return to balanced budgets.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">The recovery plan is two-fold. First, it must minimize the economic barriers created by COVID-19. For example, the pandemic underscored the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-is-crucial-for-recovery-and-rebuilding/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">importance of childcare to the economy</a></span><span> </span>and brought new attention to its rising costs; those costs are addressed through enhancing the CARE tax credit and direct financial transfers to parents.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">Next, it must adapt to the realities of economic competition in a post-pandemic world. The new Ontario Jobs Training Tax Credit is exactly the type of policy that helps to embrace that change, helping those laid off or struggling to pursue more resilient careers with higher earnings potential. The largest ever provincial commitment to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broadband expansion</a></span><span> </span>is another of these recovery-focused policies.</p>

<div class="textbox"><em>The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</em></div>
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Tackling the immediate challenges posed in the economic recovery, as seen through measures like these, is where this budget is the strongest. However, it is on the long-term recovery front where the budget falters. In announcing its intent for a new growth plan that will lay out a five-year vision, the government is signalling its intention to think long-term, but not much more at this point. The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.

One notable question is what this five-year vision will mean for deficit reduction. It is hard to imagine that a government facing re-election only months after unveiling its vision will resist the temptation to announce large new spending initiatives as part of that vision. The vision for growth and the goal of deficit reduction — even if it is a on a nine-year timetable — will forever be at odds. To accommodate for this, expect the government to lay out longer-term spending stretched over a number of years, and to outline higher-level goals that are less tied to spending — such as becoming the province with the lowest regulatory burden or becoming the country’s leader in foreign direct investment.

These long-term goals and policy targets are the next logical step for the Ford government to tackle. The pandemic has upended plans to build transit, fix the administrative side of the health-care system and get energy costs under control. Meanwhile, it has added new urgency to developing policy challenges, like skyrocketing home prices, faster automation of jobs, and growth challenges that come with large-scale demographic changes within the province. Yesterday’s document does not reveal plans to solve these thornier and more complex problems, but it does allow the government to get to a place where it can consider those areas to be priorities again instead of solely focusing on lockdowns and vaccine shipments.

Overall, putting together a framework that lets Ontario think about something other than COVID-19 is an overwhelmingly a good thing.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link"><img width="41" height="41" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Mitchell-Davidson-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy and the former policy chief to Ontario Premier Doug Ford.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/ontario/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-266 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ONTARIO</a></span>   </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Davidson</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span></h1>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 26, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> |</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></p>
<p class="clear"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For an alternative view, read the response from former Progressive Conservative policy chief <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“Show me their budget, and I’ll tell you a government’s values.” Or so goes the adage. It’s a worthwhile lens to apply to the budget tabled by the Province of Ontario on Wednesday.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Does this government value health care? Health-care spending continues to grow at an impressive clip, and not just for COVID-19 response. This budget offers new investments in long-term care beds and hospitals — needed spending that this government had ignored pre-COVID-19, but also investments that the previous Liberal government I served in too often failed to make at the necessary levels.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Whether the government is competent on health care, and whether it values a healthier population — which depends not just on spending commitments, but on the government’s approach to actually preventing and reducing illness — is another question. It was good to see one step in that direction — a planning grant from the province to Ryerson University</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1616857387239000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEjnSN15GQBa9vRuhDWTIuZ5p-m4Q" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">toward a new medical school in Brampton</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, with a focus on primary care and population-based health.</span></p>

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<div class="textbox"><em>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic.</em></div>
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In too many other areas, there’s little sign of commitment. Education and post-secondary education were short-changed. Social assistance rates were again frozen. COVID-19 support payments will go to many people who don’t need them, such as middle- and upper-class families. Inequality will get worse coming out of this budget.

Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic. Most of the economic measures in this budget — job-training tax credits, renewed grants to small business, some other sector supports — are pretty short-term measures. The economic measure with the most foresight behind it might be the expansion of broadband.

And while I’m no fiscal hawk, the growth in debt (especially in comparison to Quebec) creates a concern, with no plan except austerity in the later years of the plan. The best way to reduce debt is with an economic plan. The absence of a plan, or the articulation beyond “a plan to have a plan,” is troubling. Even during a crisis, governments are supposed to do more than one thing at once. Especially when we need some hope about what the economic future will be like.

All in all, this budget is only about the now. Perhaps that’s where Ontarians are at, what the politics suggests. But there’s a public policy opportunity to at least chart a path to an opportunity-driven province, with all talents being drawn on to build back post-pandemic. Ontario did not describe it. Maybe the federal government will have to articulate it instead.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="53" height="53" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Bardeesy</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span>"</strong>:

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>601</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-08 10:23:44]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-08 15:23:44]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 09:40:22]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 14:40:22]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v6-addarticleslinksaddcheckquizzes__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646664022]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v6-addarticleslinksaddcheckquizzes]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 4-Education (v6-AllArticles,Links,ChkQuizzes)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=603</link><pubDate>Mon, 08 Nov 2021 17:23:43 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=603</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 25, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time, </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">the kids are at home</span></span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder: Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a></span>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji</a></span><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a></span><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha</span></a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">technology</span></span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder</a></span><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa</a></span><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">checklists</a></span><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal</span></a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski</a> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</a></span><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski</a></span><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White</a></span><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns</span></a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Alana Powell</span></a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">First Policy Response Panel last month</a></span><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">shows</span></span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday</span></a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span> <a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">guidelines from SickKids</span></span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg</a></span><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Shawna Vander Velden</span></a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about child care centres</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05/4340825219"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Lyme Regis -June 2006 - The Wall - Nice Hat."</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Gareth1953 All Right Now</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">World Teachers’ Day</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“<span style="color: #0000ff">generational catastrophe</span>”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">school closures</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">education systems</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">back-to-school plan</a></span><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">implementation challenges and concerns</a></span>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">physical distancing is not feasible</span>.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">online learning</a></span>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">allocated teachers</a></span>.

Already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">one out of of every 10</a></span><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">survey</a></span><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">inequitable choices</a></span><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a></span>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Education Endowment Foundation</a></span><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">play</a></span><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">mental health</a></span>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">overstretched</a></span><span> </span>with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increasing demands</a></span>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Carol Campbell</span></a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about World Teachers' Day</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00/15721622934"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Gratitude to a Teacher!"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Carol (vanhookc)</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JULY 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">educating children while maintaining public health</a></span>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">keeping schools open</a></span><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a></span><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child abuse</a></span><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a></span>.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Federal consultations</a></span><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shelters, transition houses and social services</a></span><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">economic downturns</a></span><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">high unemployment</a></span><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a></span>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increased substance use</a></span><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">commonly seen in caregivers</a></span><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">32 per cent of referrals</a></span><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">has a legislated duty</a></span><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">trained and reminded</a></span><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">cases are closed</a></span><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a></span>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

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<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a></span><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">support positive child development and resiliency</a></span><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unique role to play</a></span><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a></span><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">exacerbated impact</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about Children's Aid Societies</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06/48931986626" style="color: #0000ff">"Children's Aid Society"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">edenpictures</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>"</span></strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">National childcare system must support childcare workers</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86459" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86459 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-early-childhood-educators">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Star</a></span>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s childcare crisis</a></span><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shared their experiences</a></span><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">new survey</a></span><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

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<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
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Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Monica Lysack</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about early childhood education</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06/9009267170" style="color: #0000ff">"Early Childhood Education play 11"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">University of the Fraser Valley</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| I</span></span><span class="category-info">N<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">LISA WOLFF</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></div>
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a></span><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Childcare operators and staff</a></span><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s patchwork programs</a></span>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em></span><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ranges</a> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">parental leave</a></span>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="40" height="40" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff">Lisa Wolff</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="39" height="39" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Terence Hamilton</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Hamilton and Wolff<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>"</strong>:

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First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

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First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary)</strong>

<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</a></span>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

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<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

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<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Christopher Conway</span></a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

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<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith</span></a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

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<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis</span></a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
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<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a></span><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a></span>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

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<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles</span></a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CESB</a></span>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">eligibility criteria</a></span>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hiking tuition fees</a></span><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">15 per cent</a></span>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">existing challenges</a> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious status</a></span>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s incredible effort</a></span><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

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<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">temporary foreign workers</a></span>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

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<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">easing of restrictions</a></span><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

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<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar</a></span><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jackie Pichette</span></a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HEQCO study</a></span><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Universal Design for Learning</a></span><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

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<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

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<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nearly 121,000</a></span><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">And almost 38,000</a></span><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">an hour</a>.</span> How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$6 million</a></span><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight</span></a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">utilized</a></span><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">home internet connectivity</a></span>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">least connected</span></a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

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<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed</a></span><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">2017 report</a> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

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<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</span></a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

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<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</span></a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent survey</a></span><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

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<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh</a> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle</span></a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force</a></span>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sapra et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson: </span></span><span style="color: #0000ff">Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté: Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos: Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</a></span>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson</a></span> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté</a></span><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">two million students</a></span><span>, closing borders on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international students</a></span><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent piece</a></span><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Eighteen percent</span></span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> </span>– Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</a> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</a></span> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos</a></span> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">both</a> <a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">revealed</a></span><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</span></a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">plan</a></span><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">controversy</a></span><span><span style="color: #0000ff">,</span> it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde</a></span> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021 <span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>IN<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SARA ASALYA</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ALKA KUMAR</a></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">online platforms</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.</span></div>
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The pandemic has exposed <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">pre-existing fault lines</span></a> rooted in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">systemic racism and discrimination</a></span>; underlined the <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</span></a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">post-secondary students</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized groups</a></span>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A <a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</span></a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An <a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</span></a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">reliable internet connections</span></a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</span></a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <span style="color: #0000ff"><u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">open letter</a></u></span> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">responded in a statement</a></span>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a <a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">recent op-ed</span></a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</span></a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Critical and Indigenous scholars</span></a> have described how Canada’s long and <a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">enduring history of colonialism</span></a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion</span></a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</span></a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">micro-aggressions</span></a> and “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">psychological gaslighting</a></span><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">overlooked or undervalued</span></a>; scarcity of <a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social and academic support</span></a>; <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social isolation</span></a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">responsive strategies</span></a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">changing demographics</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">multiculturalism</a></span>, increased recruitment and retention of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international and racialized students</a></span> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with <a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">new mandates for research funding</span></a>, have triggered <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">senior administrative leadership</a></span> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through <a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">EDI action plans</span></a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">different ideological approaches to equity</span></a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">best practice</a></span> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</span></a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broad institutional support</a></span> for IE in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">teaching</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">operations</a></span> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recruitment</a></span> to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">learning outcomes</a></span>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">why race-based data matters in health care</a></span>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">data misuse</a></span>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist <a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">David Graeber</span></a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Mojgan-Rahbari-Jawoko-e1614124576564-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</span></strong></a> is an Adjunct Professor at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</a></span>.</em></div>
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<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sara-Asalya-e1614125086618-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sara Asalya" itemprop="image" /></a></em></p>
<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Sara Asalya</span></strong></a> is the founder and executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em></p>

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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Alka-Kumar-scaled-e1614122679576-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Alka Kumar" itemprop="image" /></a></em>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>Alka Kumar</strong></a></span> is the manager of research and policy at the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span>, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EDUCATION</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rahbari-Jawoko, Asalya, and Kumar</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change</li>
 	<li>-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: student activism, political staff, bureaucrats</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on DIVE: Student Aid<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em>’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: advocacy, government</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria"</span></strong>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>603</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-08 12:23:43]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-08 17:23:43]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 11:02:29]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 16:02:29]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v6-allarticleslinkschkquizzes__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646668949]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v6-allarticleslinkschkquizzes]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v7-AllArticles,Format,AddChkQuizzes)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=606</link><pubDate>Mon, 08 Nov 2021 19:23:50 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=606</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises </span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span><span> </span>at Ryerson University,</em><em><span> </span>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong> </strong>

&nbsp;

<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Act chief and council elections</a></span>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</em></div>
Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.

And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">doctors from Cuba</a></span><span> </span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community-based research project</a></span><span> </span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">duty to consult</a></span>, like<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">free, prior and informed consent</a></span><span> </span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low-income, racialized communities</a></span>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a></span>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.
<div class="textbox"><em>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

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<strong>For more information on the Six Nations, please click on this photograph below</strong>.

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02/6836781189"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Studio portrait of the surviving Six Nations warriors who fought with the British in the War of 1812 / Portrait en studio des survivants des Six-Nations qui ont combattu aux côtés des Britanniques pendant la guerre de 1812"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">BiblioArchives / LibraryArchives</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 21, 2021 <span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span>IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span> <span class="date-info"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELISA LEVI</a></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></div>
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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">World Health Organization</a></span><span> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">socio-economic marginalization</a></span><span> </span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">concerns</a></span><span> </span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Arlen Dumas</a></span><span> </span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Indian Hospitals</span></a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup><span> </span>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">nutrition experiments</a></span> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Joyce Echaquan</a></span><span> </span>fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a></span><span> </span>delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rejected</a></span><span> </span>the proposal.
<div class="textbox"><em>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</em></div>
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<h2><strong>First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong></h2>
We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">H1N1 flu outbreak</a></span><span> </span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">said</a></span><span> </span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a><span> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rising</a></span><span> </span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hardest hit</a></span>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a></span><span> </span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity</a></span>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NACI recognizes</a></span>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a></span>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<span> </span><em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</span></a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a></span><span> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">70 per cent uptake</a></span><span> </span>is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photograph below to learn more about the world's deadliest pandemic – The Spanish Flu</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.rawpixel.com/image/2298586/free-photo-image-pandemic-spanish-flu-epidemic"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Emergency hospital during influenza epidemic, Camp Funston, Kansas (1918). Original image from National Museum of Health and Medicine. Digitally enhanced by rawpixel."</span></a><span> </span><span>is marked with </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/cc0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0 </span></a>

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<strong>Learning Objectives-Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?: </strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?</li>
 	<li>Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics</li>
 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of the essential nature of a pandemic. They will explore various policy study characteristics to gain a better understanding of the various institutions that impact the public. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, the learner will have a beginning understanding of different policy goals that contribute to ending COVID-19.</span>

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[caption id="attachment_663" align="alignnone" width="738"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Screen-Shot-2021-11-09-at-2.49.38-PM-300x98.png" alt="What are policy professionals saying we must do first?" width="738" height="241" class=" wp-image-663" /> What are policy professionals saying we must do first[/caption]

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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center"><strong>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</strong></p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, MARCH 24, 2020</span></div>
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<span class="category-info">                             IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>, </span></span>

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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap " style="text-align: center"><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: center"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</span>

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<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a></span>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="83" height="83" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="color: #0000ff"><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></p>
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<strong>For general information on taxes, and specifically the GST, please click on the photo below</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/11121568@N06/4122172006" style="color: #0000ff">"Tax by definition"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/11121568@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Alan Cleaver</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
<ul>
 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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[caption id="attachment_669" align="alignnone" width="735"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Screen-Shot-2021-11-09-at-3.18.14-PM-300x93.png" alt="Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports" width="735" height="228" class=" wp-image-669" /> Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports[/caption]

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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, SEPTEMBER 14, 2021</span></div>
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<span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span>

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<div style="text-align: center"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></div>
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[caption id="attachment_669" align="alignnone" width="735"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Screen-Shot-2021-11-09-at-3.18.14-PM-300x93.png" alt="Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports" width="735" height="228" class=" wp-image-669" /> Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports[/caption]
<h1 class="heading-text el-text alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible start_animation"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</span></a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><em style="font-size: 1em">Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em></p>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/CIGI-headshot-e1629748877903-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Stephanie MacLellan" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELECTION 2021</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about N-95 masks and their Canadian connection</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/thing:4241389"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Deep well Covid Mask"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/Kenomahn" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Kenan Hoffpauir</a></span></span><span> is marked with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/CC0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</a></span>

&nbsp;

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[caption id="attachment_670" align="alignnone" width="739"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Screen-Shot-2021-11-09-at-3.22.02-PM-300x82.png" alt="How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy" width="739" height="202" class=" wp-image-670" /> How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy[/caption]

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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center"><strong>How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</strong></p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, JANUARY 28, 2021</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 1em">              IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em">AND</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span>

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<div style="text-align: center"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></div>
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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Screen-Shot-2021-11-09-at-3.22.02-PM-300x82.png" alt="How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy" width="739" height="202" class=" wp-image-670" />

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold;text-align: initial">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>

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<span style="font-size: 1em">JANUARY 28, 2021 </span><span style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span style="font-size: 1em">IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em">AND</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a>

<span style="font-size: 1em">For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">``There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive – </em><span style="font-size: 1em">supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also </span><em style="font-size: 1em">stronger growth</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive</em><span style="font-size: 1em"> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">In a joint effort with the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> and the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, we recently released a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em></p>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

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 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center"><strong>Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</strong></p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020</span></span></div>
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<span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span>

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<div style="text-align: center"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></div>
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[caption id="attachment_671" align="alignnone" width="739"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Screen-Shot-2021-11-09-at-3.26.04-PM-300x145.png" alt="Principles and policies for a national pandemic response" width="739" height="357" class=" wp-image-671" /> Principles and policies for a national pandemic response[/caption]

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</span>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
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Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about the Atlantic Bubble</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00/3118553943"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Prince Edward Island"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Joe Shlabotnik</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Readings</strong>:

Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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<h1 class="h1"><del><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></del></h1>
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<p class="clear"><del><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA" style="color: #0000ff">PEDRO BARATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">WENDY CUKIER</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This piece is based on survey research </em><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>conducted by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a></span>, in partnership with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future Skills Centre</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a></span>. </em></strong><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For more details, see the full report: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a></span>.</em></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teachers and students</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">some types of workers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The numbers from</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">our recent survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.</span></del></p>

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<del>Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.</del>

<del>The situation for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">younger workers</a></span><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.</del>

<del>Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.</del>

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<del>However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">given a chance</a></span>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.</del>

<del>Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.</del>

<del>None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.</del>

<del>As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pedro Barata</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Andrew Parkin</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:</del>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>662</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-09 14:56:34]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-09 19:56:34]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 11:57:42]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 16:57:42]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v8-allarticlesformatlinksmovearticlesaddchkquizzes__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646672261]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v8-allarticlesformatlinksmovearticlesaddchkquizzes]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[[Chapter 1-Pandemic Control Basics (v9-AllArticles,FormatLinks,MoveArticles,AddChkQuizzes,AddTitles)]]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=739</link><pubDate>Wed, 10 Nov 2021 18:57:20 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=739</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="mab-2100843123" class="m-a-box " data-plugin-release="4.3.11" data-plugin-version="pro" data-box-layout="slim" data-box-position="below" data-multiauthor="false" data-author-type="user" itemscope="" itemtype="https://schema.org/Person">

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Learning Objectives-Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?: </strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?</li>
 	<li>Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics</li>
 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
</ul>
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After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of the essential nature of a pandemic. They will explore various policy study characteristics to gain a better understanding of the various institutions that impact the public. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, the learner will have a beginning understanding of different policy goals that contribute to ending COVID-19.</span>

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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center"><strong>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</strong></p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, MARCH 24, 2020</span></div>
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<span class="category-info">                             IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>, </span></span>

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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap " style="text-align: center"><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: center"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span></div>
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<h1 class="h1"><span>What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span></h1>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MARCH 24, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> | </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" title="View all posts by SEAN MULLIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SEAN MULLIN</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</span>

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<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a></span>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="83" height="83" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="color: #0000ff"><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></p>
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<strong>For general information on taxes, and specifically the GST, please click on the photo below</strong>:

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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[caption id="attachment_743" align="alignnone" width="905"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-PandemicControlBasics-MacLellan-Campaign-catch-up-Focus-on-vaccine-passports-Art2-ScreenShot-300x116.png" alt="Article title-Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports" width="905" height="350" class=" wp-image-743" /> Article title-Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports[/caption]

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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, SEPTEMBER 14, 2021</span></div>
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<span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span>

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<div style="text-align: center"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></div>
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<h1 class="heading-text el-text alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible start_animation"><span>Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span></h1>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">SEPTEMBER 14, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">STEPHANIE MACLELLAN</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</span></a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><em style="font-size: 1em">Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em></p>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/CIGI-headshot-e1629748877903-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Stephanie MacLellan" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELECTION 2021</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about N-95 masks and their Canadian connection</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/thing:4241389"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Deep well Covid Mask"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/Kenomahn" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Kenan Hoffpauir</a></span></span><span> is marked with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/CC0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</a></span>

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[caption id="attachment_745" align="alignnone" width="905"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-PandemicControlBasics-Mendelsohn-How-Canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-Art3-ScreenShot-300x131.png" alt="Article title-How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy" width="905" height="395" class=" wp-image-745" /> Article title-How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy[/caption]

[caption id="attachment_670" align="alignnone" width="739"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Screen-Shot-2021-11-09-at-3.22.02-PM-300x82.png" alt="How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy" width="739" height="202" class=" wp-image-670" /> How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy[/caption]

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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center"><strong>How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</strong></p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, JANUARY 28, 2021</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 1em">              IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em">AND</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span>

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<div style="text-align: center"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold;text-align: initial">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>

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<span style="font-size: 1em">JANUARY 28, 2021 </span><span style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span style="font-size: 1em">IN</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span style="font-size: 1em">BY</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em">AND</span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" title="View all posts by NOAH ZON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NOAH ZON</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a>

<span style="font-size: 1em">For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">``There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive – </em><span style="font-size: 1em">supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also </span><em style="font-size: 1em">stronger growth</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive</em><span style="font-size: 1em"> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">In a joint effort with the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> and the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, we recently released a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em></p>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

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 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<p class="h1" style="text-align: center"><strong>Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</strong></p>

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<div class="clear" style="text-align: center"><em>FIRST POLICY RESPONSE</em><span style="font-size: 1em">, <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020</span></span></div>
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<span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span>

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<div style="text-align: center"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</span>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 11, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
</ol>
Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020, December 11). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about the Atlantic Bubble</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00/3118553943"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Prince Edward Island"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Joe Shlabotnik</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Readings</strong>:

Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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<h1 class="h1"><del><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></del></h1>
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<p class="clear"><del><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA" style="color: #0000ff">PEDRO BARATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">WENDY CUKIER</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This piece is based on survey research </em><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>conducted by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a></span>, in partnership with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future Skills Centre</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a></span>. </em></strong><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For more details, see the full report: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a></span>.</em></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teachers and students</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">some types of workers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The numbers from</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">our recent survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.</span></del></p>

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<del>Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.</del>

<del>The situation for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">younger workers</a></span><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.</del>

<del>Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.</del>

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<del>However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">given a chance</a></span>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.</del>

<del>Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.</del>

<del>None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.</del>

<del>As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pedro Barata</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Wendy-Cukier-scaled-e1614642411912-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Wendy Cukier" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Wendy Cukier</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the founder and academic director of the Ted Rogers School of Management’s Diversity Institute.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" role="link"><img width="73" height="73" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Andrew-Parkin-Headshot-wide-angle-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Andrew Parkin</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></del></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></del></p>

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</article><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:</del>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>739</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-10 13:57:20]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-10 18:57:20]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 11:37:25]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 16:37:25]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v9-allarticlesformatlinksmovearticlesaddchkquizzesaddtitles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646325445]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v9-allarticlesformatlinksmovearticlesaddchkquizzesaddtitles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 3-Economy (v7-AddArticles,Links,AddCheckQuizzesTitles)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=749</link><pubDate>Wed, 10 Nov 2021 19:46:24 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=749</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[&nbsp;

<strong>Economy I – Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[caption id="attachment_752" align="alignnone" width="912"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Economy-Walcott-Race-based-COVID-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action-Art1-ScreenShot-300x103.png" alt="Article title-Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action" width="912" height="313" class=" wp-image-752" /> Article title-Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action[/caption]

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">FEBRUARY 23, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RINALDO WALCOTT</a></span></span></span></p>

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<article id="post-85677" class="page-body style-light-bg post-85677 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-fpr-original tag-race tag-equity tag-data tag-tvo">
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<p class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></p>

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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ongoing</a> <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">debate</a></span>. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.

But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.

Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The calls</a></span><span> </span>for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">race-based data</a></span><span> </span>in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.

So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">14 per cent</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.

Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significantly exposed</a></span>.

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<blockquote>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</blockquote>
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But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">China</a></span><span> </span>and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened<span> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">six months into the pandemic</span></a>.

Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.

Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="51" height="51" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Rinaldo-Walcott-scaled-e1614124936566-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Rinaldo Walcott" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rinaldo Walcott</span></a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/data/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-258 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">DATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/equity/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-257 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-5" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a> </span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Walcott's article "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>'s article"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about sick leave</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03/12178605035"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Mental Illness"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Alachua County</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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[caption id="attachment_753" align="alignnone" width="909"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Economy-Boessenkool-Year-End-QA-Ken-Boessenkool-on-income-support-Art2-ScreenShot-300x97.png" alt="Article title–Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support" width="909" height="294" class=" wp-image-753" /> Article title–Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support[/caption]
<h1 class="h1"><span>Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span></h1>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">DECEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" title="View all posts by KEN BOESSENKOOL" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KEN BOESSENKOOL</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" title="View all posts by ADMIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ADMIN</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></div>
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<em>With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em>

<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a></span><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>here</em></a></span><em>.</em>

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<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

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<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

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<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

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<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

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<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

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<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

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<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.<em> </em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><img width="76" height="76" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Ken-Boessenkool-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</span></a> is the </em><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">McConnell Professor of Practice at the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University and Research Fellow at C.D. Howe Institute. </em><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://kenboessenkool/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR-logo-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/individual-income-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-2 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIVIDUAL INCOME SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-159 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">YEAR END Q&amp;A</a> </span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Boessenkool</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Canadian Emergency Relief Benefit (CERB)</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05/42001216232" style="color: #0000ff">"cheque book"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">CreditDebitPro</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The political staff who help take care of government during elections</span>
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<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="lead">Not all political staff leave to work on the party’s campaign during elections. Some stay behind to help support ministers in their official duties.</span></p>
<p class="row justify-content-center"><span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</a></span>, </span><span class="meta__date">June 12, 2020</span></p>
<span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Many people gravitate to political jobs because they love the adrenalin of campaigning and are ideologically committed to building support for their party. Predictably, when an election is called, most political staffers take leave to work on the campaign. However, some remain at their desks in ministers’ offices, including in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), in order to support the ministry that continues throughout the writ period.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministerial exempt staff, political partisans who are paid by public funds to support ministers with their official duties, play an important role in maintaining the information flow between the department and ministers as well as ongoing dialogue with the public service during the campaign. In essence, they act as democratic insurance so that even during an election period final government decisions and accountability rest with those who earned a democratic mandate in the previous election. Clear public guidelines for conduct during the campaign are essential for ensuring a smooth relationship.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The curtain falls between two worlds</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers are usually MPs and need to run for re-election. Yet, during the campaign, ministers continue to be ministers. Government business continues and they retain their legal authority from the Crown. However, it is not business as usual. The</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">caretaker convention dictates</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> that, when Parliament is dissolved and there is no confidence chamber to hold them accountable, ministers will exercise restraint. Through such self-restraint, ministers show respect for the democratic accountability. They also avoid any perception that the governing party is receiving electoral benefit out of its executive privileges.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This convention operates in Canada similarly to other Westminster countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Under the convention, routine administration may continue, and ministers must still address urgent and unavoidable matters, such as natural disasters. However, they generally avoid making announcements, commitments or decisions that a new incoming government could not reverse.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The daily rhythm of ministers’ offices changes as soon as the writ drops and the caretaker convention comes into operation. The normally heavy volume of briefing notes from the deputy minister slows considerably. Oral briefings cease. Impromptu face-to-face interactions with departmental officials are less frequent, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utorontopress.com/ca/off-and-running-4" style="color: #0000ff">as the public service turns inward</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> to focus on planning for post-election transition scenarios. It is almost as if a curtain descends to cut off the two worlds.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Nevertheless, since ministers continue to be heads of their departments, they are entitled to be kept apprised of events within their portfolio since they may be asked questions at any time. Further, they may have to respond to urgent matters that cannot wait until after the election. Examples of such circumstances include international crises, ongoing Canadian military engagements, court rulings, domestic emergencies and high-level negotiations such as the culmination of trade agreements. In these situations, ministers must be kept informed, take decisions and give direction. Therefore, they require political staff who can be trusted to exercise sound judgement in deciding what information needs to be conveyed to the minister and when.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Once the minister is engaged, political staff will often convey the minister’s direction and facilitate next steps if needed. This may mean setting up a telephone call with the deputy minister or, depending on the scope of the issue, with other ministers. Political staff can carry out political legwork with other offices to ensure coordination. Sometimes specific documents need to be conveyed to the minister for signature. This is why one member of the minister’s political staff is permitted to accompany the minister while on campaign yet remain as a government employee. This ensures a constant liaison between the department and the minister, who can receive classified information if needed. Just like colleagues remaining in the Ottawa office, this staffer does not take a full-time part in partisan campaign activities, though proximity to the minister is required.</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Pivoting to a reactive and defensive approach</strong>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In normal times, ministers’ offices devote significant effort to proactively pushing out the government’s </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/brand-command" style="color: #0000ff">strategic messaging</a>.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> During an election, however, the campaign team assumes almost all responsibility for public messaging. Ministers’ offices, by contrast, adopt an entirely reactive and defensive approach to communication. Their goal is to manage and mitigate risk by identifying potential problems and neutralizing them before they become public controversies. This involves carefully monitoring news stories, including on social media, to identify negative stories that are relevant to the department, gathering background information from the department in order to understand the context, and recommending response lines.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers’ offices maintain media relations capacity so that they may deal directly with journalists and answer questions about departmental business. In order to monitor potential issues across government, the PMO creates an early morning process so that each day political media relations and issues management staffers from across the government can flag emerging issues and recommend responsive messaging. These lines will then be communicated to ministers so that they are prepared for government-related questions as they are campaigning at public events.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In a similar way, work in the Prime Minister’s Office changes when the election is called. Political staffers staying in the PMO no longer work with the PCO on managing the cabinet policy agenda or coordinating long-term strategic communication efforts across government. The Clerk of the Privy Council significantly curtails the volume of daily briefing notes to the prime minister, though this may reflect the prime minister’s desire to focus on the campaign as much as a desire to defend the caretaker convention.</span>

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The PMO must always ensure that the prime minister is aware of key developments within government. Of course, this includes information in priority areas such as the economy, national security and international relations. However, details vary from day to day. PMO senior staff may speak with the prime minister when required to answer questions and to pass on information that the prime minister needs to know, either in order to ensure smooth governance or to make sure the PM is briefed about government business that may intrude into the campaign setting.

Finally, while interactions between the PMO and the PCO are reduced during the campaign, there are opportunities for dialogue. PCO staff might wish to discuss “transition to government” questions with PMO. If re-elected, what sort of machinery of government changes might the prime minister consider? Is the PM satisfied with the briefing processes in place or could they be improved? Is the prime minister open to revising the publication providing guidelines on conduct and accountability to ministers? Informal consultations on matters such as these may be helpful, though they would be only one-way conversations. For example, PCO can learn from PMO’s opinion on such matters, but should not offer any advice in return on governing after the election, or on matters of transition.

<strong>Overcoming obstacles</strong>

Sometimes obstacles emerge in the relationship between ministers and their offices and public servants in the lead up to and during the election campaign. Such obstacles are often rooted in a misunderstanding of the purpose and limits of the caretaker convention.

In 2015, Stephen Harper was the first prime minister to make the caretaker guidelines available publicly. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">did so in 2019</a></span>. This transparency helps the public understand how government works during an election, and ought to provide more clarity across the entire federal government. In practice, there is still more work to do in understanding when the caretaker period begins, what is meant by caretaker, and where the limits of the convention can be found.

Election campaigns in both 2015 and 2019 occurred in the context of majority governments with a legislated fixed-election date. This meant that everyone knew when the election would likely be held, though not when Parliament would be dissolved. In terms of political activity and public perception, the campaign seemed to extend backwards into the summer. To deal with this, the Trudeau government introduced changes for the pre-writ period to restrict government advertising and limit pre-campaign spending.

These steps, combined with the fact that Parliament was adjourned but not dissolved, could have led public servants in some departments to conclude that ministers were not permitted to operate as usual during the summer. Ministers’ offices had to work to counter this perception by, for example, asserting their entitlement to information and briefings as usual. With the support of PMO and PCO, government operated as normal over the months leading up to the election call. However, additional clarity is needed to ensure that everyone recognizes caretaker restraint only begins with the dissolution of Parliament and not in the period leading up to it.
<p class="dropcap">Who is the caretaker? The answer is consistent with our democratic system of government. While ministers may sometimes choose to delegate more authority to their deputy ministers it is never the officials who act as caretakers or who hold the authority or accountability of ministers. Rather, the government continues to be led by a political cabinet of (usually) democratically elected ministers who, in the absence of an elected House of Commons, act with self-restraint. The ministers are the caretakers.</p>
Ultimately, the caretaker convention is adjudicated politically. When to act—or not to act—according to these criteria is ultimately something that ministers must decide, and they are accountable to Canadians for their decisions.

<strong>This article is part of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-insiders-view-behind-the-scenes-of-election-campaigns/" style="color: #0000ff">The Insider’s View Behind the Scenes of Election Campaigns</a></span> special feature.</strong>
<div class="article-footnote"><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/" style="color: #0000ff">submission</a></span>, or a <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/"><span style="color: #0000ff">letter to the editor</span>.</a></em></div>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a> is an Associate Professor in the Clayton Riddell Graduate Program in Political Management at Carleton University. Formerly Director of Policy at PMO under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his research focuses on ministerial and parliamentary political staffers. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</span></a> holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics and Political Science and from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He was Policy Director for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from 2012-2019. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" rel="author"><span style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</span></a></em></div>
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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Wilson and McNair's article "The political staff who help take care of government during elections"</strong>:

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<strong>Economy II – Class Readings/Media</strong>:
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[caption id="attachment_755" align="alignnone" width="908"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Economy-Greenspon-Economic-shutdown-is-leaving-young-women-behind-Art3-ScreenShot-300x110.png" alt="Article title-Greenspon-Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind" width="908" height="333" class=" wp-image-755" /> Article title-Greenspon-Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind[/caption]
<h1 class="h1"><span>Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span></h1>
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<p class="uncont"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MAY 28, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BAILEY GREENSPON</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-decoration: underline;color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">G(irls)20</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized and immigrant women</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable and accessible child care</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">An economic crisis for young women</strong></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force numbers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from Statistics Canada.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.</span></p>

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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">services-producing sector</a></span>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a></span>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a></span><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significant barriers persist</a></span><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada survey of students</a></span>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Student Loans</a></span><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a></span>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a></span>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

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</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em><span style="color: #0000ff">Bailey Greenspon</span></em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/gender-covid-19/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-18 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GENDER + COVID-19</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Greenspon</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about women in the labour force</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</span>

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<span class="lead">Our labour supply and what’s holding it back are the biggest hurdles to improving employment numbers. Job-search assistance and training are vital.</span>

<span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</a></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">,</a></span><span class="meta__date"> June 22, 2021</span>

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s employment rate has now nearly fully recovered from its unprecedented drop of 10 percentage points last year, but a gap of 2.5 percentage points remains. As with vaccinations, the “last mile” in our labour market recovery may be the most difficult.</span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Much of the recovery in the employment rate over the summer and fall of 2020 occurred when workers furloughed from their jobs in the initial shutdowns returned to their former places of employment. This process is all but complete as only a small fraction of the workforce is still on temporary layoff. The question we need to ask now is which policies will help close the remaining gap in the employment rate (figure 1).</span>

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While it is tempting to reach for the economic toolkit first, it is important we recognize that the economic crisis is first and foremost a health crisis, and that recovery depends most critically on putting the health crisis behind us. As long as customers and workers feel insecure in returning to face-to-face activities and employers face uncertainty about future public health measures forcing shutdowns, the economy will not fully recover.

The best remedy to put the virus and its consequences behind us is clear – boost vaccination rates. As the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/en/data-insights/ieo-2021-03-more-jabs-more-jobs" style="color: #0000ff">OECD stated</a></span><span> </span>in a recent report: “More jabs, more jobs.” As vaccinations provide us with relief from the pandemic, we need to strengthen the public health system to be able to withstand a potential fall resurgence if pockets of unvaccinated populations remain or if a new variant proves resistant to existing vaccines. Even if the probability of such an event is judged to be low, the costs are high enough to justify significant investments in our public health infrastructure.

Canada needs to use the summer to invest in testing programs, including rapid testing, to be able to identify and get on top of any new outbreaks. It should also invest in reducing transmission in public places, schools and workplaces – possibly through improved indoor ventilation systems. Finally, Canada should plan for the possibility that another round of vaccines might become necessary in the event of a break-out variant.

But getting past the virus may be insufficient in itself.

What ails the labour market in 2021? There are strong indications that it is not a lack of demand for labour. In recent months, we have seen a remarkable recovery in job postings and job openings. Data from Statistics Canada’s Job Vacancies and Wage Survey suggest there were 23 per cent more job vacancies in March 2021 than in February 2020. Data from private companies aggregating job postings from online sources suggest that when we get official data through April and May 2021, this upswing will continue and even accelerate. Moreover, the upswing is evident across all provinces, industries and occupations. This suggests to us that insufficient labour demand will not be an important constraint in the jobs recovery.

We find ourselves at a point when labour supply, and factors that may hold it back, become the primary consideration.

Our first concern is that the unavailability of child care will keep parents (mostly women) with young children from returning to work. Indeed, as figure 2 (below) shows, promising employment gains among parents with kids under age 12 are evident in recent months everywhere except in Ontario, where schools have been closed for almost the entire winter. They opened in most of Ontario on Jan. 25, after an extended Christmas holiday break, but have been closed since March 14, and will stay closed for the remainder of this school year. In contrast, schools have remained open for most of the winter and spring in most other provinces. Continued uptake in child vaccination rates is critical to ensure child-care centres can open safely in the weeks ahead, and then schools in September.

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A second concern is that enhanced Employment Insurance (EI) and Canada Response Benefit (CRB) payments disincentivize low-skill workers to search for and accept low-wage jobs. Wage growth seems to have picked up in recent weeks, but earnings in the low-skill sector will often fall short of the EI or CRB benefits available. This implies that this group will, in economic parlance, be elastic in their labour supply – they will respond to changes in the relative economic benefits from drawing benefits as opposed to work. To address this challenge, Ottawa must resist calls for further extensions to enhanced EI/CRB benefit levels and instead focus efforts on increasing the generosity of EI’s working-while-on-claim (WWC) provisions as recommended in a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/transitioning-back-to-work-how-to-improve-ei-working-while-on-claim-provisions/" style="color: #0000ff">recent IRPP analysis</a></span>.

A greater concern, in our view, is the growth we have seen in long-term joblessness. As shown in figure 3 (below), as of mid-May, one-half of Canada’s two million jobless who say they want a job have been without one for more than one year. Moreover, only seven per cent of these people were enrolled in education or training in May 2021.
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There is much evidence indicating that the longer workers are jobless, the less likely they are to return to work and the more likely they are to experience significant earnings losses when they do. This effect reflects a number of factors, but of particular concern now are skill atrophy, loss of work routine and lack of labour market engagement. Long-term or permanent labour market disengagement in this population has high social costs that justify ambitious investments now.

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We also have acute concerns about the pandemic’s effects on Canada’s youth population. Workers aged 15 to 29 comprise 36 per cent of the jobless who want work and 30 per cent of those who have been without a job for more than one year.

As of May, there were 143,000 jobless youth seeking employment for the first time. Closed schools and workplaces have compromised the learning and work experience of young people. Labour market discouragement of middle-aged workers is costly. Youth disengagement is a much more serious problem.

The hope in March 2020 was that in-person work activity would pause for a few weeks, but we would soon press “play” and return to our old jobs. But economies are organic, constantly evolving, and we have now been on pause for 15 months. Workers and consumers have changed their spending habits, living arrangements and found alternative income sources, while employers have exploited opportunities to reorganize and automate. This suggests there may be structural shifts in labour demand, requiring reallocation of workers across sectors and new investments in human capital.

In a recent<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/adjusting-to-job-loss-when-times-are-tough/" style="color: #0000ff">IRPP study</a></span>, researchers from Statistics Canada, René Morissette and Theresa Hanqing Qiu, found that three-quarters of Canadian workers laid off following the 2008 crisis who had not found a job by 2010 did not use any of the four adjustment strategies they examined: move to a region with more jobs; enroll in post-secondary education; enroll in a registered apprenticeship; or become self-employed. Among the low-skilled workers, who in this crisis have been most affected, the use of these adjustment strategies was even rarer.

Given this evidence, we see a role for governments to support jobs recovery through active labour market programs (ALMPs) that prioritize labour supply engagement over job-creation.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jeea/article-abstract/16/3/894/4430618?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #0000ff">Meta analyses</a></span><span> </span>of ALMPs show they have larger average impacts in periods of high unemployment, especially when downturns have been relatively short-lived.

First, provincial governments need to step up efforts to intensify job search assistance, counselling and support services, thus providing labour market information for the jobless and incentives to enter work quickly. Evidence shows that these “work first” ALMPs are most successful in producing short-term beneficial impacts after a deep recession. Given the real possibility of widespread labour shortages this summer, these programs offer a cost-effective tool to boost job-creation in the short run.

Second, and arguably more significant, it is critical that structural labour market shifts be monitored and job reallocation pressures supported through “human capital” ALMPs, including private hiring subsidies as well as training on the job and in the classroom. Relative to “work first” programs, these programs can produce longer-term beneficial impacts on workers’ employment rates and earnings. They also tend to have relatively large benefits for women and the long-term jobless.

In this regard, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/news/2021/06/helping-hard-hit-businesses-hire-more-workers-with-the-canada-recovery-hiring-program.html" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Recovery Hiring Program</a></span><span> </span>(CRHP), available from June 6 to Nov. 20, may be especially effective if it is used to attract workers, through sign-on bonuses or for training, for example. Restricting CRHP eligibility to employers who recruit long-term jobless applicants and requiring employers to reimburse a share of subsidies if workers are not retained for one year, would have been a preferred approach in our view.

There is much reason to be optimistic that we will see strong employment gains in the second half of 2021. However, we see risks in complacency. To support a full recovery, we need to ensure workers see an incentive to return to work and that they are supported in their transitions through job search assistance and human capital investments. For our youth and the long-term jobless, who are at greatest risk of long-term withdrawals from the labour force, modest policy efforts now can have big returns on the productive capacity of the economy in the long run.
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<img alt="Fabian Lange" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/06/Fabian-Lange.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="48" height="48" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</span></a> is the Canadian Research Chair in Labour and Personnel Economics at McGill University. Since March 2020, he has tracked the performance of the labour market in Canada and the U.S. in the face of the pandemic. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<img alt="Mikal Skuterud" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/04/Mikal-Skuterud.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="53" height="53" />
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<div class="author-card__bio"><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</span></a> is a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo. For the past year he has been tracking the labour market impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and its potential long-term effects. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/economy/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2 tag" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMY</a></span>, </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/policy-making/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2841 tag"><span style="color: #0000ff">POLICY-MAKING</span></a>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lange &amp; Skuterud's article "Unemployment is down, but there are still issues"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?</span></h1>
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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">OCTOBER 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" title="View all posts by KARIM BARDEESY" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span> AND <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" title="View all posts by MATTHEW MENDELSOHN" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">MATTHEW MENDELSOHN</span></a></span></span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday, </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and </span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span></p>

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<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

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<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="52" height="52" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="45" height="45" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bardeesy &amp; Mendelsohn's article "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</strong><span style="font-weight: normal;text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Bank of Canada</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00/1007321825"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Bank of Canada"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">colros</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>

MARCH 25, 2021 <span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MITCHELL DAVIDSON</a></span></span></span>

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<p class="uncode_text_column"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Liberal policy chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">As expected, the 2021 Ontario Budget attempts to straddle the line between pandemic management and pandemic recovery. Investments in contact tracing, vaccination rollouts and hospitals help ensure the health-care system can continue to handle the stresses of the COVID-19 pandemic yet to come. That health spending lays the groundwork for a concerted recovery effort in which the government has clearly chosen to put the province’s economic recovery ahead of a quick return to balanced budgets.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">The recovery plan is two-fold. First, it must minimize the economic barriers created by COVID-19. For example, the pandemic underscored the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-is-crucial-for-recovery-and-rebuilding/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">importance of childcare to the economy</a></span><span> </span>and brought new attention to its rising costs; those costs are addressed through enhancing the CARE tax credit and direct financial transfers to parents.</p>
<p class="uncode_text_column">Next, it must adapt to the realities of economic competition in a post-pandemic world. The new Ontario Jobs Training Tax Credit is exactly the type of policy that helps to embrace that change, helping those laid off or struggling to pursue more resilient careers with higher earnings potential. The largest ever provincial commitment to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broadband expansion</a></span><span> </span>is another of these recovery-focused policies.</p>

<div class="textbox"><em>The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</em></div>
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Tackling the immediate challenges posed in the economic recovery, as seen through measures like these, is where this budget is the strongest. However, it is on the long-term recovery front where the budget falters. In announcing its intent for a new growth plan that will lay out a five-year vision, the government is signalling its intention to think long-term, but not much more at this point. The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.

One notable question is what this five-year vision will mean for deficit reduction. It is hard to imagine that a government facing re-election only months after unveiling its vision will resist the temptation to announce large new spending initiatives as part of that vision. The vision for growth and the goal of deficit reduction — even if it is a on a nine-year timetable — will forever be at odds. To accommodate for this, expect the government to lay out longer-term spending stretched over a number of years, and to outline higher-level goals that are less tied to spending — such as becoming the province with the lowest regulatory burden or becoming the country’s leader in foreign direct investment.

These long-term goals and policy targets are the next logical step for the Ford government to tackle. The pandemic has upended plans to build transit, fix the administrative side of the health-care system and get energy costs under control. Meanwhile, it has added new urgency to developing policy challenges, like skyrocketing home prices, faster automation of jobs, and growth challenges that come with large-scale demographic changes within the province. Yesterday’s document does not reveal plans to solve these thornier and more complex problems, but it does allow the government to get to a place where it can consider those areas to be priorities again instead of solely focusing on lockdowns and vaccine shipments.

Overall, putting together a framework that lets Ontario think about something other than COVID-19 is an overwhelmingly a good thing.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link"><img width="41" height="41" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Mitchell-Davidson-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy and the former policy chief to Ontario Premier Doug Ford.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/ontario/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-266 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ONTARIO</a></span>   </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Davidson</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>"</strong>:

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<h1 class="h1"><span>Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span></h1>
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<p class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 26, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> |</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></p>
<p class="clear"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For an alternative view, read the response from former Progressive Conservative policy chief <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</a></span>.</em></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“Show me their budget, and I’ll tell you a government’s values.” Or so goes the adage. It’s a worthwhile lens to apply to the budget tabled by the Province of Ontario on Wednesday.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Does this government value health care? Health-care spending continues to grow at an impressive clip, and not just for COVID-19 response. This budget offers new investments in long-term care beds and hospitals — needed spending that this government had ignored pre-COVID-19, but also investments that the previous Liberal government I served in too often failed to make at the necessary levels.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Whether the government is competent on health care, and whether it values a healthier population — which depends not just on spending commitments, but on the government’s approach to actually preventing and reducing illness — is another question. It was good to see one step in that direction — a planning grant from the province to Ryerson University</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1616857387239000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEjnSN15GQBa9vRuhDWTIuZ5p-m4Q" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">toward a new medical school in Brampton</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, with a focus on primary care and population-based health.</span></p>

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<article id="post-86023" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86023 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-economic-policy category-implementation-governance tag-fpr-original">
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<div class="textbox"><em>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic.</em></div>
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In too many other areas, there’s little sign of commitment. Education and post-secondary education were short-changed. Social assistance rates were again frozen. COVID-19 support payments will go to many people who don’t need them, such as middle- and upper-class families. Inequality will get worse coming out of this budget.

Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic. Most of the economic measures in this budget — job-training tax credits, renewed grants to small business, some other sector supports — are pretty short-term measures. The economic measure with the most foresight behind it might be the expansion of broadband.

And while I’m no fiscal hawk, the growth in debt (especially in comparison to Quebec) creates a concern, with no plan except austerity in the later years of the plan. The best way to reduce debt is with an economic plan. The absence of a plan, or the articulation beyond “a plan to have a plan,” is troubling. Even during a crisis, governments are supposed to do more than one thing at once. Especially when we need some hope about what the economic future will be like.

All in all, this budget is only about the now. Perhaps that’s where Ontarians are at, what the politics suggests. But there’s a public policy opportunity to at least chart a path to an opportunity-driven province, with all talents being drawn on to build back post-pandemic. Ontario did not describe it. Maybe the federal government will have to articulate it instead.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="53" height="53" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Bardeesy</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span>"</strong>:

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[caption id="attachment_765" align="alignnone" width="797"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Various-How-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare-Art1-ScreenShot-1-300x111.png" alt="Article-How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?" width="797" height="295" class=" wp-image-765" /> Article-How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?[/caption]

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 25, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time, </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">the kids are at home</span></span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder: Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a></span>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji</a></span><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a></span><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha</span></a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">technology</span></span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder</a></span><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa</a></span><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">checklists</a></span><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal</span></a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski</a> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</a></span><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski</a></span><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White</a></span><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

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<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns</span></a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Alana Powell</span></a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">First Policy Response Panel last month</a></span><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">shows</span></span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday</span></a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span> <a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">guidelines from SickKids</span></span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg</a></span><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Shawna Vander Velden</span></a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about child care centres</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05/4340825219"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Lyme Regis -June 2006 - The Wall - Nice Hat."</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Gareth1953 All Right Now</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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[caption id="attachment_767" align="alignnone" width="797"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Campbell-The-choice-for-education-Change-school-plans-or-face-‘generational-catastrophe-Art2-ScreenShot-1-300x125.png" alt="Article title-The choice for education-Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’" width="797" height="332" class=" wp-image-767" /> Article title-The choice for education-Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’[/caption]

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">OCTOBER 5, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"> <span class="date-info"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CAROL CAMPBELL</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">World Teachers’ Day</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“<span style="color: #0000ff">generational catastrophe</span>”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">school closures</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">education systems</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">back-to-school plan</a></span><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">implementation challenges and concerns</a></span>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">physical distancing is not feasible</span>.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">online learning</a></span>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">allocated teachers</a></span>.

Already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">one out of of every 10</a></span><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">survey</a></span><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">inequitable choices</a></span><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a></span>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Education Endowment Foundation</a></span><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">play</a></span><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">mental health</a></span>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">overstretched</a></span><span> </span>with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increasing demands</a></span>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Carol Campbell</span></a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about World Teachers' Day</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00/15721622934"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Gratitude to a Teacher!"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Carol (vanhookc)</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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[caption id="attachment_762" align="alignnone" width="913"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Guppy-School-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare-Art3-ScreenShot-300x91.png" alt="Article title-School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare" width="913" height="277" class=" wp-image-762" /> Article title-School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare[/caption]

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</span>
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<div class="clear"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JULY 30, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span>| </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BRAELYN GUPPY</a></span></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1097" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1097 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original">
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span>

For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">educating children while maintaining public health</a></span>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">keeping schools open</a></span><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a></span><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child abuse</a></span><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a></span>.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Federal consultations</a></span><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shelters, transition houses and social services</a></span><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">economic downturns</a></span><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">high unemployment</a></span><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a></span>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increased substance use</a></span><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">commonly seen in caregivers</a></span><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">32 per cent of referrals</a></span><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">has a legislated duty</a></span><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">trained and reminded</a></span><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">cases are closed</a></span><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a></span>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

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<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a></span><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">support positive child development and resiliency</a></span><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unique role to play</a></span><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a></span><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">exacerbated impact</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about Children's Aid Societies</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06/48931986626" style="color: #0000ff">"Children's Aid Society"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">edenpictures</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:

First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>"</span></strong>:

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[caption id="attachment_763" align="alignnone" width="908"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Lysack-National-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers-Art4-ScreenShot-300x109.png" alt="Article title-National childcare system must support childcare workers" width="908" height="330" class=" wp-image-763" /> Article title-National childcare system must support childcare workers[/caption]

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">National childcare system must support childcare workers</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">MAY 20, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MONICA LYSACK</a></span></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-86459" class="page-body style-light-bg post-86459 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original tag-childcare tag-early-childhood-educators">
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Star</a></span>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s childcare crisis</a></span><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shared their experiences</a></span><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.

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<blockquote>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</blockquote>
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In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">new survey</a></span><span> </span>of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

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<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
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Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Monica Lysack</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about early childhood education</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06/9009267170" style="color: #0000ff">"Early Childhood Education play 11"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">University of the Fraser Valley</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| I</span></span><span class="category-info">N<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">LISA WOLFF</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></div>
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When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a></span><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Childcare operators and staff</a></span><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.

While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s patchwork programs</a></span>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.

A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em></span><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.

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<blockquote>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</blockquote>
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Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.

Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ranges</a> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.

Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.

The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">parental leave</a></span>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.

Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.

Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.

UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.

The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.

It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="40" height="40" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff">Lisa Wolff</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="39" height="39" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Terence Hamilton</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.</span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Hamilton and Wolff<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

<hr />

First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span>

<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary)</strong>

<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span>

<span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span>

<span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span>

<span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</a></span>

—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a>

<span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.

A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.

How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</h4>
Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.

Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.

Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.

Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.

Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Career college students face unique challenges</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Christopher Conway</span></a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</h4>
Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.
Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.

As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.

There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:
<ul>
 	<li>57 per cent are over the age of 30</li>
 	<li>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</li>
 	<li>69 per cent are women</li>
 	<li>Half are new Canadians</li>
</ul>
We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.

In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.

We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.

Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith</span></a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</h4>
How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.

The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?

We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis</span></a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</h4>
COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.

Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.

In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:
<ol>
 	<li>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</li>
 	<li>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</li>
 	<li>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</li>
 	<li>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</li>
 	<li>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></li>
</ol>
&nbsp;

<span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</h4>
Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a></span><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.

Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.

There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a></span>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles</span></a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</h4>
Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CESB</a></span>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">eligibility criteria</a></span>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.

As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hiking tuition fees</a></span><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">15 per cent</a></span>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">existing challenges</a> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious status</a></span>.

If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s incredible effort</a></span><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.

As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</h4>
Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">temporary foreign workers</a></span>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.

Some key figures:
<ul>
 	<li>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</li>
 	<li>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</li>
 	<li>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</li>
</ul>
We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.

The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</h4>
Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.

The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.

More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">easing of restrictions</a></span><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar</a></span><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy
<a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jackie Pichette</span></a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</h4>
The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.

Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HEQCO study</a></span><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.

HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Universal Design for Learning</a></span><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.

As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</h4>
While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.

Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.

As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</h4>
It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.

However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nearly 121,000</a></span><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">And almost 38,000</a></span><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.

Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">an hour</a>.</span> How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?

The federal government promised up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$6 million</a></span><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.

In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight</span></a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</h4>
Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">utilized</a></span><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">home internet connectivity</a></span>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.

With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">least connected</span></a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.

To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.

It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed</a></span><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</h4>
The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?

Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.

The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">2017 report</a> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.

To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:
<ul>
 	<li>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</li>
 	<li>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</li>
 	<li>Expanding mentorship programs</li>
 	<li>Creating digital study groups</li>
 	<li>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</li>
 	<li>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</li>
 	<li>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</li>
</ul>
Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</span></a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</h4>
Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.

There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.

The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.

My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</span></a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</h4>
The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent survey</a></span><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.

Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh</a> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</h4>
COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.

The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?

Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span>
<h4><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle</span></a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</h4>
Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:

Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.

Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.

Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.

Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a>

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<span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</h4>
The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force</a></span>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.

Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.
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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Sapra et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

<span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i>

<span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson: </span></span><span style="color: #0000ff">Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté: Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos: Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</a></span>

—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a>

<span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span>
<h4><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson</a></span> – President, Universities Canada</span></h4>
<span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span>

<span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span>

<span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span>

<span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span>

<span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté</a></span><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></h4>
<span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">two million students</a></span><span>, closing borders on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international students</a></span><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span>

<span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span>

<span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span>

<span>In a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent piece</a></span><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span>

<a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Eighteen percent</span></span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></h4>
<span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span>

<span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span>

<span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span>

<span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span>

<span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span>

<span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span>

<span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> </span>– Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></h4>
<span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span>

<span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span>

<span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span>

<span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></h4>
<span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span>

<span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span>

<span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span>

<span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</a> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></h4>
<span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span>

<span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span>

<span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</a></span> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></h4>
<span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span>

<span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span>

<span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span>
<h4><span><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos</a></span> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></h4>
<span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span>

<span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span>

<span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">both</a> <a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">revealed</a></span><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span>

<span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span>
<h4><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</span></a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></h4>
<span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span>

<span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></h4>
<span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span>

<span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span>

<span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span>

<span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">plan</a></span><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">controversy</a></span><span><span style="color: #0000ff">,</span> it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span>

<span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span>
<h4><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde</a></span> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></h4>
<span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span>

<span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span>

<span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span>

<span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span>

<span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong>:

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<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span>
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<div class="date-info">FEBRUARY 19, 2021 <span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>IN<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SARA ASALYA</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ALKA KUMAR</a></span></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">online platforms</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.</span></div>
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The pandemic has exposed <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">pre-existing fault lines</span></a> rooted in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">systemic racism and discrimination</a></span>; underlined the <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</span></a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">post-secondary students</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized groups</a></span>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.

The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.

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<blockquote>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</blockquote>
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<h2>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</h2>
The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A <a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</span></a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An <a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</span></a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.

Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">reliable internet connections</span></a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</span></a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.

The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <span style="color: #0000ff"><u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">open letter</a></u></span> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">responded in a statement</a></span>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”

The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a <a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">recent op-ed</span></a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”

The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</span></a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.

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<h2>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</h2>
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Critical and Indigenous scholars</span></a> have described how Canada’s long and <a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">enduring history of colonialism</span></a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion</span></a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</span></a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">micro-aggressions</span></a> and “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">psychological gaslighting</a></span><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">overlooked or undervalued</span></a>; scarcity of <a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social and academic support</span></a>; <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social isolation</span></a>; and lack of meaningful representation.

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The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">responsive strategies</span></a> to meet the needs of racialized students.

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Within the Canadian post-secondary context, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">changing demographics</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">multiculturalism</a></span>, increased recruitment and retention of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international and racialized students</a></span> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with <a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">new mandates for research funding</span></a>, have triggered <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">senior administrative leadership</a></span> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through <a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">EDI action plans</span></a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">different ideological approaches to equity</span></a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.

Instead, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">best practice</a></span> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</span></a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:
<ol>
 	<li>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</li>
 	<li>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</li>
 	<li>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</li>
 	<li>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</li>
</ol>
As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broad institutional support</a></span> for IE in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">teaching</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">operations</a></span> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recruitment</a></span> to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">learning outcomes</a></span>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.

The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.

For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">why race-based data matters in health care</a></span>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">data misuse</a></span>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.

An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.

Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist <a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">David Graeber</span></a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”

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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Mojgan-Rahbari-Jawoko-e1614124576564-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</span></strong></a> is an Adjunct Professor at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</a></span>.</em></div>
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<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sara-Asalya-e1614125086618-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sara Asalya" itemprop="image" /></a></em></p>
<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Sara Asalya</span></strong></a> is the founder and executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em></p>

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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Alka-Kumar-scaled-e1614122679576-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Alka Kumar" itemprop="image" /></a></em>

<em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>Alka Kumar</strong></a></span> is the manager of research and policy at the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span>, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EDUCATION</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rahbari-Jawoko, Asalya, and Kumar</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change</li>
 	<li>-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)</li>
 	<li>-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: student activism, political staff, bureaucrats</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on DIVE: Student Aid<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em>’</span>"</strong>:

<hr />

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)
<ul>
 	<li>-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)</li>
 	<li>-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)</li>
</ul>
<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: advocacy, government</span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria"</span></strong>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>758</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-10 15:21:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-10 20:21:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:28:44]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:28:44]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v7-allarticleslinkschkquizzesaddtitles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647264523]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v7-allarticleslinkschkquizzesaddtitles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v8-AllArticles,Format,AddChkQuizzesTitles)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=770</link><pubDate>Wed, 10 Nov 2021 23:56:13 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=770</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

[caption id="attachment_772" align="alignnone" width="795"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Indigenous-King-Indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises-Art1-ScreenShot-300x117.png" alt="Article title-Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises" width="795" height="310" class=" wp-image-772" /> Article title-Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises[/caption]

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</span>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span class="date-info">SEPTEMBER 22, 2020 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info"> </span>| </span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HAYDEN KING</a></span></span></span></div>
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<article id="post-1330" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1330 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-covid-19-six-months-later tag-fpr-original tag-indigenous">
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span><span> </span>at Ryerson University,</em><em><span> </span>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em><strong> </strong>

&nbsp;

<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Act chief and council elections</a></span>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</em></div>
Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.

And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">doctors from Cuba</a></span><span> </span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community-based research project</a></span><span> </span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

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<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

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<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

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<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">duty to consult</a></span>, like<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">free, prior and informed consent</a></span><span> </span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.
<div class="textbox"><em>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

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<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low-income, racialized communities</a></span>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

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<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a></span>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.
<div class="textbox"><em>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</em></div>
<strong>FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

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<strong>For more information on the Six Nations, please click on this photograph below</strong>.

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02/6836781189"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Studio portrait of the surviving Six Nations warriors who fought with the British in the War of 1812 / Portrait en studio des survivants des Six-Nations qui ont combattu aux côtés des Britanniques pendant la guerre de 1812"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">BiblioArchives / LibraryArchives</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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[caption id="attachment_773" align="alignnone" width="798"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Indigenous-Levi-Vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-Indigenous-communities-Art2-ScreenShot-300x100.png" alt="Article title-Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities" width="798" height="266" class=" wp-image-773" /> Article title-Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities[/caption]

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</span>
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<div class="date-info">JANUARY 21, 2021 <span class="date-info"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span>IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/support-for-the-marginalized/" title="View all posts in Support for the marginalized" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SUPPORT FOR THE MARGINALIZED</a></span><span> <span class="date-info"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELISA LEVI</a></span></div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></div>
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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">World Health Organization</a></span><span> </span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">socio-economic marginalization</a></span><span> </span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">concerns</a></span><span> </span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Arlen Dumas</a></span><span> </span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Indian Hospitals</span></a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup><span> </span>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">nutrition experiments</a></span> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Joyce Echaquan</a></span><span> </span>fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a></span><span> </span>delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rejected</a></span><span> </span>the proposal.
<div class="textbox"><em>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</em></div>
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<h2><strong>First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong></h2>
We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">H1N1 flu outbreak</a></span><span> </span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">said</a></span><span> </span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<span> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a><span> </span>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rising</a></span><span> </span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hardest hit</a></span>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a></span><span> </span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity</a></span>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NACI recognizes</a></span>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a></span>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<span> </span><em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</span></a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a></span><span> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">70 per cent uptake</a></span><span> </span>is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photograph below to learn more about the world's deadliest pandemic – The Spanish Flu</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.rawpixel.com/image/2298586/free-photo-image-pandemic-spanish-flu-epidemic"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Emergency hospital during influenza epidemic, Camp Funston, Kansas (1918). Original image from National Museum of Health and Medicine. Digitally enhanced by rawpixel."</span></a><span> </span><span>is marked with </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/cc0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</span></a>

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Learning Objectives-Welcome &amp; Introduction. What are we doing together?: </strong>
<ul>
 	<li>Define essential terms: what is a pandemic?</li>
 	<li>Identify preliminary policy goals that should be achieved at the beginning of deadly and disruptive phenomena like pandemics</li>
 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of the essential nature of a pandemic. They will explore various policy study characteristics to gain a better understanding of the various institutions that impact the public. <span style="color: #000000">By the end, the learner will have a beginning understanding of different policy goals that contribute to ending COVID-19.</span>

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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-PandemicControlBasics-Mendelsohn-What-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first-Art1-ScreenShot-300x129.png" alt="Article title-What are policy professionals saying we must do first?" width="907" height="390" class=" wp-image-741" />
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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">As the exponential growth in the number of Covid-19 cases starts to sink in, the exponential growth in the economic calamity is also becoming apparent. It is unprecedented in our lifetime. The potential destruction of individuals’ economic lives, security and well-being is staggering. As governments try to deal with the health emergency, they are also dealing with an economic shock unlike any they have ever felt.</span>

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<h3 id="a496">Unlike any other economic downturn</h3>
<p id="8f1b">The number of Canadians who applied for Employment Insurance was almost 930,000 last week, compared to 27,000 for the same week last year. And as staggering as those numbers are, they dramatically understate unemployment because over ⅓ of Canadians who were employed two weeks ago are contract workers or the self-employed. They aren’t represented in those numbers.</p>
<p id="0799">Millions of Canadians have less than a month of savings — and it is likely that hundreds of thousands of Canadians will not be able to pay their rent next month.</p>

<h3 id="579b">Thinking differently, quickly</h3>
<p id="cb6a">Policies are being proposed that would have been inconceivable a month ago.</p>
<p id="f007">The most compelling policy ideas will be those that bridge us through the pandemic and stabilize the economic lives of Canadians immediately — to the greatest extent possible and with all the tools at our disposal. These have to be the immediate policy goals.</p>
<p id="266d">Medium-term and longer term economic stabilization and renewal efforts will come later. But the current crisis is serving to highlight the systemic vulnerabilities that have been highlighted for years. The sense of vulnerability that many of us are feeling today are experienced by gig workers and the self-employed every day due to policies that have not kept pace with the evolving labour market.</p>
<p id="faaa">If you are still talking about “stimulus,” please stop. It isn’t the right framework and it misunderstands the problems we are facing. This type of crisis requires a new <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">playbook</a></span>.</p>
<p id="b242">A consensus is emerging that measures have to be large and fast and that we must find the quickest way of getting cash or relief (e.g. debt repayment pause, moratorium on evictions, etc.) into the hands of people who are at immediate risk of losing businesses or lodging, and into the hands of those who have suddenly lost their income.</p>
<p id="62a2">There is also a consensus that we can afford a large effort. Even a $100 Billion — or 5 per cent of our national GDP — would take only about $1 Billion to service. The risk of doing too little and turning the immediate economic crisis into a longer term economic one is far larger than the risk of doing too much.</p>

<h3 id="4361">Delivering benefits — you can’t just flick a switch</h3>
<p id="8b3e">The options governments can realistically deploy are also constrained by the systems that currently exist. Our Employment Insurance system covers only a fraction of workers, requires those workers to make proactive applications, and is already overloaded by demand. The Canada Child Benefit goes out to Canadian parents based on their income last year. We have no national data set that includes every Canadian.</p>
<p id="7293">Many good ideas will bump up against the reality of our current delivery mechanisms and data. Delivering something tomorrow, through government, that addresses 70% of a given problem will be more effective than rolling out something next month that deals with all of it. That’s especially true if not-for-profits can get their own funding to help fill the gaps for those populations they touch, where governments can’t.</p>
<p id="7ef6">We know that some of the programs are being rolled out slower than is ideal; we also know that everyone working on these things in Canada is working around the clock to roll them out as quickly as humanly possible.</p>
<p id="a098">The quickest instruments are the bluntest. Using the Canada Child Benefit and the GST rebate remain simple and useful vehicles to get money to people quickly, but many people who receive these benefits are facing catastrophic losses in income, while others are facing no loss in income at all. As tools get deployed, we will have to be really clear about which problems are being addressed and which people need different programs.</p>
<p id="32e4">As governments experiment with many new approaches at once, some won’t work. Some money will leak away. Some people — even now — will find ways to run a scam. But waiting for perfect is not an option. And things are moving so quickly that ideas that get rolled out tomorrow may already be too little to address the issues that emerge next week.There will need to be differentiated responses for some sectors. Although small businesses in the tourism sector or the cultural sector face some of the same challenges as nail salons and pubs, there will be issues unique to each sector. We know Ministers and their departments are working now to craft responses to help.</p>
<p id="257e">Some groups are not receiving attention yet. In an online video meeting yesterday, Deena Ladd of the Workers’ Action Centre and Garima Talwar Kapoor of Maytree pointed to the many populations and groups — from migrant farmworkers to social assistance recipients — whose situations have yet to be addressed by the announcements to date.</p>

<h3 id="4e4f">The federal package</h3>
<p id="f5da">Federal, provincial, municipal and Indigenous governments are rolling out new initiatives every day. To understand what is going on, a good place to start is always the official source, and we encourage Canadians to check out the official documents being rolled out by their governments on a daily basis.</p>
<p id="fc2d">The federal effort, first announced on March 18, outlined initiatives to help stabilize the incomes of individuals and businesses. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/economic-response-plan.html</a></span>. The expansion of existing programs to the self-employed and those not covered by EI is particularly important. The extension of existing programs, like job sharing arrangements through EI, should have a material impact on the ability of businesses to retain some workers. And measures like eliminating the one week waiting period for EI will allow people to access cash immediately.</p>
<p id="f561">The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation is reacting in real time. Initiatives to make sure people don’t lose their homes — and parallel provincial efforts to ensure renters don’t lose theirs — will be particularly important. Stabilizing the housing situation for renters and owners is crucial to building an economic bridge through Covid-19. If people can’t pay their rent or mortgage and lose their home because of Covid-19, that would be a catastrophic policy failure with long-ranging consequences, some of which we saw in the United States when so many Americans lost their homes following the financial crisis of 2008.</p>
<p id="e288">Two new experiments are worth applauding. The Emergency Support benefit will provide up to $5-billion in support to workers who are not eligible for EI. A new 10% wage subsidy for businesses is an unprecedented new broad-based support. Both will likely need to be bigger, and implemented with great speed. (more on that below)</p>

<h3 id="a3ab">Policy community responses</h3>
<p id="a80a">Luckily, the Canadian public policy community is diverse and creative. In this first post, we will highlight some of the best work that has been done (Apologies if we missed you! Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail</a></span> or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter</a></span>!), with a particular focus on those ideas designed to stabilize the economic lives of Canadians, businesses and not-for-profits and bridge them through the next few months.</p>

<h3 id="7774">Sending cash and relief fast</h3>
<p id="8fa0"><a href="https://twitter.com/JenniferRobson8" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jennifer Robson</span></a> is trying to help Canadians make sense of the benefits and has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/13kkn2TbUP2-Xavhs-Mf4XLPO0edYSzO7CBOQSM8iQH0/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">prepared this Google doc</a></span>, for example, on the benefits that working age adults can receive.</p>
<p id="48dc"><a href="https://twitter.com/tammyschirle" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tammy Schirle</span></a> has lots of useful policy analysis and important tips for Canadians — like making sure the CRA has your accurate address and banking information to ensure you get the benefits you need.</p>
<p id="30d0"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kevin Milligan</span></a> has been doing a great job analyzing these proposals in real time on Twitter, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240708474624851968" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">outlining their rationale</a></span>, and addressing plausible criticisms (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240757657901748224" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kevinmilligan/status/1240747272272404482" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>). His perspective is that the government was right to lean towards the use of existing mechanisms, even when they are imperfect, which he outlines in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cdhowe.org/intelligence-memos/kevin-milligan-%E2%80%93-economy-needs-big-strong-covid-bridge" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">this CD Howe Institute memo</a></span>. There is concern that some of the initiatives will take too long to roll out — but realistically, there is no conceivable way that the government through the Canada Revenue Agency could roll out a program like emergency income support any faster than is being proposed.</p>
<p id="3997"><a href="https://twitter.com/MullinSean" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>, in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/17/first-send-money-stimulus-in-a-global-pandemic-needs-a-new-playbook.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">their Toronto Star op-ed of last week</a></span>, make a call for a three-part framework to guide thinking on economic policy — first, send money to stabilize the situation; then, traditional stimulus; finally, work to adapt to a new economy that can thrive</p>
<p id="b4b2"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/KenBoessenkool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</a> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/canada-needs-crisis-basic-income-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">proposed an immediate Crisis Basic Income in Maclean’s</a></span> to deal with the biggest economic challenge we face: the sudden loss of working income.As a way to stabilize incomes quickly, an immediate cash benefit could be very effective. It would not be as expensive as the immediate price tag, because some of these funds could be taxed back or clawed back through the tax system, if an individual’s income stabilized.</p>
<p id="2f41"><a href="https://twitter.com/JimboStanford" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jim Stanford</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2020/03/18/federal-support-package-the-pros-the-cons-and-the-next-shoe-to-drop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">does his quick analysis at Progressive Economics</a></span> on the initial federal efforts. Stanford argues it is crucial that the federal government make stronger commitments that people and businesses will not be left destitute — and that this needed to be backed by strong actions. It goes without saying that this must be a policy goal and Jim states it forcefully, arguing that we need a moratorium on bankruptcies, foreclosures and evictions.</p>
<p id="c582">A group of policy leaders, organized by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atkinson Foundation</a>, <a href="https://atkinsonfoundation.ca/atkinson-fellows/posts/improving-federal-emergency-economic-measures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">put forward their recommendations</a></span> with a focus on income support, rent support and help for the community sector.</p>
<p id="201d">And the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives</a> <a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/rent-due-soon" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">highlighted the desperate challenges that many renters</a></span> are facing.</p>
<p id="839f">Business, not-for-profits, and other public services</p>
<p id="ecbd">There is rightly lots of interest in increasing the wage subsidy to employers beyond the 10% offered by the government so far, consistent with what other countries have offered. Many are concerned that there is not enough yet to stabilize small and medium sized businesses.</p>
<p id="c630"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.birchhillequity.com/meet-our-team/investment-professionals/david-g-samuel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">David Samuel</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/CDHoweInstitute" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">William Robson</a> <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-canadian-businesses-need-much-bigger-subsidies-for-salaries-during" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in The Globe and Mail</a></span> that subsidies to help businesses pay their workers need to be larger</p>
<p id="5066">In <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/march-2020/federal-aid-package-wont-save-small-businesses-from-covid-19-fallout/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, Erin Millar, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/teara-fraser/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teara Fraser<span style="color: #000000">,</span> and </a><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/suzanne-siemens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Suzanne Siemens</a></span> outline the challenges they are facing and document how easier access to more debt and small wage subsidies are not going to be sufficient to bridge businesses through the next several months.</p>
<p id="b1ef"><a href="http://twitter.com/jonrshell" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jon Shell</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://medium.com/@jonshell/we-must-act-now-to-save-canadas-main-streets-from-covid-19-d3171f3a08e7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">pleads to not forget the kinds of small and medium-sized retail businesses</a></span> that populate our streets and welcome customers face-to-face.He proposes specific measures to save business owners and their families from financial ruin. They are all intended to reduce and postpone expenses, including suspending commercial rent payments up to $10,000, suspending water and electricity bills, delaying collection of property taxes or remitting of sales taxes, and getting credit companies to delay payments and waive interest on corporate cards up to $25,000.</p>
<p id="a55b">The implications for the charitable sector and not-for-profit organizations have not attracted as much attention, but the implications for thousands of community organizations that rely on donations are every bit as dire as the implications on small businesses that rely on foot traffic. These organizations provide vital services to Canadians and touch almost every aspect of life in our communities.</p>
<p id="34c9"><a href="https://twitter.com/RChandran1" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Chandran</span></a><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/a-plea-to-philanthropists-double-the-value-of-your-grants-to-local-non-profits/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">makes a simple plea in Maclean’s</a></span> that every foundation with an endowment double the value of every current grant to a non-profit, and do so without any restrictions. Immediately. He points out that foundations know and support these organizations — and that they now need more money to support the people they serve</p>
<p id="a130"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</span></a> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Sean_Speer" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Speer</a> <a href="https://www.cardus.ca/research/social-cities/reports/a-call-to-action-to-support-canadian-civil-society-in-response-to-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">argue in this CARDUS report</a></span> that the federal government should match charitable contributions on a one-to-one basis. We would add that many of the income support policy proposals currently being considered to help SMEs are equally applicable to not-for-profits.</p>
<p id="47c6">One policy area that risks neglect as policymakers attend to the health and economic aspects of COVID-19 is public education. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/sambandrey" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sam Andrey</a></span> (also Director of Policy and Research at the Ryerson Leadership Lab) has some <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/03/23/make-sure-no-student-is-left-behind-as-coronavirus-closes-schools.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">actionable prescriptions in The Toronto Star</a></span> on how to re-direct resources, and attend to students and families on the wrong side of the digital divide.</p>

<h3 id="e1e3">High-level thinking</h3>
<p id="e584">We’ll conclude our round-up with some higher-level arguments around what a proper response to COVID-19 looks like, for governments and institutions.</p>
<p id="d793">In The Globe and Mail, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/munkschool" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Michael Sabia</a></span> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/commentary/article-in-this-pandemic-governments-will-face-three-tests-including-how/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">strong guidance</a></span> for governments to be creative, and start thinking about the future economy now.</p>
<p id="5013"><a href="https://twitter.com/jandrewpotter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Andrew Potter</span></a> has <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://maxpolicy.substack.com/p/policy-for-pandemics-01-policy-responses?r=4qxzc&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web&amp;utm_source=twitter" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">launched a newsletter</a></span> that attempts to summarize evolving “policies for a pandemic.”</p>
<p id="d0e5"><a href="https://twitter.com/kbardeesy" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> calls on leaders to make sacrifices, retool their institutions, and help their people to be their best selves on the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/announcements" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span> website and in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.corporateknights.com/channels/leadership/time-national-mobilization-7-questions-every-business-institutional-leader-needs-ask-15849709/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corporate Knights</a></span> / <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://futureofgood.co/all-hands-on-deck-covid19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future of Good</a></span>.</p>

<h3 id="446d">Hearing from the community</h3>
<p id="621b">We hope to source many more contributions from the policy community, and link to existing work, through this PolicyResponse.ca project. Get in touch by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="mailto:policyresponse@ryerson.ca" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">e-mail at policyresponse@ryerson.ca</a></span> or reach out to us on <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://twitter.com/policyresponse" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Twitter at @PolicyResponse</a></span>. <a href="http://eepurl.com/gXj3Vb" target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow noreferrer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">You can also subscribe to our mailing list</span><span style="color: #000000"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline">.</span></strong></span></a></p>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="83" height="83" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="color: #0000ff"><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong>Keywords</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/business-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-3 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">BUSINESS SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></p>
<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? </span><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span></p>


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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn, Bardeesy, and Mullin's article "What are policy professionals saying we must do first?</span>":</strong></p>
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<strong>For general information on taxes, and specifically the GST, please click on the photo below</strong>:

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
<ul>
 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-PandemicControlBasics-MacLellan-Campaign-catch-up-Focus-on-vaccine-passports-Art2-ScreenShot-300x116.png" alt="Article title-Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports" width="905" height="350" class=" wp-image-743" />
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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</span></a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><em style="font-size: 1em">Each week leading up to the federal election on Sept. 20, First Policy Response will highlight news and debates about recovery-related policy issues that surface on the campaign trail. We’ll recap the policy proposals put forward by the main national parties and hear from researchers and practitioners about what it will take for those ideas to work on the ground.</em></p>

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<h1>One big issue: Proof of vaccination</h1>
<h2>The background</h2>
COVID-19 vaccination has been deployed repeatedly as a wedge issue during the election campaign. Protesters railing against vaccination have disrupted campaign events for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, and more recently raised public ire by staging noisy and disruptive demonstrations outside of hospitals across the country. Trudeau has tried to link these protesters to his Conservative rival, Erin O’Toole, who is not requiring his candidates to get vaccinated. However, there appears to be more overlap with Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada — several protesters at Liberal campaign stops were spotted in PPC gear, the president of a local PPC riding association was<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/shane-marshall-people-s-party-gravel-trudeau-1.6172690" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">charged with throwing gravel</a></span><span> </span>at Trudeau, and Bernier has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/maxime-bernier-rally-1.6166298" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">violated public health orders</a></span><span> </span>around quarantines and opposed vaccination and mask-wearing as violations of Canadians’ freedoms. (The Constitution does allow governments to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-legal-questions-around-rights-linger-as-some-provinces-bring-in-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">limit basic freedoms</a></span><span> </span>if they can show a restriction is reasonable and necessary.)

Immunization records are actually a provincial responsibility. Indeed, since this summer, several provinces — including Quebec, British Columbia and Ontario — have announced plans for their own proof-of-vaccination regimes for non-essential spaces such as shops, gyms and restaurants. However, the federal government can require vaccination for people working in areas where it has jurisdiction, such as the federal civil service, on domestic flights and trains, or at international borders. It can also offer support to lower levels of government to implement their vaccination programs.

According to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/vaccination-coverage/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Government of Canada data</a></span>, more than 73 per cent of the population, and 84 per cent of people older than 12, have received at least one vaccine dose as of Sept. 4. Nearly 68 per cent, or 77 per cent of those over 12, are fully vaccinated.

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<h2>Where the parties stand</h2>
<b>Liberal Party:<span> </span></b>The Liberals would implement a national vaccine passport, and require federal civil servants and passengers on domestic transportation to be vaccinated. They would also provide $1 billion to provinces and territories to help them roll out a ​​proof of vaccination system for non-essential spaces, and bring in legislation to shield businesses and organizations that require proof of vaccination from legal challenge.

<b>Conservative Party:<span> </span></b>O’Toole has consistently said he would not make vaccination mandatory, and that the party would not require vaccination for federal civil servants, travellers or people entering the country, instead relying on rapid testing. However, he has set a goal of fully vaccinating 90 per cent of eligible Canadians, through paid time off for employees, providing transportation to vaccine clinics, a national marketing campaign and targeted information to address vaccine hesitancy among groups with a history of being disenfranchised by the health system. The platform promises to support the provinces with logistical resources to deliver vaccines and booster shots, and to make rapid tests more widely available.

<b>NDP:<span> </span></b>The party would roll out a national vaccine passport, with $1 billion to increase vaccination rates, and support provinces and territories to “create targeted, inclusive programs that will remove the remaining barriers and help those who are still unvaccinated get their shots.”

<b>Green Party:</b><span> </span>There is no specific reference to vaccine mandates in the party platform, but Leader Annamie Paul has<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.greenparty.ca/en/statement/2021-08-18/green-party-statement-vaccination" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">questioned</a></span><span> </span>how proposed mandatory vaccination plans would accommodate people with “legitimate reasons” for not getting vaccinated, such as “whether those be medical conditions, religious or cultural convictions, or that live in rural communities with limited access to either vaccination clinics or information that addresses their concerns.”

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<h2>The reaction</h2>
The case for vaccine passports is obvious: After 18 months of repeated lockdowns and restrictions, everyone is anxious to get back to their normal routines, but the Delta variant is driving a fourth wave that is delaying a full reopening. Delta spreads much more easily than previous strains of COVID-19, but vaccinated people are far less likely to contract the virus or become seriously ill from it. The vast majority of Canadian residents who are vaccinated are understandably eager for something to be done to stop the remaining 30 per cent of the population from continuing to spread the virus. <b></b>

But there are still concerns about how such a program would be implemented. For starters, we’ve seen over and over that the pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affects marginalized groups</a></span><span> </span>— such as racialized, low-income and immigrant communities — worse than it does others, and we’ve learned how well-intentioned policies can actually serve to reinforce inequity. Observers fear the same thing could happen with vaccine passports. According to<span> </span><b>Dr. Danyaal Raza</b>, a physician and health advocate with<span> </span><strong>Unity Health Toronto</strong>:

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<blockquote>“Communities already excluded from many public and private spaces, like undocumented migrants who fear deportation and communities that often lack formal ID such as those who are houseless, are at risk of being further marginalized. Vaccine passports are critical and must be rolled out with targeted supports including community outreach funding, a secure paper passport option and ongoing vaccination support.”</blockquote>
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<b>Seher Shafiq</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>North York Community House</strong>, who is also an FPR editor, offers a similar observation when it comes to immigrant and refugee communities:

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<blockquote>“Some populations can have a mistrust in government for a variety of reasons — particularly immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers who come from authoritarian or unstable regimes. In the immigrant- and refugee-serving sector, we often see clients hesitant to share personal information with government authorities because of a lack of trust due to experiences with governments in their home countries.
I hope that the vaccine passport rollout takes an equitable approach and finds a way to address these barriers. This could include educational campaigns in different languages to assure people that the personal information they submit is safe, secure, and will not be misused.”</blockquote>
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Others such as<span> </span><b>Nour Abdelaal</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Ryerson Leadership Lab’s Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>point out that with most passports expected to be primarily digital in format, those who<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/overcoming-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lack digital devices or expertise</a></span><span> </span>are at risk of exclusion:

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<blockquote>“We know that more Indigenous peoples, older adults, low-income individuals and people with disabilities do not have a home internet connection or smartphone — tools that are needed to access digital proofs of vaccination and register for protection statuses efficiently online. Targeted outreach, training and technical support for those facing greater digital challenges should be prioritized to protect vulnerable populations, who actually face greater risks of contracting COVID-19.”</blockquote>
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<b>Bianca Wylie</b><span> </span>and<span> </span><b>Sean McDonald</b><span> </span>of<span> </span><strong>Digital Public</strong><span> </span>warn that by focusing too much on digital solutions to public health problems, policy-makers run the risk of overlooking the bigger picture:

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<blockquote>“Governments that implement vaccine passports should be equally committed to the wide range of public health interventions we need, including free N-95 masks for all, easy access to testing, ventilating public spaces and access to justice mechanisms for digital rights issues. But they’re not. Whether it’s the breakthrough of Delta, the lack of vaccine access for children, or the reality that there will always be immunocompromised people that are ineligible, we need to invest in broad measures that create dignified access to vital services.”</blockquote>
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Meanwhile,<span> </span><b>Yuan Stevens</b><span> </span>of the<span> </span><strong>Cybersecure Policy Exchange</strong><span> </span>adds that there are also security risks inherent in any digital identification system that could put users’ privacy at risk:

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<blockquote>“As regions and countries roll out vaccine passports, it’s crucial to prioritize the security of these tools. Hire a team tasked with assessing and mitigating security threats. Provide robust disclosure pipelines — and legal protection — for external people who disclose security flaws.”</blockquote>
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In addition to the risks a vaccine passport system may pose to the general public, there are also concerns about how it would affect the people tasked with enforcing it — in particular, small business owners who have already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/entrepreneurs-need-a-fair-approach-to-covid-19-bankruptcies/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">struggled to stay afloat</a></span><span> </span>during repeated lockdowns, and retail and service workers, many of whom are already working with low pay and limited benefits. Food journalist<span> </span><b>Corey Mintz</b>, who has been reporting on the challenges facing the food service industry during the pandemic, told us:

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<blockquote>“Many provincial governments left businesses to develop and enforce their own safety protocols. At this stage, businesses need a clear proof of vaccination system that works across provinces and takes legitimate medical exemptions into account, in order to implement policies intended to protect the safety of their employees and customers. And workers, if they haven’t gotten a vaccination yet, deserve paid time off to do so.”</blockquote>
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<b>Karla Briones</b>, an Ottawa entrepreneur who works with immigrants launching their own businesses, wrote about her concerns in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/briones-involve-small-business-owners-in-vaccination-rule-decisions" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Ottawa Citizen</a></span>:

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<blockquote>“Policing this is exactly what I’m scared of. If we are getting spat on for reminding people to wear a flimsy mask, what reaction can we expect from those who don’t want to share their personal vaccination information? . . . What type of training and extra security is the government going to provide to business owners so that we don’t become the first line of casualties in such a divisive topic? So that we don’t get sued or assaulted while we struggle to keep our businesses alive.”</blockquote>
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She calls on the government to do more to include business owners in their decision-making processes.
<h1>More from the campaign trail</h1>
<h2>Long-term care</h2>
The Liberals said they would spend $9 billion to help the long-term care sector that was ravaged by the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. That would triple the amount promised in the April budget. The proposal would train 50,000 more workers and raise their wages to $25/hour, and implement new national standards. Because long-term care is a provincial responsibility, the federal governments would have to reach agreements with the provinces to make the changes.

Like the Liberals, the NDP has pledged better pay and working conditions for long-term care workers and a set of national standards. The party also said it would end private, for-profit long-term care.

The Conservative platform earmarks $3 billion for infrastructure funding for long-term care over the next three years. They also pledged to add more care workers, in part by accepting more immigrants working in long-term care or home care, but didn’t specify a number. Rather than introducing national standards, the Conservatives would work with the province to develop best practices.

The Green Party also wants to eliminate for-profit long-term care and improve working conditions for care workers, as well as bringing long-term into the Canada Health Act and developing and enforcing national standards. It would prioritize aging in place to allow more seniors to remain at home, by establishing a dedicated Seniors’ Care Transfer to provide “transformative investment” to provinces and territories for improvements to home and community care.

<b>Dr. Samir Sinha</b>, director of health policy research at<span> </span><strong>Ryerson University’s National Institute on Ageing</strong>, said he was looking to see more details from the parties:

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<blockquote>“While all major parties are proposing much-needed investments in long-term care, there continues to be a lack of clarity on critical logistics. How would federal parties work with provinces and territories to ensure meaningful reform occurs equitably in communities from coast to coast to coast? Across the political spectrum, we have also seen a disappointing lack of commitment to adequately resource homecare, which is an integral part of the larger solution to Canada’s long-term care crisis.”</blockquote>
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<b>Dr. Shara Nauth</b>, chief geriatrics fellow at<span> </span><strong>Western University</strong>, also cautioned that too much focus on long-term care facilities could stymie much-needed improvements to homecare:

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<blockquote>“There’s no doubt that increasing capital in long-term care is essential. The question is: will it be enough? Canadian older adults have made it clear that they need and want to age in place — and other countries have demonstrated that this is a more cost-effective solution. Similarly, it is excellent that [personal support worker] compensation is addressed — but if wages only increase in the LTC sector, the already drained homecare workforce will be decimated. Caring for older adults requires a comprehensive approach — we’ve been approaching this in silos for too long. We need a party that will create an integrated plan that stops focusing on long-term care beds and is willing instead to invest in care where Canadians need it most.”</blockquote>
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<h2>Afghan refugee intake</h2>
Just as the election was called, the crisis in Afghanistan reached a tipping point, with the Taliban taking control of the government and thousands of desperate citizens trying to flee the country — including interpreters and other locals who had helped the Canadian military during its operations in the country, and whose lives were now in danger because of their involvement.

The governing Liberals initially said Canada would take in 20,000 Afghan refugees, but doubled that number to 40,000 during the campaign. Their platform also pledges to “expand the new immigration stream for human rights defenders and work with civil society groups to ensure safe passage and resettlement of people under threat, including from Afghanistan.” The Conservatives say they will take in at least 20,000 Afghans in addition to those who worked with Canadian forces, and work with allies to help Afghans trying to flee the country. The NDP and Green Party have both endorsed the demands of the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ayedi.ca/ccap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Campaign for Afghan Peace</a></span>, which include resettling at least 40,000 Afghans; identifying the Hazara ethnic group as a vulnerable group; eliminating barriers to applying for immigration; and increasing funding to resettlement agencies and Afghan-led organizations in Canada to support Afghan newcomers.

<strong>Anna Triandafyllidou</strong>, the<span> </span><strong>Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration<span> </span></strong>at<strong><span> </span>Ryerson University</strong>, said that Canada’s experience with Syrian refugee settlement has taught us that private sponsorship can be highly effective; “However, if the sponsorship arrangement breaks down, the refugees can find themselves in a difficult situation.” She adds:

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<blockquote>“We have also learned that private sponsors need more training and support from government and immigration professionals in terms of how to prepare for their sponsorship, what to expect, and how to deal with crisis with their sponsored refugees or within the sponsorship team. In addition, there has been some very interesting research pointing to the importance of matching refugees with sponsors at the same phase in their lives. For example, a young family with kids may understand their challenges better than a group of young, single professionals or students.”</blockquote>
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<i>Do you work on the front lines of policy issues — such as child care, long-term care, small business, mental health, poverty reduction, creative work, settlement services or anything else? We would love to hear from you. Send us your thoughts about how the campaign promises would affect you and the people you serve at<span> </span></i><i>policyresponse@ryerson.ca</i><i>.</i>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/CIGI-headshot-e1629748877903-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Stephanie MacLellan" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/election-2021/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-298 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ELECTION 2021</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">MacLellan</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about N-95 masks and their Canadian connection</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/thing:4241389"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Deep well Covid Mask"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.thingiverse.com/Kenomahn" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Kenan Hoffpauir</a></span></span><span> is marked with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/CC0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</a></span>

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(2) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Learning Objectives</strong>:
<ul>
 	<li>Describe key characteristics of policy study by distinguishing between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
</ul>

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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-PandemicControlBasics-Mendelsohn-How-Canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-Art3-ScreenShot-300x131.png" alt="Article title-How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy" width="905" height="395" class=" wp-image-745" />

<span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a>

<span style="font-size: 1em">For decades, we have been told that “governments can’t pick winners” and that industrial policy — characterized by high tariffs and grinning politicians delivering jumbo cheques to failing factories — is for chumps.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The caricature was a dishonest distraction from the fact that Canadian governments have been engaging in industrial policy the whole time. Although we didn’t like to talk about it, governments never stopped investing public dollars to shape markets and build sectors in explicit and implicit ways.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">``There is now a surprising emerging consensus across the political spectrum in Canada on two ideas: governments need to engage in activist industrial policy; and economic growth on its own isn’t a sign of success if growth exacerbates inequalities, damages the environment, destroys communities and fails to create good middle-class jobs.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">It is not a question then of whether Canada embraces industrial policy, but whether we do it well. With governments now making massive public investments in COVID economic recovery, it will be a generational failure if we neglect to account for what kind of growth we want to see and what kinds of communities we want to build.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Strong macroeconomic fundamentals are important. But these on their own were never enough to create, scale and retain globally leading companies. The most dynamic economies in the world in Europe and Asia have been successful in part because of an active state and strategic and creative ways of supporting firms, sectors and regions.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Today, around the world, governments are investing more in their industrial policies, focusing on building competitive advantages in sectors like AI and energy transition. Here in Canada, the current federal government — even before the massive investments during the pandemic — had embraced an agenda focused on supporting key sectors and helping companies scale, attract talent and diversify their export markets.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">But a modern industrial policy should not ignore other critical policy goals. It needs to be </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive – </em><span style="font-size: 1em">supporting innovation and private-sector growth in a way that delivers widely shared economic, social and environmental value.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">There is growing evidence that more inclusive growth isn’t just more equitable — it’s also </span><em style="font-size: 1em">stronger growth</em><span style="font-size: 1em">. Many of the most pathological qualities of our current economic crisis – inequality, precarity, carbon intensity and a lack of social protection for vulnerable workers – arise from our failure to understand that economic growth and inclusion are mutually reinforcing goals, not competing ones.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">If our industrial policies help build great companies that contribute to growing inequality and wealth concentration, they will have failed.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">A well-designed industrial policy overcomes collective action problems, addresses issues of scale and builds ecosystems in which positive spillovers and economic activity are more likely to occur. A well-designed </span><em style="font-size: 1em">inclusive</em><span style="font-size: 1em"> industrial policy is a conscious effort to build that economic capacity in ways that generate broadly shared wealth for individuals and communities on a sustainable basis.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">In a joint effort with the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/" style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute and Innovation and Entrepreneurship</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> and the </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://www.ryersonleadlab.com/" style="color: #0000ff">Ryerson Leadership Lab</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em">, we recently released a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a role="link" href="https://policyresponse.ca/building-an-inclusive-industrial-policy-for-canada/" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> outlining how Canadian governments can build an inclusive industrial policy that delivers more economic inclusion and community wealth, and helps Canada achieve its 2050 climate goals.</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">The report lays out a toolkit of tested inclusive industrial policy approaches that could be scaled or introduced here in Canada. Among the key levers that governments can use are a more strategic use of procurement and standard-setting; more democratic and inclusive access to capital; and government investment in Canadian firms, including taking equity. If these tools are used, Canada would be more likely to see economic growth and innovation, while at the same time making progress on goals like reconciliation, racial justice, gender equality, community-wealth and net zero emissions</span>

<span style="font-size: 1em">Some will argue that Canada has enough trouble simply creating and retaining innovative, high-growth companies and we should focus on that first. It is not an unreasonable concern. But this generational economic crisis demands a generational economic response to the very real risks of inequality, social instability and the climate crisis.  We can deliver growth and inclusion at the same time.</span>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em></p>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/industrial-policy/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-10 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDUSTRIAL POLICY</a></span></span></p>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Mendelsohn and Zon's article "How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</span>"</strong>:

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(3) <strong>What basic understandings do we need about how the virus and pandemics operate? How should policy respond?</strong>:

<strong>Class Learning Objectives</strong>:
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 	<li>Define key pandemic terms: flattening the curve, herd immunity, and complementary frameworks</li>
 	<li>Recognize the impact and relationship between public policy, public administration/governance, and politics</li>
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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-PandemicControlBasics-Bardeesy-Principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response-Art4-ScreenShot-300x118.png" alt="Article-Principles and policies for a national pandemic response" width="900" height="354" class=" wp-image-746" />
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<p class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</span></a></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">What does success look like in our COVID-19 response? Nine months into the crisis, and the day after an important First Ministers’ Meeting, we still don’t have an answer from our political leaders.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">It seems, though, that they are relying on the promise of a vaccine. It’s a tempting answer that sidesteps the debate we’re mired in, based on the false narrative that economic re-opening and slowing the pandemic are in opposition to each other. That’s simply not so — they are the same objective, as the prime minister, to his credit,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/justin-trudeaus-coronavirus-update-we-have-a-long-winter-ahead-full-transcript/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">finally said</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">two weeks ago.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To meet that objective, we need to crush the pandemic — getting the community transmission rate well below one new infection per case — with aggressive, co-ordinated and common measures across the country to dramatically limit transmission and scale up testing and tracing. We need a national plan that actually learns from and applies the lessons of the failures of the spring and the fall — that selective lockdowns do not work.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Instead, we’re continuing to “manage” the pandemic with a series of welcome, but discrete, policy and spending announcements, not related to a clear set of objectives, priorities or timelines. With exhortations — to families, businesses and other governments — to do things. All in the hopes that not only will the vaccine resolve the pandemic, but that its rollout will be quick, orderly and welcomed by everyone.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In recent days, we’ve seen a robust economic support package that will last well into 2021, the quick approval of one vaccine, the preparation of vaccine rollout plans, even the resumption of regular news conferences from the prime minister — all necessary pieces to fight the virus.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But on top of these discrete policy announcements, we need a real, cohesive plan: a comprehensive national plan, or a unified set of provincial/territorial/ municipal/Indigenous-led plans. Only such a plan can aggressively slow the spread of the virus. Developing this plan and getting support for it is a job for our political leadership, and a project of incomparable national urgency.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">That could have been the subject of yesterday’s First Ministers’ Meeting. But instead, we had the usual bickering over jurisdiction and spending responsibilities, sometimes on issues that go well beyond pandemic response.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government and the provinces may not be entirely on the same page, but neither of them is on the page of Canadians who are looking for a path between today’s grim reality and widespread vaccinations. Neither is seized with what a comprehensive pandemic response needs to look like.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Yes, the federal government has used its borrowing power to provide the vast majority of income supports to individuals and organizations, occasionally butting up against some areas of provincial jurisdiction in the process. It is procuring vaccines centrally. It is setting international border policy. But is it organizing and driving a national response? Is it using the money to drive shared national goals around testing and tracing (at which we’ve now failed twice, spring and fall), around driving a shared communications message (ditto), and around</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity for the most at-risk populations</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">(ditto)? No.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Provincial governments are spending that federal money (eight out of every 10 government dollars spent on the pandemic comes from Ottawa, as the federal government is fond of pointing out), adding their own spending, and generally attempting — with limited success — to stem outbreaks of the virus in workplaces,</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">schools</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/town-hall-recap-covid-19-and-the-future-of-long-term-care/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">long-term care facilities</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. The protections are not widespread enough; they are not accompanied by rapid testing, tracing and re-tracing; they have generally not taken an equity lens; and they do not share messages and policy approaches across the country, apart from aggressive messaging around personal responsibility. And so provinces are failing to stem the tide.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In many ways, the country is working exactly as designed — a federal country, with highly devolved powers. Provinces have decided to devolve further, to allow variable and highly divisive regionally-focussed shutdowns — measures that did not stop virus spread this fall, and which reduced solidarity within provinces and at the national level. Citizens are not being protected; and what’s worse, the message Canadians get from differential shutdowns is that some regions are more worthy than others.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The fall infection rate, the return of the virus (in particular, to long-term facilities) and the ongoing failure to dramatically scale and target testing-and-tracing infrastructure — these are all signs of a national tragedy. Signs that while the country is working as designed, it is not working as it should.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">But we don’t need to reimagine federalism. We just need our leaders to do their jobs.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">And we need everyone pulling together on a national plan, wherever it originates from, because it will need to be built on clear, common, fundamental principles.</span></p>
<p class="clear"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">A national plan needs to articulate the things that are most important in our pandemic response. That involves a set of easily understood principles and objectives that are public, based on our national and community values, and can win public support. These, in turn, will help explain many of the decisions and choices that are underpinned by those principles. Call those principles and objectives the rock on which the entire foundation of our approach rests.</span><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </strong></p>

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<h3><strong>Principles for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
I’ll take a shot, and say those principles are something like the following:

<strong>1. This is a national emergency that requires a national response, and the prime ministers, first ministers, mayors/councils and Indigenous leaders are in charge</strong>

This is a given, maybe, but do we have a national response?

Too often our political leaders point fingers at each other, or say simply that they are “following best advice” of public health leaders, without (a) giving a full public accounting of what that advice is; (b) acknowledging that public health leaders get their authority from political leadership; or (c) admitting that the biggest decisions — around funding, lockdowns, and allocation of resources towards the greatest needs — are political.

Perhaps more importantly, without this level of solidarity from political leaders, we just won’t be able to do the politically difficult work of demanding similar levels of solidarity of our populations, and making life a bit harder for some who feel they deserve to have their economic livelihood entirely untouched.

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<strong>2. The most at-risk populations deserve the most attention</strong>

This, too, ought to be obvious by now, but have we aggressively directed our resources this way? Do we have sufficient shutdowns of indoor public places to protect at-risk populations? Do we have paid sick leave policies guaranteed beyond the current (and time-limited) $500 a week under the national Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit? Do we have enough supports for small businesses — not typically defined as at-risk, but clearly under existential threat — so they know we are all in this together?

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<strong>3. We need to solve for families, for the heart, and for a holiday</strong>

Public policy is not good at emotion, though politicians are often good at emoting. Public policy solutions for families, for the heart, for a holiday would recognize the profound human need to connect safely. These policies would have us collectively plan and set goals for when we can gather indoors in smaller family units — with whatever inventive approaches that might require. These policies would create new holidays and intersperse them across 2021 by region. And they would bring all the resources available to help bring a sense of connection to the lonely, to allow people to grieve, and to start to bring justice for those who have lost loved ones.

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<strong>4. Otherwise, we need the maximally protective measures in place until the vaccine is here. All defaults, questions and exceptions to our policy positioning should receive a full airing and debate. But when in doubt, err on the side of maximally protective measures and the three principles above.</strong>

This is the cold reality of pandemic response, at least as we know it now with high community transmission.

Based on these four principles, we need a set of public policy and funding approaches, guided by the latest evidence on pandemic spread and policy effectiveness, that (a) virtually eliminate community transmission and (b) can win public support. The plan must last not just a month, but get us through the next six months, all the way through to a period when the vaccine is being distributed in sufficient quantities across the country that community spread has abated.
<h3><strong>Policies for a national crisis response</strong></h3>
Those policies could look something like the following:

<strong>1. Keep only the most important indoor work and living spaces open</strong>

This means that public schools and childcare centres should be the last frontier for institutional closure; that we should target long-term care, and any other in-person caregiving settings, for the greatest security, connectivity and testing-and-tracing measures; and that we should, as a corollary, relax the policing on some contacts and lower-risk outdoor activities that we need to be well and happy.

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<strong>2. Provide support and ensure fairness</strong>

We have some, but not all, the policies in place to do this. To be consistent with our principles above, adequately supporting and resourcing schools, childcare and long-term care isn’t enough. We need to resource the rest of the health-care system, including with new surges of human resources to make sure other lives aren’t lost needlessly. And we need to ensure income and sectoral support for the people we are asking not to work — indeed, enough of those targeted and broad supports to reassure them that their sacrifice is manageable and time-limited. None of this works without sufficient paid sick-leave policies and benefits for those who must work.

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<strong>3. Plan for the next set of problems and issues</strong>

We need to debate and engage on a second, just as aggressive, set of plans. This next phase is the transition to the hoped-for return to normal when the vaccine starts to become widely available, but which will in turn require public health, public policy and political measures. Those measures could be just as controversial as the ones that have been required for the previous and current shutdowns. They’ll involve choices around who gets the vaccine first, how to deal with misinformation about the vaccine, and how to rectify the way in which we created — reluctantly, inadvertently or intentionally — winners and losers during the pandemic.

They’ll involve considerations around vaccine certification and immunity passports. They’ll involve continued testing and contact tracing, because we will continue to need it to re-open workplaces.

If we are solving for loss, for grief, for the need to restore connection, then we need to start planning now to rebuild devastated sectors, and rebuild human capital in all of those whose education was interrupted, or whose careers or connections to the workforce were knocked off track. And again, we will need to target supports to the neediest sectors and the people with the most to lose if they are not connected to economic opportunity.

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<strong>4. Demonstrate that we’re all in this together</strong>

The Atlantic provinces have already demonstrated, for a time, that they can do this, and they reaped the benefits. And it would be naïve to think that it was only the border closure or the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-atlantic-bubble-covid19-1.5625133" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Atlantic Bubble</a></span><span> </span>that protected them — their co-ordinated policies within the bubble also made a big difference.

Political leaders could go further though an intense, war-time level of co-operation. New Brunswick demonstrated this by bringing its opposition party leaders into the regular decision-making process with the premier. There was some outside rationale for this measure, as that government had a minority — but so does our current national government. While such attempts might fall short of a “government of national unity,” as we had during the First World War, there’s a strong case for a level of engagement and co-operation, with daily briefings of opposition leaders and co-operation on the construction and roll-out of the plan. A further necessary measure would be similar measures in provincial capitals.

A supplement to this must be much more regular First Ministers’ Meetings, on a public schedule, to check against progress, to update them on preparations for the work to come, and to check on the solidarity that is required; and regular meetings with municipal leadership, municipal organizations, and Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit governments, again on a public schedule.

Some revenue-raising and power-dispersing measures may be necessary. These are, transparently, more important for public support for the full set of measures, not because they contribute in a significant way to the bottom line of the effort. These policies need to be implemented and communicated because shared sacrifice is part of the foundation for dealing with this in a co-ordinated way, and it’s been the basis for success in responding to past national emergencies.

Shared sacrifice does not mean equal sacrifice. But many small businesses and frontline workers (in health care and retail, in particular) observe that sacrifice is not being shared, and are rightly questioning pandemic response measures at a result. All Canadians should be prepared to make sacrifices, and we should use public policy tools to help them get there.
<h3><strong>We can do this</strong></h3>
We have resources to set a new course and do it quickly. Public support is ready to attach itself to the maximum set of confidence-producing measures, even if they produce some immediate additional hardships. Our ingenuity and the fundamental resilience of much of our infrastructure also present advantages. So, too, does our robust public square, in which people and institutions that have proven to be right have had a clear chance to make their case. Their solutions remain on the table. We’ve adopted some of them. It’s not too late to pick them all up, stitch them together and hold to them for the medium-term.

Exponential increases of COVID-19 mean not only more cases, but an ever-faster increase in the rate of cases. Today’s delay in bringing forward a national plan is more costly than yesterday’s delay. And every day of delay or half-measures decreases trust — trust which can plummet at rates almost as exponential as the virus’s spread.

Is there too much to do right away? Yes, though we’ve known this for months. Politically naïve? Perhaps, but the pandemic has made the bounds of what is politically possible pretty elastic.

At the very least, as a start, we could start to muster national goodwill through plans that do the following, co-ordinated at the federal level or through other levels of government with the private sector, labour and community sectors:
<ol>
 	<li>Co-ordinated vaccine delivery and prioritization;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated rental market supports for residential and commercial tenants;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated financial system support to locked-down businesses;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated increase in testing and tracing at a common set of institutions across the country;</li>
 	<li>Co-ordinated messaging to get Canadians enjoying the winter outdoors, and the resources and supports they need to do so.</li>
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Let’s start with these efforts, at least, in the next month. Let’s recognize this for the crisis it is, which requires dramatic interventions that build national solidarity. And let’s give our political leaders licence to lead, and not follow, in the months until the vaccine and all of the heroes involved in pandemic response have had the time to do their work.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</span></a></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2020, December 11). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on Bardeesy's article "Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on the photo below to learn more about the Atlantic Bubble</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00/3118553943"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Prince Edward Island"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40646519@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Joe Shlabotnik</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<strong>Additional Readings</strong>:

Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.

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<h1 class="h1"><del><span>Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</span></del></h1>
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<p class="clear"><del><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">JUNE 10, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span></span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info"> <span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span> BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link" title="View all posts by PEDRO BARATA" style="color: #0000ff">PEDRO BARATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" title="View all posts by WENDY CUKIER" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">WENDY CUKIER</a></span> AND <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" title="View all posts by ANDREW PARKIN" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ANDREW PARKIN</a></span></span></span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This piece is based on survey research </em><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><em>conducted by the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.environicsinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Environics Institute for Survey Research</a></span>, in partnership with the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://fsc-ccf.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Future Skills Centre</a></span> and the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/diversity/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Diversity Institute at Ryerson University</a></span>. </em></strong><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For more details, see the full report: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Widening Inequality: Effects of the Pandemic on Jobs and Income</a></span>.</em></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The COVID-19 pandemic’s devastating effects on Canadians are plain to see. Countless families are struggling to cope with their grief over the loss of loved ones. Hospital staff are exhausted by their non-stop efforts to care for patients in intensive care.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Teachers and students</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are scrambling to salvage what they can from the school year. Business owners and their staff are counting the days until they can get back to work.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">There is one part of COVID-19’s impact, however, that is less visible but no less pernicious: widening inequality. Many Canadians have had to cut back on their hours of work since the pandemic hit, and many others lost their jobs altogether. But underneath the appearance that we are all in this together, the reality has been</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">some types of workers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">have been affected much more adversely than others. Those hardest hit include younger workers, those earning lower incomes, those less securely employed, recent immigrants, workers who are racialized, Indigenous workers, and workers with disabilities.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The numbers from</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/widening-inequality-effects-of-the-pandemic-on-jobs-and-income" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">our recent survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">are stark. Most high-income earners have seen no change to their earnings during the pandemic, while most low-income earners are bringing home even less than they were before.</span></del></p>

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<del>Those working in sales and service jobs are five times more likely than professionals and executives to have lost their job without finding another one. In the case of Indigenous workers, they are 2 1/2 times more likely than their non-Indigenous counterparts to have become unemployed. Recent immigrants, and immigrants who are racialized, are among those more likely to have seen a drop in earnings due to the pandemic.</del>

<del>The situation for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">younger workers</a></span><span> </span>is especially challenging. Half of the 18- to 24-year-olds in the labour force became unemployed or had their hours of work reduced as a result of the pandemic. Many are now experiencing a prolonged and anxious transition period between the completion of their education or training and the start of the careers.</del>

<del>Certainly, the lifting of restrictions and the re-opening of businesses will help everyone, rich and poor alike. But those hardest hit by the pandemic will not be jumping back in where they left off. They will be starting even further behind than they were before. The gaps between higher and lower earners, between those with more and less work experience, and between those more and less accepted in the workplace will have widened.</del>

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<del>However, these growing divides can be easily narrowed again if employers choose to make this part of their recovery strategy. Young graduates entering the workforce with year-long gaps in their resumes can be<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/introducing-fast-start-a-hiring-challenge-to-employers-in-public-policy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">given a chance</a></span>. The same is true for newcomers with limited Canadian work experience. Employers can search out employees with mobility restrictions as part of their new openness to having staff work from home.</del>

<del>Deepening the diversity of workplaces and breaking down barriers to inclusion can be put on the front-burner, not relegated to the list of things to get around to only once things are “back to normal.” Recovery and reconciliation can be twinned.</del>

<del>None of these steps should be seen as charitable; they can be self-interested measures to strengthen performance. Employers who make it a priority to combine their re-opening with more inclusive and innovative hiring practices will tap into deeper and more diverse talent pools that will drive their businesses forward. Never has the stage been better set for a win-win scenario. The alternative — a tunnel-vision recovery which leaves until later the challenge of reversing widening inequality — can only mean missed opportunities for everyone.</del>

<del>As the rate of vaccination increases and the number of COVID-19 cases finally falls, we can start to think about an economic recovery. But any economic recovery worthy of its name should begin with making sure these Canadians who have been hardest hit by the pandemic-induced recession don’t fall even further behind.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Pedro-Barata-2-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/pedro-barata/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Pedro Barata</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Future Skills Centre.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/wendy-cukier/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Wendy Cukier</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the founder and academic director of the Ted Rogers School of Management’s Diversity Institute.</span></em></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/andrew-parkin/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">Andrew Parkin</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the Environics Institute for Survey Research.</span></em></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Barata, Cukier, and Parkin's article "Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery"</strong>:</del>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>796</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:11:05]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:11:05]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:34:25]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:34:25]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v10-allarticlesurlsquizzestitles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647264865]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-1-pandemic-control-basics-v10-allarticlesurlsquizzestitles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[• "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare"]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=812</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 19:28:41 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=812</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Guppy-School-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare-Art3-ScreenShot-300x91.png" alt="Article title-School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare" width="913" height="277" class=" wp-image-762" />
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></div>
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<article id="post-1097" class="page-body style-light-bg post-1097 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-children-youth-education tag-fpr-original">
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For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">educating children while maintaining public health</a></span>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">keeping schools open</a></span><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a></span><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child abuse</a></span><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a></span>.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Federal consultations</a></span><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shelters, transition houses and social services</a></span><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">economic downturns</a></span><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">high unemployment</a></span><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a></span>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increased substance use</a></span><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">commonly seen in caregivers</a></span><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">32 per cent of referrals</a></span><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">has a legislated duty</a></span><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">trained and reminded</a></span><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">cases are closed</a></span><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a></span>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

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<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a></span><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">support positive child development and resiliency</a></span><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unique role to play</a></span><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a></span><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">exacerbated impact</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about Children's Aid Societies</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06/48931986626" style="color: #0000ff">"Children's Aid Society"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">edenpictures</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>812</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 14:28:41]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 19:28:41]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:16:09]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:16:09]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647263769]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Introduction]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/front-matter/introduction/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?p=4</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[What are the health, economic, and social policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic?

How did these choices arise?

What comes next?

COVID-19 has sparked rapid policy responses to gaps in our social, economic and political foundations. The learnings from this crisis, and the solutions to help Canada rebuild, need to be captured as it plays out in real time.

<strong><em>Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better</em></strong> is an interdisciplinary virtual learning experience about the Canadian policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, and the debate around whether, and how, to “build back better” — to use the occasion of the pandemic to bring in other fundamental policy reforms.

You will learn the economic and social impacts of, and responses to, COVID-19 in Ontario and across Canada — as well as the ideas, tools, and skills available for each of us to shape the recovery.

Together we will explore a variety of topics:
<ul>
 	<li>how long-term and temporary income support programs provided assistance for basic living expenses and helped prepare individuals for finding work;</li>
 	<li>what gaps and perspectives are missing in the health and healthcare system to help us understand the transmission and spread of infectious diseases such as COVID-19 and SARS;</li>
 	<li>what we need to do to help people inform themselves and not be misled; and</li>
 	<li>whether Canada should, or even can, radically rethink some of its policies coming out of the pandemic.</li>
</ul>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>4</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-12-09 15:15:41]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-12-09 20:15:41]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[open]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[introduction]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="category" nicename="uncategorized"><![CDATA[Introduction]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Authors]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/authors/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/authors/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>7</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[authors]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Cover]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/cover/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>8</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[cover]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Table of Contents]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/table-of-contents/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/table-of-contents/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>9</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[table-of-contents]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[About]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/about/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/about/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>10</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[about]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Buy]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/buy/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/buy/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>11</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[buy]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Access Denied]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/access-denied/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/access-denied/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>12</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[access-denied]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>0</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[Book Information]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?metadata=book-information</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?p=16</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>16</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-03 10:05:50]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 15:05:50]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[book-information]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[metadata]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="license" nicename="cc-by-nc"><![CDATA[CC BY-NC (Attribution NonCommercial)]]></category><category domain="contributor" nicename="zijun-li"><![CDATA[Zijun Li]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_language]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[en]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_cover_image]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2022/03/Ch2.Health-Cover-WithRLLLogo-CAPS-v2.png]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_primary_subject]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[JPP]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_publisher]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership Lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_publisher_city]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Toronto]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_publication_date]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646006400]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_copyright_holder]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Ryerson Leadership Lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_book_license]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[cc-by-nc]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_short_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Pandemic Public Policy]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_about_140]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better is an interdisciplinary virtual learning experience about the Canadian policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_about_50]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better is an interdisciplinary virtual learning experience about the Canadian policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, and the debate around whether, and how, to “build back better” — to use the occasion of the pandemic to bring in other fundamental policy reforms.]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_about_unlimited]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[What are the health, economic, and social policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic?

How did these choices arise?

What comes next?

COVID-19 has sparked rapid policy responses to gaps in our social, economic and political foundations. The learnings from this crisis, and the solutions to help Canada rebuild, need to be captured as it plays out in real time.

<strong><em>Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better</em></strong> is an interdisciplinary virtual learning experience about the Canadian policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, and the debate around whether, and how, to “build back better” — to use the occasion of the pandemic to bring in other fundamental policy reforms.

You will learn the economic and social impacts of, and responses to, COVID-19 in Ontario and across Canada — as well as the ideas, tools, and skills available for each of us to shape the recovery.

Together we will explore a variety of topics:
<ul>
 	<li>how long-term and temporary income support programs provided assistance for basic living expenses and helped prepare individuals for finding work;</li>
 	<li>what gaps and perspectives are missing in the health and healthcare system to help us understand the transmission and spread of infectious diseases such as COVID-19 and SARS;</li>
 	<li>what we need to do to help people inform themselves and not be misled; and</li>
 	<li>whether Canada should, or even can, radically rethink some of its policies coming out of the pandemic.</li>
</ul>]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_additional_subjects]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[MBN]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_additional_subjects]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[KC]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_authors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[ryerson-leadership-lab]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_authors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[karim-bardeesy]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_editors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[dsossi]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_editors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[julie-mai]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_editors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[camara-chambers]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_editors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[stevie-jonathan]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_editors]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[lateisha-ugwuegbula]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_reviewers]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[julie-mai]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_reviewers]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[camara-chambers]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_reviewers]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[raisa-chowdhury]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_illustrators]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[zijun-li]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[H5P listing]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/h5p-listing/</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:19:00 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[patrick.fung]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/h5p-listing/</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<!-- Here be dragons. -->]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>20</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:19:00]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:19:00]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:19:00]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:19:00]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[h5p-listing]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type><![CDATA[page]]></wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky></item><item><title><![CDATA[2. Health]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/part/part-1/</link><pubDate>Fri, 05 Nov 2021 12:53:03 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=471</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_226" align="aligncenter" width="5100"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51902023445/in/album-72177720296700552/"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Illustration-HealthCovid-Artwork10.png" alt="Illustration of health care worker, wearing protective equipment, with COVID-19 particles floating around" width="5100" height="6600" class="wp-image-226 size-full" /></a> Illustration of health care worker, wearing protective equipment, with COVID-19 particles floating around[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>471</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-05 08:53:03]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-05 12:53:03]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:17:27]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:17:27]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[part-1]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[1. Pandemic Control Basics]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/part/pandemic-control-basics/</link><pubDate>Tue, 09 Nov 2021 21:09:51 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=680</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1200" align="aligncenter" width="1978"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51902024300/in/album-72177720296700552/"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/Ch1-PandemicControl-scaled.jpg" alt="Illustration of video game controller being used to shoot COVID-19 viruses" width="1978" height="2560" class="wp-image-1200 size-full" /></a> Illustration of video game controller being used to shoot COVID-19 viruses[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>680</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-09 16:09:51]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-09 21:09:51]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:17:21]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:17:21]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[pandemic-control-basics]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[4. Economy]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/part/pandemic-control-basics-2/</link><pubDate>Tue, 09 Nov 2021 21:10:55 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=682</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51924876747"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/eOPPP-Economy-CdnFlag-1-300x151.png" alt="" width="300" height="151" class="aligncenter wp-image-1456 size-medium" /></a><a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51924876747"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/eOPPP-Economy-CdnFlag-1-300x151.png" alt="" width="300" height="151" class="aligncenter wp-image-1456 size-medium" /></a>

[caption id="attachment_1456" align="aligncenter" width="300"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/186991820@N02/51924876747"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/eOPPP-Economy-CdnFlag-1-300x151.png" alt="Illustration of three green Canadian flag with $2,000 in the middle of the maple leaf" width="300" height="151" class="wp-image-1456 size-medium" /></a> Illustration of three green Canadian flag with $2,000 in the middle of the maple leaf[/caption]

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>682</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-09 16:10:55]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-09 21:10:55]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:17:43]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:17:43]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[pandemic-control-basics-2]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>4</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[5. Education]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/part/pandemic-control-basics3/</link><pubDate>Tue, 09 Nov 2021 21:16:09 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=686</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_1462" align="aligncenter" width="2000"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/dinosossi/51899504851"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/eOPPP-Education-School-SkyGrassBellRoofClosedSign-5-e1645984084221.png" alt="Illustration of little red school house with COVID-19 particles floating down onto it" width="2000" height="3190" class="wp-image-1462 size-full" /></a> Illustration of little red school house with COVID-19 particles floating onto it[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>686</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-09 16:16:09]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-09 21:16:09]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:17:50]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:17:50]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[pandemic-control-basics3]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>5</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 3-Economy (v8-FullArticles,URLsQuizzesTitles)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=831</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 20:03:57 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=831</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<hr />

<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Economy I – Class Readings/Media</strong>:</span>
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Economy-Walcott-Race-based-COVID-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action-Art1-ScreenShot-300x103.png" alt="Article title-Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action" width="912" height="313" class=" wp-image-752" />
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<p class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></p>

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<h3 class="h3 font-weight-400"><span>Published as part of a collaboration between <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.tvo.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO.org</a></span> and First Policy Response</span></h3>
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COVID-19 has brought urgency to calls for disaggregated data collection in the Canadian public sphere, and particularly for race-based data collection. The demand for race-based data is premised on the idea that, once the data has been collected, it can inform policy decisions that will alleviate the suffering experienced by the racial groups most affected by the pandemic. The collection of raced-based data in Canada and its most populous provinces has been a matter of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.allianceon.org/news/Letter-Premier-Ford-Deputy-Premier-Elliott-and-Dr-Williams-regarding-need-collect-and-use-socio" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ongoing</a> <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/mobile/quebec-to-collect-data-on-race-economic-status-of-covid-19-patients-director-of-public-health-says-1.4927486?cache=yesclipId104062?clipId=104069" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">debate</a></span>. The establishment argument has been that race-based data was neither required nor needed since everyone should be treated the same. Of course, the reverse is closer to the truth.

But there is a hard truth about data collection— and about race-based data collection in particular: there is a significant gap between the collection of data, the formulation of policy ideas and options, and the implementation of policies that might stem the negative impact of COVID-19.

Disaggregating data — breaking it down by demographics such as race, age, gender, or location — allows us to tell a story of how a given phenomenon is unfolding and the different ways in which it affects different communities or populations.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pqwchc.org/open-letter-a-call-for-justice/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The calls</a></span><span> </span>for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/road-ahead-covid-data-lack-race-ethnicity-1.5841150" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">race-based data</a></span><span> </span>in Canada have come from a belief that telling the story of how race affects various phenomena will contribute to good policy-making.

So far, the data has been telling a dramatic story. In places where race-based data has been collected, it is clear that COVID-19 is ravaging Black, Indigenous, racialized, and poor communities at rates not commensurate with their proportion of the population. For example, in Toronto, Canada’s most multicultural and multiracial city,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">14 per cent</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 cases are among Black people, who make up only 9 per cent of the population. Overall, people of colour make up 77 per cent of cases.

Even more difficult to contend with is the data showing that people working in what have been deemed essential services, many of them non-white, are more exposed to the coronavirus. And, further, the people they come into contact with — their family members, especially — have been exposed to the virus, too. We have begun to recognize that already marginalized, low-waged, essential workers in long-term-care homes, factories, delivery services, warehouses, supermarkets, and other highly racialized labour forces were<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/covid-19-hotspot-brampton-ont-chronically-underfunded-in-community-health-services-local-advocate-says-1.5823815" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significantly exposed</a></span>.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected.</em></div>
<span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">But even though the data has given us significant information about the populations most affected by the coronavirus, we still do not seem to have good policies meant to impede the impact of the virus on these populations. Rapid and mobile testing have been delayed in some low-income, highly racialized communities, but it is far from systemic. In Ontario, paid sick days remain elusive even though we know that low-income wage earners could benefit from it in a pandemic. And when we learned from other places, such as</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31016-3/fulltext" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">China</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">and Taiwan, that isolation centres would benefit those living in congregate settings or families living in cramped housing, cities like Toronto were slow to act. Toronto’s first isolation centre was opened</span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/news/torontos-covid-19-voluntary-isolation-centre-officially-opens" role="link" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">six months into the pandemic</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial">.</span>

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Collecting race-based data is a policy decision, but it does not guarantee that good policy decisions will follow from the data that is collected. For example, Toronto mayor John Tory often repeats the phrase “evidence-based decision making,” yet the city has not taken the lead in pushing the Ontario government to implement paid sick days, which would make a significant difference to the non-white communities experiencing the brunt of the pandemic.

Collecting data does not mean change: it simply means information has been gathered, maybe collated, maybe even used to tell a story. COVID-19 has shown us that the evidence we gather through race-based data collection also has to meet those in authority who have the will and desire to use that data as the basis of decisions that change life for the better. We must be clear, then, that collecting data is not an end in itself: further work is needed to make something happen, and that work is political work.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="51" height="51" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Rinaldo-Walcott-scaled-e1614124936566-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Rinaldo Walcott" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rinaldo Walcott</span></a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/data/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-258 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">DATA</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/equity/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-257 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/race/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-256 tag-link-position-4" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">RACE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/tvo/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-260 tag-link-position-5" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TVO</a> </span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Walcott's article "Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</span>'s article"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about sick leave</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03/12178605035"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Mental Illness"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/66143513@N03" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Alachua County</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Economy I – Class Readings/Media</strong>:</span>
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>
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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Economy-Boessenkool-Year-End-QA-Ken-Boessenkool-on-income-support-Art2-ScreenShot-300x97.png" alt="Article title–Year-End Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support" width="909" height="294" class=" wp-image-753" />

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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></div>
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<em>With 2020 drawing to a close, we reached out to some of our first FPR contributors to ask them to look back on what they wrote in the early days of the pandemic and reflect on what’s happened since then.</em>

<em>Ken Boessenkool’s<span> </span></em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/cheques-for-all-but-just-for-now-boessenkool/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>original piece about emergency income support</em></a></span><em><span> </span>ran on April 5, 2020. You can see the rest of our Q&amp;A series </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://staging.policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>here</em></a></span><em>.</em>

<strong> </strong>

<strong>Q: Why did you think federal income support was a policy priority at the beginning of the pandemic? Do you still feel that way? Why or why not?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>A huge number of Canadians were losing income at a rapid rate. It was clear that they would need rapid income support and that existing programs were unfit to deliver on the scale and breadth that would be required.

My view on that has not changed because the government did, if not precisely what I recommended, then certainly something consistent with it. They put in place an easily accessible program that replaced income across the wide swath of Canadians who lost income.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: You called for a Crisis Basic Income of $2,000 for all Canadians who filed an income tax form in 2019, to be clawed back on next year’s tax form. What actually happened?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>The government did not do exactly what I recommended. But they came close. The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was given on a “trust but verify” basis where “verify” meant that next year’s tax form would be the opportunity to collect any overpayments.

The government actually managed to deliver a more targeted and application-based program much more quickly than I (and many others) thought possible. I believe I was the first to propose $2,000 per month so I was pretty surprised when the CERB proposed precisely that amount.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: What expectations about the pandemic did you have that contributed to your recommendations? Did they come to pass?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>There were worries about the administrative ability of the federal government to deliver a targeted program like CERB. That was one of the primary reasons why I proposed a universal benefit. In the earlier days of CERB, the repeated modifications to the program to address people that were missed, plus the much delayed and weaker rollout of the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), suggested that concerns about administrative capacity and delays in delivering benefits may have been justified.

In the end, the CERB was an astounding success overall, and it turned out those worries were misplaced. But had the CERB rolled out as poorly as the CEWS program, we would all be wishing that the government delivered a universal Crisis Basic Income instead of trying to deliver an application-based and more targeted CERB.

All of that is another way to say that, at least when it comes to CERB, the government far exceeded my expectations. Which in this case is a very good thing.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: If the policy approach you recommended was pursued, how do you think it has worked out? If not, how do you think it would have compared to the approach that was eventually pursued?  </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>I think if the government would have rolled out a universal Crisis Basic Income in those early months and then used some time to get the other programs (CERB, CEWS and others) better designed and targeted, we would have potentially avoided some of the early pitfalls and redesigns of the CERB.

It would have been more expensive than what actually rolled out, and non-tax filers would still have needed an application portal to get the universal benefit, but it would have worked fine and perhaps made for a smoother rollout of the CEWS as well as a more targeted CERB.

I don’t think that would have been better than the path chosen by the government, but it was a path with less risks and it certainly wouldn’t have turned out worse.

&nbsp;

<strong>Q: What should policy-makers’ priorities be in this space in the coming months? </strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>They need to do an orderly rollback of the CERB once we get past the second wave and start to get vaccines into a critical number of Canadians. Also, much care will be needed in collecting overpayments, and even potential fraud, from these quickly rolled-out and generous programs.

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<strong>Q: What policy position or assumption did you hold heading into 2020 that has been most challenged by the pandemic?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>That government cannot move big and quickly to deliver income support.

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<strong>Q: Finally, it’s time to share a plug: What’s a new information source, advocacy campaign or group, book, etc., that you discovered this year that you think more people in the policy community should know about?</strong>

<strong>A:</strong><span> </span>First Policy Response was an excellent source of information, as was the C.D. Howe Institute and Max Bell School of Public Policy. But the best is just following all the authors on Twitter where much of this debate played out in real-time. Nearly everything that I (and many others) wrote for these outlets came from an exchange on Twitter. Twitter is a terrible platform, except when it isn’t. And it wasn’t if you were following the right people during the pandemic.<em> </em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><img width="76" height="76" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Ken-Boessenkool-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</span></a> is the </em><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">McConnell Professor of Practice at the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University and Research Fellow at C.D. Howe Institute. </em><span style="font-size: 1em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://kenboessenkool/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 1em"> </span></div>
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<div><em><span style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Admin</span></a>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyresponse.ca/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a></span></span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/individual-income-support/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-2 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIVIDUAL INCOME SUPPORT</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/year-end-qa/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-159 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">YEAR END Q&amp;A</a> </span></span></div>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Boessenkool</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Canadian Emergency Relief Benefit (CERB)</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05/42001216232" style="color: #0000ff">"cheque book"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/157270154@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">CreditDebitPro</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">The political staff who help take care of government during elections</span></del>
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<p class="row justify-content-center"><del><span class="lead">Not all political staff leave to work on the party’s campaign during elections. Some stay behind to help support ministers in their official duties.</span></del></p>
<p class="row justify-content-center"><del><span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</a></span>, </span><span class="meta__date">June 12, 2020</span></del></p>
<del><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Many people gravitate to political jobs because they love the adrenalin of campaigning and are ideologically committed to building support for their party. Predictably, when an election is called, most political staffers take leave to work on the campaign. However, some remain at their desks in ministers’ offices, including in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), in order to support the ministry that continues throughout the writ period.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministerial exempt staff, political partisans who are paid by public funds to support ministers with their official duties, play an important role in maintaining the information flow between the department and ministers as well as ongoing dialogue with the public service during the campaign. In essence, they act as democratic insurance so that even during an election period final government decisions and accountability rest with those who earned a democratic mandate in the previous election. Clear public guidelines for conduct during the campaign are essential for ensuring a smooth relationship.</span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The curtain falls between two worlds</strong></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers are usually MPs and need to run for re-election. Yet, during the campaign, ministers continue to be ministers. Government business continues and they retain their legal authority from the Crown. However, it is not business as usual. The</span><span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">caretaker convention dictates</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> that, when Parliament is dissolved and there is no confidence chamber to hold them accountable, ministers will exercise restraint. Through such self-restraint, ministers show respect for the democratic accountability. They also avoid any perception that the governing party is receiving electoral benefit out of its executive privileges.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">This convention operates in Canada similarly to other Westminster countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Under the convention, routine administration may continue, and ministers must still address urgent and unavoidable matters, such as natural disasters. However, they generally avoid making announcements, commitments or decisions that a new incoming government could not reverse.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The daily rhythm of ministers’ offices changes as soon as the writ drops and the caretaker convention comes into operation. The normally heavy volume of briefing notes from the deputy minister slows considerably. Oral briefings cease. Impromptu face-to-face interactions with departmental officials are less frequent, </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utorontopress.com/ca/off-and-running-4" style="color: #0000ff">as the public service turns inward</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> to focus on planning for post-election transition scenarios. It is almost as if a curtain descends to cut off the two worlds.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Nevertheless, since ministers continue to be heads of their departments, they are entitled to be kept apprised of events within their portfolio since they may be asked questions at any time. Further, they may have to respond to urgent matters that cannot wait until after the election. Examples of such circumstances include international crises, ongoing Canadian military engagements, court rulings, domestic emergencies and high-level negotiations such as the culmination of trade agreements. In these situations, ministers must be kept informed, take decisions and give direction. Therefore, they require political staff who can be trusted to exercise sound judgement in deciding what information needs to be conveyed to the minister and when.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Once the minister is engaged, political staff will often convey the minister’s direction and facilitate next steps if needed. This may mean setting up a telephone call with the deputy minister or, depending on the scope of the issue, with other ministers. Political staff can carry out political legwork with other offices to ensure coordination. Sometimes specific documents need to be conveyed to the minister for signature. This is why one member of the minister’s political staff is permitted to accompany the minister while on campaign yet remain as a government employee. This ensures a constant liaison between the department and the minister, who can receive classified information if needed. Just like colleagues remaining in the Ottawa office, this staffer does not take a full-time part in partisan campaign activities, though proximity to the minister is required.</span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Pivoting to a reactive and defensive approach</strong></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In normal times, ministers’ offices devote significant effort to proactively pushing out the government’s </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/brand-command" style="color: #0000ff">strategic messaging</a>.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> During an election, however, the campaign team assumes almost all responsibility for public messaging. Ministers’ offices, by contrast, adopt an entirely reactive and defensive approach to communication. Their goal is to manage and mitigate risk by identifying potential problems and neutralizing them before they become public controversies. This involves carefully monitoring news stories, including on social media, to identify negative stories that are relevant to the department, gathering background information from the department in order to understand the context, and recommending response lines.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ministers’ offices maintain media relations capacity so that they may deal directly with journalists and answer questions about departmental business. In order to monitor potential issues across government, the PMO creates an early morning process so that each day political media relations and issues management staffers from across the government can flag emerging issues and recommend responsive messaging. These lines will then be communicated to ministers so that they are prepared for government-related questions as they are campaigning at public events.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In a similar way, work in the Prime Minister’s Office changes when the election is called. Political staffers staying in the PMO no longer work with the PCO on managing the cabinet policy agenda or coordinating long-term strategic communication efforts across government. The Clerk of the Privy Council significantly curtails the volume of daily briefing notes to the prime minister, though this may reflect the prime minister’s desire to focus on the campaign as much as a desire to defend the caretaker convention.</span></del>

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<del>The PMO must always ensure that the prime minister is aware of key developments within government. Of course, this includes information in priority areas such as the economy, national security and international relations. However, details vary from day to day. PMO senior staff may speak with the prime minister when required to answer questions and to pass on information that the prime minister needs to know, either in order to ensure smooth governance or to make sure the PM is briefed about government business that may intrude into the campaign setting.</del>

<del>Finally, while interactions between the PMO and the PCO are reduced during the campaign, there are opportunities for dialogue. PCO staff might wish to discuss “transition to government” questions with PMO. If re-elected, what sort of machinery of government changes might the prime minister consider? Is the PM satisfied with the briefing processes in place or could they be improved? Is the prime minister open to revising the publication providing guidelines on conduct and accountability to ministers? Informal consultations on matters such as these may be helpful, though they would be only one-way conversations. For example, PCO can learn from PMO’s opinion on such matters, but should not offer any advice in return on governing after the election, or on matters of transition.</del>

<del><strong>Overcoming obstacles</strong></del>

<del>Sometimes obstacles emerge in the relationship between ministers and their offices and public servants in the lead up to and during the election campaign. Such obstacles are often rooted in a misunderstanding of the purpose and limits of the caretaker convention.</del>

<del>In 2015, Stephen Harper was the first prime minister to make the caretaker guidelines available publicly. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guidelines-conduct-ministers-state-exempt-staff-public-servants-election.html#VIII" style="color: #0000ff">did so in 2019</a></span>. This transparency helps the public understand how government works during an election, and ought to provide more clarity across the entire federal government. In practice, there is still more work to do in understanding when the caretaker period begins, what is meant by caretaker, and where the limits of the convention can be found.</del>

<del>Election campaigns in both 2015 and 2019 occurred in the context of majority governments with a legislated fixed-election date. This meant that everyone knew when the election would likely be held, though not when Parliament would be dissolved. In terms of political activity and public perception, the campaign seemed to extend backwards into the summer. To deal with this, the Trudeau government introduced changes for the pre-writ period to restrict government advertising and limit pre-campaign spending.</del>

<del>These steps, combined with the fact that Parliament was adjourned but not dissolved, could have led public servants in some departments to conclude that ministers were not permitted to operate as usual during the summer. Ministers’ offices had to work to counter this perception by, for example, asserting their entitlement to information and briefings as usual. With the support of PMO and PCO, government operated as normal over the months leading up to the election call. However, additional clarity is needed to ensure that everyone recognizes caretaker restraint only begins with the dissolution of Parliament and not in the period leading up to it.</del>
<p class="dropcap"><del>Who is the caretaker? The answer is consistent with our democratic system of government. While ministers may sometimes choose to delegate more authority to their deputy ministers it is never the officials who act as caretakers or who hold the authority or accountability of ministers. Rather, the government continues to be led by a political cabinet of (usually) democratically elected ministers who, in the absence of an elected House of Commons, act with self-restraint. The ministers are the caretakers.</del></p>
<del>Ultimately, the caretaker convention is adjudicated politically. When to act—or not to act—according to these criteria is ultimately something that ministers must decide, and they are accountable to Canadians for their decisions.</del>

<del><strong>This article is part of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-insiders-view-behind-the-scenes-of-election-campaigns/" style="color: #0000ff">The Insider’s View Behind the Scenes of Election Campaigns</a></span> special feature.</strong></del>
<div class="article-footnote"><del><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/" style="color: #0000ff">submission</a></span>, or a <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/"><span style="color: #0000ff">letter to the editor</span>.</a></em></del></div>
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<del><img alt="Paul Wilson" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Paul-Wilson.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="51" height="51" /></del>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><del><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Wilson</span></a> is an Associate Professor in the Clayton Riddell Graduate Program in Political Management at Carleton University. Formerly Director of Policy at PMO under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, his research focuses on ministerial and parliamentary political staffers. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/paul-wilson/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></del></div>
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<del><img alt="Michael McNair" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/06/Michael-McNair.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="60" height="60" /></del>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><del><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Michael McNair</span></a> holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics and Political Science and from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He was Policy Director for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from 2012-2019. <a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/michael-mcnair/" rel="author"><span style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</span></a></em></del></div>
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<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Wilson and McNair's article "The political staff who help take care of government during elections"</strong>:</del>

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<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Economy II – Class Readings/Media</strong>:</span>
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
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 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>
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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Economy-Greenspon-Economic-shutdown-is-leaving-young-women-behind-Art3-ScreenShot-300x110.png" alt="Article title-Greenspon-Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind" width="908" height="333" class=" wp-image-755" />

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<p class="uncont"><span style="text-decoration: underline;color: #0000ff"><span>https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</span></span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">On a recent Friday, Services Canada updated its Job Bank to include the organizations and businesses that had been approved to receive Canada Summer Jobs funding, including</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://girls20.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">G(irls)20</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last year, G(irls)20 received no more than 10 inquiries about a Canada Summer Jobs position. But this year, in response to our listing, we received 51 emails and two phone calls by the end of the day. A few days later the count was up to 200.Each CV we received shared the story of a young woman’s ambitious plan to earn a competitive degree, balance service-industry work in the process, and compete to join a skilled workforce. If our inbox is any indication, there are clearly more young women out there looking for opportunities that are harder to come by.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">When the COVID-19 economic shutdown began, commentators were quick to identify it as a “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/09/covid-19s-impact-not-recession-but-a-completely-different-economics.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">,” bring attention to the disproportionate impact on</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion-story/9968377-pandemic-amplifies-inequities-faced-by-racialized-immigrant-women/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized and immigrant women</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, and centre advocacy on responsive measures such as</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/2020/05/11/child-care-is-vital-to-our-economic-recovery.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable and accessible child care</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. G(irls)20 joined this chorus and will continue to highlight these needs.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">G(irls)20 works to advance young women in leadership. As advocates on behalf of young women, we wanted to understand how the youngest demographic of working women fared during the first six weeks of Canada’s economic shutdown. Economics data released since the crisis began point to an alarming and untold story of one invisible group of Canadians who have been disproportionately affected by the economic crisis: girls and young women.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">An economic crisis for young women</strong></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">To better understand how young women (15-25) have fared compared to older women and men, we looked at the data shared in the latest</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410028702&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=3.1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force numbers</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">from Statistics Canada.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Widespread and rapid layoffs and furloughs have had a disproportionate effect on youth. In April, there were 480,000 fewer employed youth (15-24, both sexes) than there were a month before. While young women and men lost full-time jobs at nearly the same rate, young women fared worse in the loss of part-time work: 31 per cent of the young women who had part-time jobs in March lost their jobs in April, compared with 24 per cent of males the same age.</span></p>
<p class="uncont"><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Notably, young women and older women have not had the same experience during the first six weeks of this economic crisis. The share of women who lost their jobs was nearly three times higher among ages 15-24 than those 25 and older. These trends do not seem to be related to typical labour market changes between months.</span></p>

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<article id="post-714" class="page-body style-light-bg post-714 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-equity-covid-19 tag-gender-covid-19 tag-fpr-original">
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<strong><img class="alignnone wp-image-719 size-large" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Graph-1024x925.png" alt="Decline in employment by age and sex, March-April 2020" width="640" height="578" /> </strong>

<strong>How did this happen?</strong>

In 2019, a full 95 per cent of employed women aged 15-24 worked in the “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1410002301&amp;pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&amp;pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.2&amp;pickMembers%5B2%5D=4.3&amp;pickMembers%5B3%5D=5.2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">services-producing sector</a></span>,” and more than half worked in either retail or in accommodation and food services. These are the young women who are assembling our salad bowls, folding our rejected t-shirts in H&amp;M, and serving up our cold pints. They are at the bars and malls, which for the most part continue to be shut down. Young women have been an invisible casualty of this crisis. They were the first to be sent home in March and, as some of the most public-facing workers in our economy, will likely to be the last to return to work.

Even worse, this data does not take into account the huge number of young people who had summer jobs lined up and have either lost hours or lost their job altogether. In a Statistics Canada crowdsourcing survey of more than 100,000 students between April 19 – May 1, 48 per cent of those who had a job lined up said they had<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2020032-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">lost their job or been temporarily laid off</a></span>, and another 26 per cent said they were working reduced hours. While youth will immediately feel the loss of income, they might not immediately see what effect it has on their early careers, as they try to build valuable leadership skills that will set them up for future employment.

We already know that young women are not paid as much as young men. A Girl Guides of Canada study,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.girlguides.ca/WEB/Documents/GGC/media/thought-leadership/girlsonjob/GirlsOnTheJobRealitiesInCanada.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Girls on the Job: Realities in Canada</em></a></span><em>,<span> </span></em>looked at the youngest demographic of summer workers (15-18) in the summer of 2018 and discovered a $3/hour pay gap across gender. Deepening the existing gender pay gap, young women have now lost part-time work and part-time hours at a greater rate than young men, and the sectors in which they work will be the last to return to full employment. Without intervention, this trend could send Canada backwards on our push for gender equality in the economy.

As G(irls)20 works to gather more stories and data about young women’s employment during this crisis, we can already identify three critical areas for intervention:

<strong>1. We must ensure education is not disrupted</strong>

Since the 1990s, Canadian women have made impressive gains in education, leading males in graduation rates from post-secondary education, although<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2019/10/Unfinished%20Business.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">significant barriers persist</a></span><span> </span>for Indigenous women and women living with disabilities. The gender pay gap has narrowed, if frustratingly slowly, from 38 per cent to 22 per cent in the past 40 years – though, again, racialized women continue to make only 84 cents on the dollar of non-racialized women. Young women are the critical ingredient to achieving gender equality in the workforce in our lifetimes. Investments in their ability to complete post-secondary education and compete for jobs in the future of work is critical to ensuring they aren’t left behind, and that Canada does not backslide on the progress we’ve made.

How concerned should we be? In the same<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00016-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada survey of students</a></span>, 44 per cent were very or extremely concerned about their ability to keep up with their current expenses, nearly half (46 per cent) were concerned about their ability to pay next term’s tuition, and 43 per cent were concerned about paying for next term’s accommodations. Many students may have no choice but to drop out of school. Unfortunately, gender and other intersectional data was not made available for this survey.

One way to ensure students – and young women in particular – do not lose ground on their education is by ensuring the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB) and Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) are not wound down before the services-producing sector, and in particular retail and accommodations/food services, are running closer to their previous capacity. As emergency benefits are phased out or restricted to certain sectors, it is important that young women and the sectors in which they work receive support in line with their vulnerability and the hit they have taken.

Secondly, to ensure young women are able to return to school – whether or not their employment has resumed – we need re-investments in student grant programs. Increasing the availability of loans is not sufficient, as women are disproportionately burdened with both loans and the challenge of repaying them. Women accounted for 60 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/canada-student-loans-grants/reports/cslp-annual-2015-2016.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Student Loans</a></span><span> </span>recipients, and 66 per cent of those in the Repayment Assistance Program for those earning $25,000 or less after graduating. Investing in significant grants to students – and in particular, women – will help ensure young people do not fall further.

<strong>2. We need better data</strong>

We cannot afford to paint young women with one brush. We already understand how intersecting identities have led to different outcomes in our stronger, pre-pandemic economy. To build an equitable gender future in Canada, we need the best data. While the federal government has created a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">centre hosting statistics on gender, diversity and inclusion</a></span>, it has yet to capture the full range intersections and margins of young women’s lives.

Civil society organizations, through their monitoring, evaluation and research programs, are the best positioned to collect stories and data about how marginalized youth and women are experiencing the economic shutdown. We need intersectional, disaggregated data that tell us about the experiences of LGBTQ and genderqueer womxn, Black, Indigenous and racialized young women and womxn, parental status and ability, and much more. We need to understand how, within cities, opportunities are distributed for youth. The international development sector has led the way for open-data partnerships, such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56510/IDL-56510.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Global Partnership on Open Data for Development</a></span>. We’re calling for partnerships between civil society organizations and government to share data specific to how young women and genderqueer youth are experiencing this economic crisis, and to design recovery policies using the best information available.

<strong>3. We need young women at the table</strong>

Finally, to ensure the recovery includes young women and genderqueer youth, their experiences must be represented at the table. As government and civil society groups strike advisory committees and working groups (such as the Ontario Jobs and Recovery Committee, Toronto’s Recovery and Rebuild Strategy and others), it is vital that young women are included and able to advocate on behalf of those who have been shut out of the economy. G(irls)20’s Girls on Boards program is one national program that equips young women to enter these spaces. Youth-serving organizations can play a valuable role in identifying advocates and equipping them to be effective advocates for young women’s economic inclusion.

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</strong><strong>Conclusion</strong>

The hundreds of young women who applied to G(irls)20, like others across the country, have the opportunity to be part of the generation of workers who will achieve gender equality with the end of a pay gap, access to equitable leadership positions, and be able to start a family while doing so. Supporting them through this crisis will go a long way toward helping them achieve these dreams and creating an equitable Canada.

<em>Thank you to Arman Hamidian for research support and Jacob Greenspon for help analyzing the data.</em>

<strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em><span style="color: #0000ff">Bailey Greenspon</span></em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/gender-covid-19/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-18 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">GENDER + COVID-19</a></span> </span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Greenspon</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</span>"</strong>:

[h5p id="77"]

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about women in the labour force</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10101046@N06/3206541859" style="color: #0000ff">"Patriotic Uncle Sam &amp; Rosie the Riveter together, add your own custom message."</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10101046@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Beverly &amp; Pack</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</span></del>

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<del><span class="lead">Our labour supply and what’s holding it back are the biggest hurdles to improving employment numbers. Job-search assistance and training are vital.</span></del>

<del><span class="meta__author meta__author--banner"><em>Policy Options</em> by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</a></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/">,</a></span><span class="meta__date"> June 22, 2021</span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Canada’s employment rate has now nearly fully recovered from its unprecedented drop of 10 percentage points last year, but a gap of 2.5 percentage points remains. As with vaccinations, the “last mile” in our labour market recovery may be the most difficult.</span></del>

<del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Much of the recovery in the employment rate over the summer and fall of 2020 occurred when workers furloughed from their jobs in the initial shutdowns returned to their former places of employment. This process is all but complete as only a small fraction of the workforce is still on temporary layoff. The question we need to ask now is which policies will help close the remaining gap in the employment rate (figure 1).</span></del>

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<del>While it is tempting to reach for the economic toolkit first, it is important we recognize that the economic crisis is first and foremost a health crisis, and that recovery depends most critically on putting the health crisis behind us. As long as customers and workers feel insecure in returning to face-to-face activities and employers face uncertainty about future public health measures forcing shutdowns, the economy will not fully recover.</del>

<del>The best remedy to put the virus and its consequences behind us is clear – boost vaccination rates. As the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/en/data-insights/ieo-2021-03-more-jabs-more-jobs" style="color: #0000ff">OECD stated</a></span><span> </span>in a recent report: “More jabs, more jobs.” As vaccinations provide us with relief from the pandemic, we need to strengthen the public health system to be able to withstand a potential fall resurgence if pockets of unvaccinated populations remain or if a new variant proves resistant to existing vaccines. Even if the probability of such an event is judged to be low, the costs are high enough to justify significant investments in our public health infrastructure.</del>

<del>Canada needs to use the summer to invest in testing programs, including rapid testing, to be able to identify and get on top of any new outbreaks. It should also invest in reducing transmission in public places, schools and workplaces – possibly through improved indoor ventilation systems. Finally, Canada should plan for the possibility that another round of vaccines might become necessary in the event of a break-out variant.</del>

<del>But getting past the virus may be insufficient in itself.</del>

<del>What ails the labour market in 2021? There are strong indications that it is not a lack of demand for labour. In recent months, we have seen a remarkable recovery in job postings and job openings. Data from Statistics Canada’s Job Vacancies and Wage Survey suggest there were 23 per cent more job vacancies in March 2021 than in February 2020. Data from private companies aggregating job postings from online sources suggest that when we get official data through April and May 2021, this upswing will continue and even accelerate. Moreover, the upswing is evident across all provinces, industries and occupations. This suggests to us that insufficient labour demand will not be an important constraint in the jobs recovery.</del>

<del>We find ourselves at a point when labour supply, and factors that may hold it back, become the primary consideration.</del>

<del>Our first concern is that the unavailability of child care will keep parents (mostly women) with young children from returning to work. Indeed, as figure 2 (below) shows, promising employment gains among parents with kids under age 12 are evident in recent months everywhere except in Ontario, where schools have been closed for almost the entire winter. They opened in most of Ontario on Jan. 25, after an extended Christmas holiday break, but have been closed since March 14, and will stay closed for the remainder of this school year. In contrast, schools have remained open for most of the winter and spring in most other provinces. Continued uptake in child vaccination rates is critical to ensure child-care centres can open safely in the weeks ahead, and then schools in September.</del>

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<del>A second concern is that enhanced Employment Insurance (EI) and Canada Response Benefit (CRB) payments disincentivize low-skill workers to search for and accept low-wage jobs. Wage growth seems to have picked up in recent weeks, but earnings in the low-skill sector will often fall short of the EI or CRB benefits available. This implies that this group will, in economic parlance, be elastic in their labour supply – they will respond to changes in the relative economic benefits from drawing benefits as opposed to work. To address this challenge, Ottawa must resist calls for further extensions to enhanced EI/CRB benefit levels and instead focus efforts on increasing the generosity of EI’s working-while-on-claim (WWC) provisions as recommended in a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/transitioning-back-to-work-how-to-improve-ei-working-while-on-claim-provisions/" style="color: #0000ff">recent IRPP analysis</a></span>.</del>

<del>A greater concern, in our view, is the growth we have seen in long-term joblessness. As shown in figure 3 (below), as of mid-May, one-half of Canada’s two million jobless who say they want a job have been without one for more than one year. Moreover, only seven per cent of these people were enrolled in education or training in May 2021.</del>
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<del>There is much evidence indicating that the longer workers are jobless, the less likely they are to return to work and the more likely they are to experience significant earnings losses when they do. This effect reflects a number of factors, but of particular concern now are skill atrophy, loss of work routine and lack of labour market engagement. Long-term or permanent labour market disengagement in this population has high social costs that justify ambitious investments now.</del>

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<del>We also have acute concerns about the pandemic’s effects on Canada’s youth population. Workers aged 15 to 29 comprise 36 per cent of the jobless who want work and 30 per cent of those who have been without a job for more than one year.</del>

<del>As of May, there were 143,000 jobless youth seeking employment for the first time. Closed schools and workplaces have compromised the learning and work experience of young people. Labour market discouragement of middle-aged workers is costly. Youth disengagement is a much more serious problem.</del>

<del>The hope in March 2020 was that in-person work activity would pause for a few weeks, but we would soon press “play” and return to our old jobs. But economies are organic, constantly evolving, and we have now been on pause for 15 months. Workers and consumers have changed their spending habits, living arrangements and found alternative income sources, while employers have exploited opportunities to reorganize and automate. This suggests there may be structural shifts in labour demand, requiring reallocation of workers across sectors and new investments in human capital.</del>

<del>In a recent<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://irpp.org/research-studies/adjusting-to-job-loss-when-times-are-tough/" style="color: #0000ff">IRPP study</a></span>, researchers from Statistics Canada, René Morissette and Theresa Hanqing Qiu, found that three-quarters of Canadian workers laid off following the 2008 crisis who had not found a job by 2010 did not use any of the four adjustment strategies they examined: move to a region with more jobs; enroll in post-secondary education; enroll in a registered apprenticeship; or become self-employed. Among the low-skilled workers, who in this crisis have been most affected, the use of these adjustment strategies was even rarer.</del>

<del>Given this evidence, we see a role for governments to support jobs recovery through active labour market programs (ALMPs) that prioritize labour supply engagement over job-creation.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jeea/article-abstract/16/3/894/4430618?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #0000ff">Meta analyses</a></span><span> </span>of ALMPs show they have larger average impacts in periods of high unemployment, especially when downturns have been relatively short-lived.</del>

<del>First, provincial governments need to step up efforts to intensify job search assistance, counselling and support services, thus providing labour market information for the jobless and incentives to enter work quickly. Evidence shows that these “work first” ALMPs are most successful in producing short-term beneficial impacts after a deep recession. Given the real possibility of widespread labour shortages this summer, these programs offer a cost-effective tool to boost job-creation in the short run.</del>

<del>Second, and arguably more significant, it is critical that structural labour market shifts be monitored and job reallocation pressures supported through “human capital” ALMPs, including private hiring subsidies as well as training on the job and in the classroom. Relative to “work first” programs, these programs can produce longer-term beneficial impacts on workers’ employment rates and earnings. They also tend to have relatively large benefits for women and the long-term jobless.</del>

<del>In this regard, the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/department-finance/news/2021/06/helping-hard-hit-businesses-hire-more-workers-with-the-canada-recovery-hiring-program.html" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Recovery Hiring Program</a></span><span> </span>(CRHP), available from June 6 to Nov. 20, may be especially effective if it is used to attract workers, through sign-on bonuses or for training, for example. Restricting CRHP eligibility to employers who recruit long-term jobless applicants and requiring employers to reimburse a share of subsidies if workers are not retained for one year, would have been a preferred approach in our view.</del>

<del>There is much reason to be optimistic that we will see strong employment gains in the second half of 2021. However, we see risks in complacency. To support a full recovery, we need to ensure workers see an incentive to return to work and that they are supported in their transitions through job search assistance and human capital investments. For our youth and the long-term jobless, who are at greatest risk of long-term withdrawals from the labour force, modest policy efforts now can have big returns on the productive capacity of the economy in the long run.</del>
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<div class="article-footnote"><del><span class="article-footnote__title"></span><em>Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/submitting-a-response/" style="color: #0000ff">submission</a></span>, or <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/letters-to-the-editor/" style="color: #0000ff">letter to the editor</a></span>.</em></del></div>
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<del><img alt="Fabian Lange" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/06/Fabian-Lange.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="48" height="48" /></del>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><del><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Fabian Lange</span></a> is the Canadian Research Chair in Labour and Personnel Economics at McGill University. Since March 2020, he has tracked the performance of the labour market in Canada and the U.S. in the face of the pandemic. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/98813-2/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></del></div>
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<del><img alt="Mikal Skuterud" src="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/04/Mikal-Skuterud.jpg" class="author-card__img" width="53" height="53" /></del>
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<div class="author-card__bio"><del><em><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mikal Skuterud</span></a> is a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo. For the past year he has been tracking the labour market impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and its potential long-term effects. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a class="author-card__author-link" href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/authors/mikal-skuterud/" rel="author" style="color: #0000ff">View all by this author</a></span></em></del></div>
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<del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/economy/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2 tag" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMY</a></span>, </span><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/category/policy-making/" rel="category" class="category cat-item cat-item-2841 tag"><span style="color: #0000ff">POLICY-MAKING</span></a></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Lange &amp; Skuterud's article "Unemployment is down, but there are still issues"</strong>:</del>

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<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Economy II – Class Readings/Media</strong>:</span>
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
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<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Economy-Bardeesy-Did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough-Art4-ScreenShot-300x120.png" alt="Article title-Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?" width="910" height="364" class=" wp-image-756" />

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<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The federal government issued three big updates this week about Canada’s approaches to economic and public health policy for the COVID-19 recovery. On Wednesday, </span><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-curbing-emergency-spending-too-quickly-would-be-a-mistake-freeland/?utm_source=The+Logic+Master+List&amp;utm_campaign=c8763bfb5d-Daily_Briefing_2020_October28_1&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_325d5d3b52-c8" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered a virtual keynote speech to the Toronto Global Forum, and </span><a href="https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2020/10/opening-statement-281020/?utm_source=nl&amp;utm_medium=em&amp;utm_campaign=mme_politics&amp;sfi=d952d6cfbfe422b09de00875fd18de0e" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Bank of Canada Governor Tiff Macklem</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> unveiled the central bank’s latest monetary policy report. Meanwhile, Chief Public Health Officer </span><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/corporate/publications/chief-public-health-officer-reports-state-public-health-canada/from-risk-resilience-equity-approach-covid-19.html" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Theresa Tam</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> delivered her annual report on the state of public health in Canada.</span></p>
<p class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Policy watchers had been keeping a close eye on these developments to signal Canada’s policy priorities for the recovery, but there were mixed reactions on whether they went far enough in setting an agenda — including among the FPR team. FPR directors Karim Bardeesy and Matthew Mendelsohn share two different takes.</span></p>

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<b>Karim Bardeesy: Without clear priorities, there’s no real plan</b>

<span>There’s something missing in this week’s trio of reports and speeches from Chrystia Freeland and Tiff Macklem, the lead economic policy-makers in Canada, and Dr. Theresa Tam, the chief public health officer. On their own, they are important pieces of work that sum up the current consensus in their areas, across many countries. But absent other political and policy leadership, they are not enough to guide future decision-making.</span>

<span>Freeland’s speech laid out the arguments for income supports for people and businesses, increased investments in health care, and high deficit spending in a low-interest-rate environment. Macklem’s report laid out the hows and whys of the Bank’s long-term low-interest-rate peg and its bond-buying program. And Tam’s report described the principles of the aggressive public health measures required to contain the virus, and described its disproportionate effects on different populations.</span>

<span>A good measure of policy-making is actually art, not science. That art comes from the confidence — economic or otherwise — that is generated by having a coherent mix of policies founded in evidence, and showing a longer-term commitment to them. That’s what a majority of the public, and those who interpret technical policy-making for the public, are looking for.</span>

<span>(Note that all three institutions — the federal Department of Finance, the Bank of Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada — need to continue to make their work, and the concepts that guide them, more understandable to Canadians. This is a project we support through First Policy Response, and it’s good to see Freeland’s candour and plain-spokenness, and Macklem’s recognition of this challenge.)</span>

<span>But it’s not a real policy discussion to say that interest rates should be kept low for a long time, that we can rely on government borrowing and central bank intervention to sustain people and businesses, that the health system needs emergency investments, or that we will require some sort of fiscal anchor or plan to set limits on borrowing and/or stave off inflation. Nor is it controversial to observe that the health and other effects of the pandemic are being felt unequally across demographic groups, and that policy measures need to take this into account.</span>

<span>That’s not to underplay their efforts or observations. But the economic and public health debates have to be nested in a larger debate about the political and public-policy objectives during this fight. And for too long, too many policy leaders have preferred generalities to specifics.</span>

<span>Take the Bank’s statement that it “expects this growth to be uneven across sectors and choppy over time. Some parts of the economy will simply be unable to completely reopen until a vaccine is widely available, so sectors will recover at very different speeds.” Yes — but which sectors, at which pace? The risk the Bank has identified is real. Policy guidance could help to resolve it.</span>

<span>Charting a path to recovery will require trade-offs. It’s up to politicians and other leaders to more clearly identify those trade-offs, and to prioritize the most important outcomes in the short- to medium-term. Of course, politicians are loath to make specific prioritizations. They’d rather appeal to broadly-based shared sacrifice, or support for frontline workers, or a generalized desire to “flatten the curve.” But none of these generalized appeals can guide public policy enough. And crucially, that results in politically damaging and confrontational debates about edge cases: Why open malls and not gyms? Why gathering limits for stores but not schools? What should we do about Halloween?</span>

<span>We need to know what’s most important, in the eyes of our leaders, with more specifics. Is it supporting as much retail spending as possible, while attending to the most vulnerable populations and neighbourhoods? Is it to ensure that we don’t repeat the spring mistakes in long-term care, and making schools and childcare the last facilities to close? Is it to pay special attention to Main Street, or to artists, performers, trainers and others who make our cultural and physical lives fuller? </span>

<span>It’s time for more public leadership around the specific trade-offs, and around what the endgame is with these trade-offs, on what kind of timeline. Just “trusting” public health officials and the emerging broad economic policy consensus is not a plan.</span>

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<b>Matthew Mendelsohn: Leaving room for flexibility is the smart policy approach</b>

<span>Karim – dude! Why are you so negative? How can you say the government doesn’t have a plan? Sure, there are some details to work out, but the two major economic statements lay out a strategic direction for the government and the country: low interest rates for several years and continued significant deficit spending to support Canadians, businesses, organizations, communities and the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. It is pretty clear!</span>

<span>Yes, there is some vagueness about timing, but that seems appropriate: Why be specific about when programs will shut down until we know when vaccines will be widely available, and when we have no idea about the nature, pace and timing of economic recovery? I like the idea that the government is remaining flexible and will respond in real time to changing circumstances. That is how good public policy should be done.</span>

<span>And yes, some of the programs are still being worked out. The future of the Canada Recovery Benefit is still TBD and the details of some of the programs to accelerate transition to a low-carbon economy are not yet known. But again, that is the right thing to do.</span>

<span>I want the government to get the details for these programs right. I don’t think we should spend the next five years arguing about minutiae but I think the timelines so far have been reasonable. Talk to me again in six months. If we don’t have clarity by the spring, then I’ll be on Team Karim and co-sign your piece.</span>

<span>Now go get your kids ready for Halloween!</span>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="52" height="52" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span>

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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

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<strong style="text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">Quiz on Bardeesy &amp; Mendelsohn's article "Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</strong><span style="font-weight: normal;text-align: initial;font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em">:</span>

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about the Bank of Canada</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00/1007321825"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Bank of Canada"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/73416633@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">colros</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span></del>

<del>MARCH 25, 2021 <span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> | </span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MITCHELL DAVIDSON</a></span></span></span></del>

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<p class="uncode_text_column"><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></del></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><del><em>For an alternative view, read the response from former Liberal policy chief<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</a></span>.</em></del></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><del>As expected, the 2021 Ontario Budget attempts to straddle the line between pandemic management and pandemic recovery. Investments in contact tracing, vaccination rollouts and hospitals help ensure the health-care system can continue to handle the stresses of the COVID-19 pandemic yet to come. That health spending lays the groundwork for a concerted recovery effort in which the government has clearly chosen to put the province’s economic recovery ahead of a quick return to balanced budgets.</del></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><del>The recovery plan is two-fold. First, it must minimize the economic barriers created by COVID-19. For example, the pandemic underscored the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-is-crucial-for-recovery-and-rebuilding/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">importance of childcare to the economy</a></span><span> </span>and brought new attention to its rising costs; those costs are addressed through enhancing the CARE tax credit and direct financial transfers to parents.</del></p>
<p class="uncode_text_column"><del>Next, it must adapt to the realities of economic competition in a post-pandemic world. The new Ontario Jobs Training Tax Credit is exactly the type of policy that helps to embrace that change, helping those laid off or struggling to pursue more resilient careers with higher earnings potential. The largest ever provincial commitment to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broadband expansion</a></span><span> </span>is another of these recovery-focused policies.</del></p>

<div class="textbox"><del><em>The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</em></del></div>
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<del>Tackling the immediate challenges posed in the economic recovery, as seen through measures like these, is where this budget is the strongest. However, it is on the long-term recovery front where the budget falters. In announcing its intent for a new growth plan that will lay out a five-year vision, the government is signalling its intention to think long-term, but not much more at this point. The “plan to have a plan” may be the correct approach as government, rightfully, has been completely preoccupied with the day-to-day impacts of the pandemic, but that still leaves many critical questions unanswered.</del>

<del>One notable question is what this five-year vision will mean for deficit reduction. It is hard to imagine that a government facing re-election only months after unveiling its vision will resist the temptation to announce large new spending initiatives as part of that vision. The vision for growth and the goal of deficit reduction — even if it is a on a nine-year timetable — will forever be at odds. To accommodate for this, expect the government to lay out longer-term spending stretched over a number of years, and to outline higher-level goals that are less tied to spending — such as becoming the province with the lowest regulatory burden or becoming the country’s leader in foreign direct investment.</del>

<del>These long-term goals and policy targets are the next logical step for the Ford government to tackle. The pandemic has upended plans to build transit, fix the administrative side of the health-care system and get energy costs under control. Meanwhile, it has added new urgency to developing policy challenges, like skyrocketing home prices, faster automation of jobs, and growth challenges that come with large-scale demographic changes within the province. Yesterday’s document does not reveal plans to solve these thornier and more complex problems, but it does allow the government to get to a place where it can consider those areas to be priorities again instead of solely focusing on lockdowns and vaccine shipments.</del>

<del>Overall, putting together a framework that lets Ontario think about something other than COVID-19 is an overwhelmingly a good thing.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mitchell-davidson/" role="link"><img width="41" height="41" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Mitchell-Davidson-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the executive director of the StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy and the former policy chief to Ontario Premier Doug Ford.</span></em></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/economics/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-253 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMICS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/ontario/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-266 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ONTARIO</a></span>   </span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Davidson</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</span>"</strong>:</del>

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<h1 class="h1"><del><span>Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span></del></h1>
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<p class="clear"><del><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em">MARCH 26, 2021 </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span><span class="category-info" style="font-size: 1em">IN <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/economic-policy/" title="View all posts in Economic policy" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ECONOMIC POLICY</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/implementation-governance/" title="View all posts in Implementation + governance" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">IMPLEMENTATION + GOVERNANCE</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em"> |</span><span class="author-wrap" style="font-size: 1em"><span class="author-info">BY <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">KARIM BARDEESY</a></span></span></span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">For an alternative view, read the response from former Progressive Conservative policy chief <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</a></span>.</em></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“Show me their budget, and I’ll tell you a government’s values.” Or so goes the adage. It’s a worthwhile lens to apply to the budget tabled by the Province of Ontario on Wednesday.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Does this government value health care? Health-care spending continues to grow at an impressive clip, and not just for COVID-19 response. This budget offers new investments in long-term care beds and hospitals — needed spending that this government had ignored pre-COVID-19, but also investments that the previous Liberal government I served in too often failed to make at the necessary levels.</span></del></p>
<p class="clear"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Whether the government is competent on health care, and whether it values a healthier population — which depends not just on spending commitments, but on the government’s approach to actually preventing and reducing illness — is another question. It was good to see one step in that direction — a planning grant from the province to Ryerson University</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ryerson.ca/news-events/news/2021/03/ryerson-university-receives-planning-grant-for-medical-school-in-brampton/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1616857387239000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEjnSN15GQBa9vRuhDWTIuZ5p-m4Q" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">toward a new medical school in Brampton</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">, with a focus on primary care and population-based health.</span></del></p>

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<div class="textbox"><del><em>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic.</em></del></div>
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<del>In too many other areas, there’s little sign of commitment. Education and post-secondary education were short-changed. Social assistance rates were again frozen. COVID-19 support payments will go to many people who don’t need them, such as middle- and upper-class families. Inequality will get worse coming out of this budget.</del>

<del>Does the government value economic growth? It does not seem to have a theory of how the economy will grow post-pandemic. Most of the economic measures in this budget — job-training tax credits, renewed grants to small business, some other sector supports — are pretty short-term measures. The economic measure with the most foresight behind it might be the expansion of broadband.</del>

<del>And while I’m no fiscal hawk, the growth in debt (especially in comparison to Quebec) creates a concern, with no plan except austerity in the later years of the plan. The best way to reduce debt is with an economic plan. The absence of a plan, or the articulation beyond “a plan to have a plan,” is troubling. Even during a crisis, governments are supposed to do more than one thing at once. Especially when we need some hope about what the economic future will be like.</del>

<del>All in all, this budget is only about the now. Perhaps that’s where Ontarians are at, what the politics suggests. But there’s a public policy opportunity to at least chart a path to an opportunity-driven province, with all talents being drawn on to build back post-pandemic. Ontario did not describe it. Maybe the federal government will have to articulate it instead.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="53" height="53" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</em></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span> </span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-still-a-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Bardeesy</span>'s article "<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</span>"</strong>:</del>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>831</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 15:03:57]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 20:03:57]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:23:57]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:23:57]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v8-fullarticlesurlsquizzestitles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647264237]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-3-economy-v8-fullarticlesurlsquizzestitles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 4-Education (v8-AllArticles,Links,Quizzes,Titles)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=835</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 20:16:22 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=835</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong></span>:
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Various-How-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare-Art1-ScreenShot-1-300x111.png" alt="Article-How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?" width="797" height="295" class=" wp-image-765" />
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></div>
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<span>One of the biggest differences between the COVID-19 pandemic and past crises is that this time, </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#danielle" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">the kids are at home</span></span></a><span>. With schools and childcare centres shut down to prevent the spread of the virus, parents and caregivers have had to find ways to keep their children supervised and educated while simultaneously trying to maintain their own livelihoods — and mental health. The effects of this have been profound for Canadian families of all kinds. After three months, the consensus is clear: we can’t go on like this.</span>

<span>But where do we go from here? How do we get children back to childcare centres and classrooms in a way that supports students and children, educators and childcare workers, public health and the Canadian economy as a whole? We reached out to experts in education, childcare, economics and public health with one question: </span><i><span>“What is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools and childcare?” </span></i><span>Here are 18 answers.</span>

<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnnaB" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji: We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span></a>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#elizabeth" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant: Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Tesfai" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha: We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Jeffrey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer: Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Annie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder: Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Medeana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa: Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#LizS" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart: Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Charles" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal: Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Konrad" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski: Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Corinne" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne: Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Harvey" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof: Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Natalie" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski: What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Linda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White: We need to better value and regulate care work</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Carolyn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns and Alana Powell: Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#BrianD" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema: Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Amanda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday: Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#Petr" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Petr Varmuza: Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</a></span>

<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/#AnneV" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg and Shawna Vander Velden: All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</a></span>

—<a id="AnnaB" role="link"></a>

<span>We can minimize health risks without keeping all kids at home</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/AnnaBanerji" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anna Banerji</a></span><span> </span>– Dalla Lana School of Public Health Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist, University of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>In the months since COVID-19 arrived in Canada, we have learned that this virus targets the elderly and those with underlying health conditions. In Canada, only </span><a href="https://health-infobase.canada.ca/covid-19/epidemiological-summary-covid-19-cases.html" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">seven per cent of children and youth under 19 have tested positive</span></span></a><span>, and less than one per cent were sick enough to be hospitalized. Of the more than 8,000 deaths in Canada, none of them have been children. Basically, COVID is a different disease in children.</span>

<span>Although children have different ways of learning, structured learning at school is beneficial to the vast majority. Children also need the socialization aspects of school. The lockdown has also created a significant amount of stress for children and parents, and school closures have had a great impact on parents’ ability to work. Prolonged lockdown is not sustainable.</span>

<span>Many governments are in discussions about wearing masks, physical distancing and hand hygiene in schools. Hand hygiene is always a good idea, and masks could be implemented for older students and teachers, but it will be impossible to keep younger children continuously distancing and using masks. The bottom line is that when schools open, it will not be possible to contain the virus, and despite the best efforts, children and staff </span><i><span>will</span></i><span> get infected</span><i><span>.</span></i><span> At this point in time it is really about learning to live with COVID-19.</span>

<span>While most children who contract COVID can be expected to have a mild case of the disease, children or teachers at higher risk for severe COVID could turn to online learning. This may also reduce the demands on physical space, which was already a struggle with large class sizes prior to COVID-19.</span>

<span>In the early weeks to months after schools reopen, it will be important to avoid transmitting this virus to high-risk people such as elderly grandparents, parents or teachers with health concerns that would increase their risk for severe COVID. Children would need to be “cocooned” away from these high-risk adults in the first term back at school when there is a higher degree of transmission. However, this initial phase may also lead to herd immunity, making it safer for vulnerable people to return to school as we continue to wait for that sacred vaccine.<a id="elizabeth" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Labour force gender gaps are in danger of widening</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/eplusgg" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant</a></span><span> </span>– Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University</strong></h4>
<span>Health and safety are the paramount priorities in reopening schools and daycare. Beyond this, there are numerous lenses that must inform planning. One of these is gender.  </span>

<span>COVID-related job losses have been borne disproportionately by women. There will be no economic recovery without full-time care, because the workers hit hardest are women. A path out of the “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/2008-vs-2020-whats-different-this-time-around/#paulette" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">she-cession</a></span><span>” is impossible without full-time care and on-site schooling, yet this seems unlikely right now. The Ontario government, for example, is currently considering three possibilities for September: full-time return to school, full-time online, and some hybrid. Indications currently point to a hybrid, so parents should anticipate some level of daytime care and academic support for children in grades JK-12.</span><span> </span>

<span>How will parents, and especially mothers, be affected by hybrid models of school or part-time daycare – not to mention, how they will manage during July and August? Women tend to do a disproportionate share of childcare, domestic chores and family management tasks, including in households where both parents work full-time. During COVID-19, this pattern continued, with remote schooling added to the list. Many of these mothers have also been working, either in or outside the home, and more will rejoin the workforce as the economy heals. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00003-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Statistics Canada</a></span><span> data also show a widening gender gap in self-reported mental wellbeing. Women are faring worse psychologically than men during the pandemic, likely due to worry about the disease and the burden of balancing so much.</span><span> </span>

<span>Worryingly, many workplaces seem to be normalizing business as usual while increasingly strained mothers struggle to do it all. Planning for September must address the challenges faced by working mothers or risk widening current gender inequalities in incomes, lifetime earnings, pensions, career advancement, and much more. A gender lens on policy and planning is always prudent, and in this case it is vital. Part-time care/school is not sustainable for women without additional supports.<a id="Tesfai" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to bring an equity lens to the reopening of schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/SuccessBL" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Tesfai Mengesha</span></a><span> </span>– Co-Executive Director, Success Beyond Limits</strong></h4>
<span>COVID-19 has put on full display the glaring socio-economic disparities that exist and have been further exacerbated by the global pandemic. The City of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, released its </span><a href="https://www.toronto.ca/home/covid-19/covid-19-latest-city-of-toronto-news/covid-19-status-of-cases-in-toronto/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 Toronto Neighbourhood Maps</span></span></a><span> </span><span>which detail cases of the coronavirus by neighbourhood. Predictably, the communities with the highest number of cases are also those that are predominantly lower income, higher density with more social housing, and whose residents perform the kind of essential work that cannot be done virtually. These often-neglected neighbourhoods are indeed the front lines of the pandemic.</span>

<span>As we plan to return to school in September, we should account for the fact that many of our students will have experienced learning loss and gaps in learning while they were out of school. Due to deepening economic, social and health inequities, alongside the education system’s inadequate response to COVID-19, many students have been left behind. These same students still do not have adequate learning resources and </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/only-connect/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">technology</span></span></a><span> to engage in online (a)synchronous learning. The plan for this fall should begin with addressing this pressing reality.</span>

<span>The Ministry of Education has mandated that local school boards prepare for three scenarios: in-class instruction, remote learning and a blend of both. Local school boards are working with the province on how to move forward, but what must be considered are the local complexities and challenges of communities </span><i><span>within</span></i><span> individual school boards. Schooling experiences have always been inequitable whether students live in Northern, rural or urban communities, high-income or low-income neighbourhoods, and of course differences across race.</span>

<span>Equity must be the lens that guides policies and plans to return come September. The approach we take will have to look both ways at the same time: backward to recover learning loss and address gaps in learning, particularly for students whose education needs have traditionally not been met, but also forward to attend to local complexities so that school boards – with the support and resources of the Ministry – are able to provide safe and effective learning environments as we collectively move forward.<a id="Jeffrey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Access to greenspace can mitigate COVID-19 closures for Indigenous children and youth</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/jeffschiffer" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jeffrey Schiffer</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto</strong></h4>
<span>Since the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, we have seen the face-to-face social services Indigenous families in Ontario rely on recede like a wave pulled back into the ocean. With the closure of schools and daycares, the majority of community referral sources for child abuse and neglect concerns have been suspended.</span>

<span>A sharp reduction in community referrals in combination with necessary provincial orders directing self-isolation have resulted in increases in domestic violence, child abuse and neglect. Research emerging from countries further ahead in the pandemic process shows that children and youth are suffering. Anxiety, depression, boredom, difficulty concentrating, loneliness and isolation, and other mental health concerns are beginning to characterize the most vulnerable children within the context of this pandemic.</span>

<span>This is especially true for Indigenous children already impacted by systemic racism and the legacies of intergenerational trauma, and for whom the intergenerational realities of disease epidemics, geographical confinement and inability to access land for wellness within their families, communities and nations make COVID-19 a perfect storm.</span>

<span>At the same time, a well-developed canon of research tells us that designated access to greenspace will not only help mitigate the mental health impacts of COVID-19 in the present, but may play an essential role in preventing a secondary pandemic of stunted physiological development and poor mental health </span><span>–</span><span> particularly in urban COVID-19 hotspots like Toronto.</span>

<span>We must balance the impacts of continued social isolation against the risks of opening schools and childcare centres. In the interest of physical development and mental health, it is critical that we develop safe ways for children and youth to get outside, access green space, and attend school in some fashion.<a id="Annie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Crisis has amplified differences in families’ capacities to support children</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Anniekidder" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Annie Kidder</a></span><span> </span>– Executive Director, People for Education</strong></h4>
<span>For the last three months we have been in a state of “crisis response” in childcare and education, but it’s time to move beyond that.</span>

<span>The crisis has made everyone realize that schools are important – as places where learning happens, vital relationships are built, staff can support the vast array of students, and we can attempt to mitigate the impact of things like poverty, race, parental education and family stress.</span>

<span>Even more importantly, the crisis has amplified the huge differences in families’ capacities to provide around-the-clock learning and support for their children.</span>

<span>Families that were already struggling, struggled more. For students already facing barriers, those barriers became insurmountable. Yes, a component of the inequity was about who had laptops and good internet, but much more than that, it was about which families had the social capital, the privilege and the human resources (flexible jobs that were doable from home, time to spend on homework, more than one adult at home, English as a first language, a university education etc.) to act as nearly full-time supports or teachers for their children.</span>

<span>So what should the post-crisis response look like?</span>

<span>First, we need a Task Force – we need all the players at one table, working together to design a comprehensive, sustainable plan for the next year. Beyond education experts, practitioners and students, the table must also include municipal service providers, and childcare and health experts.</span>

<span>Second, we need resources. If we need more human supports for families who cannot be asked to do more, municipalities must have the funding to hire more staff or improve social services. If we need kids to be in classes of 15, we need to hire more teachers. If students are being taught partly at home and partly at school, teachers need to be supported to work in teams. We must carve out (and fund) time for teachers, principals, and support staff to plan together to ensure that no more students are falling through cracks. And we must listen to the childcare experts – not just about how to keep kids apart, but about how to make sure that kids are still benefiting from all the things that quality early learning and care brings.</span>

<span>There was a massive response at the federal level to the financial crisis brought on by COVID-19. Now it’s time to recognize the human crisis, and provide the policy, planning and resources needed to support children and young people, so that all of them</span><span> </span><span>can thrive<a id="Medeana" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Schools must have adequate funding to keep students healthy</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/SOSAlberta" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Medeana Moussa</a></span><span> </span>– Public Education Advocate, Support Our Students Alberta</strong></h4>
<span>The safety of students and education workers is the most important consideration for the reopening of schools. Public schools deliver so much more than education to our children. Support extends to lunch programs for food-insecure students, assistance for complex learning needs, and counselling services to help families navigate various challenges. COVID-19 has shone a bright light on the crevasses of inequality in our society and that inequality has been deepened with school closures.</span>

<span>Governments have asked schools to deliver more than academic lessons without providing the funding and resources that this enormous task requires. Schools are essential to the functioning of our communities and, as we have seen during COVID-19, to the functioning of our economies. Governments need to provide adequate additional funding in order for schools to implement the necessary safety measures to reopen and continue this essential work.</span>

<span>SOS has outlined safety measure </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.supportourstudents.ca/covid-19-elementary-checklist.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">checklists</a></span><span> for school re-opening. We recommend that parents have a safety tour of schools prior to reopening. This is an opportunity for governments to be transparent about the measures they are implementing to ensure the safety of children and staff.</span>

<span>Recommendations include:</span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>Social distancing measures; desks two metres apart</span></li>
 	<li><span>Minimize hallway time; minimize exposure to multiple classes, teachers and substitute teachers </span></li>
 	<li><span>Face masks and PPE available to staff with clear protocols outlined</span></li>
 	<li><span>Sanitization stations at entranceways, hallways and bathrooms</span></li>
 	<li><span>Dedicated isolation rooms with a nurse for sick students as they wait for pickup</span></li>
 	<li><span>Transparent outbreak protocol and a clear plan </span></li>
 	<li><span>Adequate caretakers and resources to meet frequent cleaning requirements</span></li>
</ul>
<span>Many schools lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate these safety measures. They are often overcrowded, with students sharing lockers and lunch spaces, and there are often only a dozen sinks for several hundred students. Governments have an obligation to ensure the school environment is improved to meet the safety protocols provincial health services have mandated and prioritize the health and safety of children and education workers.<a id="LizS" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers need proper tools to support student learning and wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/OECTAprez" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Liz Stuart</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario government’s announcements about school reopening and education funding for the 2020-21 school year leave much to be desired. Beyond the lack of clear direction to school boards regarding their responsibilities to protect the health and safety of all students and staff, Catholic teachers are most disappointed in the apparent lack of urgency about giving us the tools we need to support student learning and wellbeing.</span>

<span>We all want to return to more normal ways of teaching and learning, but we must recognize that everyone will be returning in September having experienced some level of fear, anxiety, uncertainty and grief. Also, as a result of the inequities inherent in emergency distance learning, many students will be behind in some or all subjects, and there will be greater variability between students than under normal circumstances.</span>

<span>Although we still have not been meaningfully consulted about reopening, our association has nevertheless offered the government a number of ideas about how to address these issues. Recognizing that much time at the beginning of the year will be spent catching up, we have highlighted the need to modify curriculum expectations, and to pause the introduction of the new math curriculum. Understanding the stress that standardized testing places on the whole school community, and that it will be impossible to compare data from next year to previous years, we have called for EQAO standardized testing to be suspended. And given the variety of mental health and learning challenges students will be facing, we have called for significant investments in professional supports.</span>

<span>Thus far, none of these matters have been adequately addressed. Moving forward, Catholic teachers hope much more attention will be paid to the need to create learning conditions that fit these unique circumstances, including real investments in education that match the scale of this unprecedented crisis.<a id="Charles" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Going back to school requires focus on students’ mental health</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CEPascal" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Charles E. Pascal</span></a><span> </span>– Professor, Ontario Institute of Studies in Education &amp; Former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education</strong></h4>
<span>There is a plethora of comments and ideas about how and when schools should open. Most of the advice boils down to the need to follow the public health data, as well as the usual basics including handwashing, distancing (including the need for smaller class sizes) and personal protective equipment (PPE). Proper government funding is key to ensuring these things are in place. This is the easy stuff.</span>

<span>But the most important concern is getting the short shrift: the social and emotional issues that have been exacerbated by the pandemic. The old normal wasn’t working for far too many students who were falling through the cracks of a non-system when it comes to early identification and interventions for mental health issues. Educators, as well, need “resilience” support. The pandemic crisis has exacerbated problems that were there before.  </span>

<span>Few jurisdictions are planning properly for this. It is critical to recognize that educators need support for dealing with their own issues, and they need support to deal with the issues that will arise with many of their students. All this requires proper training from psychologists and social workers well before schools are opened. “Hey, glad you are all back, how was your time away?” will not cut it.</span><span> </span>

<span>Finally, imagining and developing a “new normal” will take time over the next few years to answer questions arising from the pandemic, including: </span>
<ul>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure education is informed by a whole-student approach that recognizes, respects and supports students of varying incomes, diverse identities, cultures and race?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we turn the preschool-through-post-secondary continuum into a force for enabling mental health and wellbeing?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we ensure more effective collaborations among and between parents/ guardians and educators?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we create a renewed curriculum that focuses on creative problem-solving and social competence — a curriculum that moves away from discipline to a transdisciplinary project-based approach that builds on students’ interests and prior knowledge?</span></li>
 	<li><span>How can we develop new, creative and effective approaches to remote learning that work for diverse students </span><i><span>and </span></i><span>educators?<a id="Konrad" role="link"></a></span></li>
</ul>
&nbsp;

<span>Focus on community partnerships and data collection to support students’ wellbeing</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/teachandlearn" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Konrad Glogowski</a> </span>– Director, Research and Evaluation, Pathways to Education Canada</strong></h4>
<span>At Pathways to Education, we help youth living in low-income communities to graduate from high school and build the foundation for a successful future. The students we serve have been disproportionately impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures have increased the already precarious situations of many socio-economically disadvantaged families and amplified existing barriers to youth success.</span>

<span>As they return to school, students will need additional supports to help reduce their anxiety about both personal and academic challenges. They will require personally relevant academic support and guidance, as well as assurance that the academic barriers created by the pandemic are not insurmountable.</span>

<span>When considering school re-openings, we offer the following recommendations.</span>

<b>1) Recognize community-based after-school programs as allies in supporting students who face complex barriers</b>

<span>Community-based organizations possess a strong understanding of the communities where they operate — they understand youth, family and community assets, needs and goals. Partnerships with programs that support youth who face complex barriers can provide insights into the lived experience of young people, including barriers and challenges they faced during the pandemic, as well as those they are likely to face as they transition back into classrooms.</span>

<b>2) Focus on students’ social and emotional wellbeing, especially their sense of personal agency and self-regulation skills</b>

<span>Schools would do well to invest in students’ ability to thrive as individuals and to help them develop a strong sense of agency and self-regulation so they can continue to identify personally meaningful academic goals and develop plans to work toward them. Use of reassurance, routines and regulation will be crucial during this time: creating safe spaces for connection with educators and peers, helping develop and strengthen school-related routines, and support youth in managing difficult feelings and stress.</span>

<b>3) Collect and analyze key data to understand who is adjusting and who needs additional supports</b>

<span>Re-opening schools after a significant period of disruption will undoubtedly focus on assessing student readiness and potential learning gaps, and implementing the supports required to ensure a successful future. All efforts to support student academic success should be carefully monitored and analyzed to ensure they are effective. It is critical that the data and insights emerging from this work be shared with a wide network of those committed to supporting student success. If schools need to again be closed in response to a resurgence of COVID-19, this type of data will also help inform the work of teachers teaching remotely and community programs that engage students virtually.<a id="Corinne" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Parents need more support and clear communication with schools</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/cpayne68" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Corinne Payne</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, Quebec Federation of Parents Committees</strong></h4>
<span>At the end of May, the Quebec Federation of Parents Committees, which represents parents of a million students from all corners of Quebec, consulted parents about the return to school in the fall. An in-depth survey was sent to its 60 regional branches and a social media survey garnered more than 43,000 responses within four days.</span><span> </span>

<span>Everyone was itching to get back to “normal,” ideally with all children back in school full-time.  Barring that possibility, there was clear support for getting 100 per cent of students back to school at least 50 per cent of the time. It was imperative that students with special needs return to school full-time.</span>

<span>Nearly half of parents of elementary school students said they would need childcare services if their children were not in school full-time. Parents would not be able to stay at home indefinitely or balance their work schedules to match the educational system (for example, alternating days or half-days). Likewise, more than two-thirds of parents said they could offer limited to no support or supervision for their children if they were to be at home.</span>

<span>Parents were nearly unanimous that the arts, sports, special projects, social clubs, extracurricular activities </span><span>—</span><span> in other words, school life beyond reading, writing and arithmetic </span><span>—</span><span> must be maintained or adapted to the new reality, these activities being the drivers of perseverance and motivation for students.</span>

<span>Parents also said it was crucial to be prepared for a potential second wave of the virus. The education system needed to be operational from Day 1, with all students equipped with the appropriate tools for learning from home, and work-family balance initiatives must be implemented.</span><span> </span>

<span>Whether a return to normal, a new normal or another period of confinement, parents emphasised the importance of communications between home and school: the need for improved communications that are clear and constant at all times.<a id="Harvey" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>Teachers’ professional judgment is key to supporting students</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HarveyBischof" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Harvey Bischof</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</strong></h4>
<span>The Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF/FEESO) is a strong, independent, socially active union that promotes and advances the cause of public education and the rights of students, educators and educational workers. When we are asked what is the most important thing to consider when reopening schools, we answer: the education and wellbeing of our students. This has always been our mandate and we will not lose sight of it during a pandemic. </span>

<span>Central to everything we do is professional judgment, which is defined as judgment that is informed by professional knowledge of curriculum expectations, context, evidence of learning, methods of instruction and assessment, and the criteria and standards that indicate success in student learning. OSSTF/FEESO’s comprehensive paper, “</span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/SafeReturnforAll-Final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">A safe return for all: OSSTF/FEESO’s framework for reopening schools in 2020-2021</a></span><span>,” outlines that one of the main pedagogical principles to be considered when reopening schools is that educators’ professional judgment should be at the centre of the planning and delivery of the curriculum.</span><span> </span><span>Educators will identify the core expectations required for each course, set realistic academic expectations and identify what parts of the curriculum will be covered in priority order. </span>

<span>Educators have always had to adapt to the needs of the students in front of them (or physically distant from them, as the case may be). This pandemic does not change the fundamental need for the educator to make sure every student is ready to take on the next task or learning outcome. We have always done this, recognizing that students come from a variety of experiences the year before. We are confident that the public will put their trust in us as educators and know that we are professionals with a very compelling mandate – the education of our students. We insist that the Ministry of Education exercise its leadership role and require school boards to respect and support educator professional judgment.<a id="Natalie" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>What school reopening looked like in Vancouver</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ncsadows" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Natalie Sadowski</a></span><span> </span>– Digital Communications Coordinator, Vancouver School District</h4>
<span>It is hard to know exactly what to expect on the first day back to school during a global pandemic. As British Columbia schools have adjusted to the resumption of voluntary part-time, in-class instruction, the Vancouver School District continues to follow the direction of the Provincial Health Officer with respect to health and safety measures in schools. </span>

<span>As part of Stage 3 in B.C.’s Education Restart Plan, families had the choice for students to return to class on a part-time basis for the remainder of the current school year. About 42 per cent of Vancouver families surveyed said they were planning to return and a little under that number attended the first week back to school.  </span>

<span>Students in kindergarten to Grade 5 were offered in-class instruction two days a week. Students in Grades 6 and 7 were able to attend school 1 day a week. For students in Grades 8-12, blocked times of two hours per day were offered and staggered throughout the week.   </span>

<span>The resumption of voluntary in-class instruction helped the district prepare for the start of the 2020-21 school year in September. We are currently moving toward Stage 2 (full-time, in-class instruction), but are prepared for all circumstances, with health and safety being the top priority. </span>

<span>In preparation for the reopening of schools, teachers, support staff and engineers did extensive work to ensure the safety of staff and students – and to make the transition a smooth one for all. In schools, arrows were placed on hallway floors to manage the flow of people. Only staff and students are permitted to come in and out of the buildings, and as they enter, everyone is asked to wash or sanitize their hands. There are designated entrances and exits to help control traffic flow. There are signs posted with informative health and safety tips throughout the buildings, and classroom doors are propped open to avoid contact with door handles. There are also enhanced and frequent cleaning schedules in place at every school.  </span>

<span>While the task of transitioning has not been a small one, everyone across the Vancouver School District pulled together to transform the delivery of education for students.<a id="Linda" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>We need to better value and regulate care work</span>
<h4><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/Linda_A_White" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Linda White</a></span><span> </span>– RBC Chair in Economic and Public Policy, University of Toronto</h4>
When it comes to the choice to re-open schools and childcare facilities, the health and safety of their overwhelmingly female labour force must be taken into consideration.

First, we must avoid the impetus to return to the status quo, with only a small or short-term infusion of cash into the system. The pandemic presents us with the opportunity to fix what is fundamentally broken in the childcare and long-term care systems. We could start with permanent wage enhancements and other benefits to workers who are expected to step up to the front lines and deliver essential care services. We should also vastly expand the system of regulated and high-quality centre-based care – preferably not-for-profit so that monies earned are reinvested in the centres and not the pocketbooks of owners. We need to recognize that care services such as childcare and long-term care are especially vulnerable to market failures and the costs of those failures are tragically high, given the vulnerability of the ages of those in the care of others. We need to fundamentally revalue care work to acknowledge their essential role not just to a functioning economy but to a decent, caring society.

The time is ripe to introduce more, not less, regulation and oversight of these services. While lack of oversight of long-term care facilities has received a great deal of media attention, lack of oversight in unlicensed home childcare (HCC) has gone virtually unnoticed. It boggles the mind that governments across Canada allow a portion of the childcare sector to operate with virtually no oversight and regulation other than the number of children who can be legally cared for at one time. How, for example, can provincial governments communicate important health and safety guidelines to HCC providers they don’t even know about? How can they track outbreaks in HCC settings that have no obligation to report? As colleagues and I have written elsewhere, it is long past time for all provincial and territorial governments to require – at minimum – all HCC providers to be licensed and subject to regular oversight and supports for professional development.<a id="Carolyn" role="link"></a>

&nbsp;

<span>Public investment is needed to build an early learning and childcare system</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/CarolynFerns" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carolyn Ferns</span></a><span> </span>–<span> </span></strong>Public Policy and Government Relations Coordinator, Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care
<span><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/AlanaMarieP" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Alana Powell</span></a> – </strong></span>Executive Coordinator, Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario</h4>
<span>The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the childcare crisis in Canada and created a new challenge. The old market model that we have relied on to provide childcare in this country will not fit back together in our new reality. The truth is, that system wasn’t working well for many and it was past time for change. But now the necessary health and safety precautions to combat COVID-19, including smaller group sizes and additional skilled staff, are in direct tension with the old way that childcare centres used to maintain their financial viability: full enrolment, high parent fees and low wages. </span>

<span>Once we understand the depth and extent of the problem, we must respond in kind. This crisis must force the federal and provincial governments to reexamine childcare and move to a much more public system. Government funding must be tied to system-building.</span>

<span>To build a new </span><span>early learning and childcare (ELCC)</span><span> system, we need the federal government to provide funding and leadership, including an immediate investment of $2.5 billion, that grows year-on-year as the system expands. It requires a national childcare secretariat to organize the system-building work. And it requires national legislation that enshrines principles and goals for the new system.</span>

<span>Three important goals when building an ELCC system must be addressed simultaneously:</span>
<ol>
 	<li><span>Supporting parents in the workforce with enough spaces for all and relief from fees</span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting child wellbeing through trauma-informed programs to help a generation of children overcome the impact of a global pandemic. </span></li>
 	<li><span>Supporting decent work for Early Childhood Educators (ECEs), who will be essential to accomplishing the first two goals. </span></li>
</ol>
<span>ECEs are competent, educated professionals, whose relational and caring work has gone undervalued for too long. But a system that had a recruitment and retention crisis pre-COVID must better address the needs of the childcare workforce in order to successfully reopen, recover and grow. The working conditions of ECEs are the learning conditions of children.</span>

<span>If government investment focuses on meeting these goals, Canada will gain an ELCC system that supports our economic and social recovery.<a id="BrianD" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Diverse families require diverse childcare alternatives</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/BrianDijkema" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brian Dijkema</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-president, External Affairs, Cardus</strong></h4>
<span>As provinces scramble to reopen childcare, the most important consideration should be that diverse families require diverse childcare options. In a</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">First Policy Response Panel last month</a></span><span>, I said, </span><span>“Childcare should be thought of as the care of the child” not something done primarily to help the economy grow. Policy-makers should keep that as a top consideration. As I said then, “the economy should be at service of the family,” not the other way around.</span>

<span>According to Statistics Canada data, most Canadian families access a mix of non-parental childcare options, provided publicly, privately, by family and through civil society. Any federal support for childcare should maintain and enhance that diverse ecosystem of care instead of constraining options in the way the national, universal system some are calling for would. </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11832" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> from Quebec’s experiment with universal state-provided daycare </span><a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w18785.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">shows</span></span></a><span> negative outcomes for children and families. It shifts care from informal arrangements to cheaper options; makes children more aggressive, sicker and less well off; makes parents worse at parenting, sicker, and places serious stress on marriages.</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF03403774" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Research</a></span><span> also shows that higher-income families disproportionately accessed the system compared to lower-income families.</span>

<span>If we want to pursue positive ways of helping people return to the labour force – and especially women, whose return to work is most affected by childcare needs – we need to pursue policy that supports childcare options as diverse as the families it serves. A more imaginative approach would consider childcare as part of a cohesive suite of policies including flexible and generous parental leave, child benefits, and subsidies that would help families navigate their unique needs and lead to the best outcomes for children, parents, the economy and civil society together.<a id="Amanda" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Support small businesses to develop safe childcare options</span>
<h4><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/amandabella" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Amanda Munday</span></a><span> </span>– Founder and CEO, The Workaround Coworking and Childcare</strong></h4>
<span>We must bring innovation to childcare. The decision to return to in-person operations in schools and childcare is nuanced, and the emotional wellbeing of families must be front and centre as we return to these spaces.</span>

<span>The decision to reopen a childcare centre like mine has been excruciating. Owners are being asked to balance health and safety needs, the financial implications for employees, and the threat of losing hundreds of thousands of dollars given the hard costs required to set up a socially distant classroom for young children. </span>

<span>Asking children to wear or not to wear masks misses the systemic inequities facing thousands of families in Ontario and across Canada. Before the pandemic, childcare was already inaccessible, unaffordable and not at all flexible. Years-long waitlists and fees of $2,500 a month per child are the norm in many urban areas. Childcare centres and schools are being asked to reopen at a reduced capacity, to not raise fees and to hold spots from previous patrons, all without government funding to support the losses. </span>

<span>If we do not bring a critical, innovative lens to childcare, the emotional and physical health of our children will be threatened and the effects long lasting, as reported in the recent</span> <a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">guidelines from SickKids</span></span></a><span>. Families need more spaces, not less, and more affordable spaces, not expensive annual commitments. Children need social and emotional support and opportunities for play. Childcare centres and schools are left with the decision to stay open under grave financial and operating conditions, or close and further reduce access for those who need it. We need to support small businesses to create and offer childcare in order to find a way to safely support the needs of young families, especially from vulnerable communities and single-parent households.<a id="Petr" role="link"></a></span>

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<span>Open classrooms this summer for early learning for our most vulnerable children</span>
<h4><strong>Petr Varmuza – Doctoral student, OISE &amp; Former director, City of Toronto Children’s Services</strong></h4>
<span>The summer learning gap that affects all children, and especially those from disadvantaged families and neighbourhoods, is likely to become even more pronounced this year because of school closures and lack of recreation facilities. Meanwhile, school buildings across the country sit empty. The Toronto District School Board alone has between 1,200 to 1,300 kindergarten classrooms – with tens of thousands of classrooms across the country. Those school buildings are public property, held by school boards in trust for public purposes. And they tend to be located within walking distance of people’s homes.</span>

<span> </span><span>Given the current circumstances, provincial ministries could temporarily convert those kindergarten classrooms to provide age-appropriate early learning and child care, employing qualified early childhood educators. While strict restrictions on groups are likely to remain, each of these empty classrooms could be converted immediately into a true early learning and care environment for children ages 4 and 5. This would relieve the pressure on childcare facilities, which could refocus on care for younger ages. </span>

<span>To reduce inequality, as spaces become available, access should be prioritized for disadvantaged children and their families. </span><span>Socially distanced school lunches that provide important nutrition to children could be restored, offering relief to families already under stress to provide appropriate nutrition during those times. And this plan would offer employment to the many ECEs currently furloughed or unemployed.<a id="AnneV" role="link"></a></span>

&nbsp;

<span>All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their mental safety</span>
<h4><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anneke Van den Berg</a></span><span> </span>– Peer Health Worker, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre
</strong><strong><a href="https://twitter.com/ourplacekw" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Shawna Vander Velden</span></a><span> </span>– Lead Registered Early Childhood Educator, Our Place Family Resource and Early Years Centre</strong></h4>
<span>Over the last few months while facilitating Our Place’s “Parenting in a Pandemic” virtual peer support group, we have been using the term “mental safety” to acknowledge that during this period of concern for physical safety, we need to be equally aware of how our mental health is affected by COVID-19. We have seen parents shift from fears of being unable to protect their families from the virus, to concerns about the mental safety of their children, and maybe even more importantly, themselves. The mental safety of all families is at stake when daycares and schools do not open.</span>

<span>In our contemporary world, schools and daycares have become our village. For many families, schools have become an essential part of their lives, and education plays just a part in this. Many families are not concerned about their children’s academics as much as their lack of socialization, and the lack of resources that especially children with exceptionalities need during this pandemic. Schools and childcare centres are places where children learn and practise important social skills, like exploring common interests with peers. Schools also provide families with a sense of normalcy and structure.</span>

<span>As parents, we know our children best and we know what they need. Right now, for many parents the question really comes down to whether fear of the virus outweighs their growing concerns about the mental safety of both children and themselves. All families deserve the opportunity to advocate for their needs, and the need for school and childcare is real, even if they look different in September. While not all families will feel comfortable sending their children to school or childcare in a couple of months, every family should have that guilt-free choice. Parents deserve to put their mental health, and that of their children, first.</span>

<span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Banerji at al.</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about child care centres</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05/4340825219"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Lyme Regis -June 2006 - The Wall - Nice Hat."</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/40837632@N05" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Gareth1953 All Right Now</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:</span>
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Campbell-The-choice-for-education-Change-school-plans-or-face-‘generational-catastrophe-Art2-ScreenShot-1-300x125.png" alt="Article title-The choice for education-Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’" width="797" height="332" class=" wp-image-767" />
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></div>
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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Oct. 5 is</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://en.unesco.org/commemorations/worldteachersday" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">World Teachers’ Day</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">– a time to give special thanks to educators in this highly challenging year. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, says students are facing a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/more-than-1-billion-students-face-generational-catastrophe-due-to-covid-19-un-warns-1.5050481" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">“<span style="color: #0000ff">generational catastrophe</span>”</a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, more than 90 per cent of students have been affected by</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373233" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">school closures</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Students, educators and families have had to pivot to emergency response remote learning and, now, to a range of in-person, online and hybrid learning options in different</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff">education systems</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">.</span>

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In Ontario, the government announced, changed and revised back-to-school plans in the run up to the new school year. Schools and school boards are working flat-out to fulfil the government’s current directives. Ontario’s<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/page/guide-reopening-ontarios-schools" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">back-to-school plan</a></span><span> </span>has encountered many<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.blogto.com/city/2020/09/sickkids-study-ontario-back-school-plan-unsafe/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">implementation challenges and concerns</a></span>. As we enter October, while some students are safely continuing their learning, many students are in crowded classrooms where the recommended<span> </span><a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/class-sizes-2" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">physical distancing is not feasible</span>.</a><span> </span>With concerns about in-school conditions and rising numbers of COVID-19 cases, more parents are switching to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/half-of-elementary-students-at-peel-public-board-opted-for-online-learning-1.5127913" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">online learning</a></span>, which requires further reorganization of classes – including combining grades and collapsing students into larger class sizes, in some cases.  Some online students are only now being<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://toronto.citynews.ca/2020/10/01/parents-frustrated-about-lack-of-online-teachers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">allocated teachers</a></span>.

Already<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/imgrund/status/1312112261599645701?s=20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">one out of of every 10</a></span><span> </span>schools in Ontario has a confirmed COVID-19 case. Families are dealing with students staying home with symptoms and awaiting test results. School staff are becoming unwell.

The current reality is undesirable and unsustainable. Doubling down on the existing back-to-school plan is not going to fix this. It is time for the government to revise its plan and to provide resources to fully ensure distancing on school buses, small class sizes across Ontario, and access to internet and personal devices for all students and educators. These goals are affordable and doable within the existing provincial budget and federal back-to-school funding. We cannot afford to wait.

The decisions needed now are not just about what will happen over the next few weeks. We have reached a fork in the road for schooling and students, and the pathway chosen will affect individual and societal progress for many years. Already the pandemic is having negative consequences for students’ education, including:

<strong>Increasing inequities in learning opportunities</strong>: A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctf-fce.ca/all-is-not-well-in-education/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">survey</a></span><span> </span>by the Canadian Teachers’ Federation found that the students who had the most negative experiences with online learning in the spring were those living in poverty, those with special education needs, and those learning the English language. The impact of the digital divide has become pronounced, with concerns about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://medium.com/@katyn_and_omar/torontos-rich-neighbourhoods-opt-for-in-person-school-8161dc6cc13b" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">inequitable choices</a></span><span> </span>and consequences between in-school and online learning, especially for racialized and low-income communities who have been<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">disproportionately affected by COVID-19</a></span>.

<strong>Impacting learning outcomes:<span> </span></strong>While remote learning continues, school closures negatively impact students’ learning. The U.K.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/covid-19-resources/best-evidence-on-impact-of-school-closures-on-the-attainment-gap/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Education Endowment Foundation</a></span><span> </span>concluded: “school closures are likely to reverse progress to narrow the gap (between disadvantaged students and their peers) in the last decade.” Ontario<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/CPP.39.2.287" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>found that during school breaks, achievement gaps between students of higher and lower socio-economic status increase and can be cumulative over time.

<strong>Declining physical activity:<span> </span></strong>Students<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a7a164dd0e628ac7b90b463/t/5ed9a6650573f2471b091a5b/1591322234695/COVID-19+CHILD+AND+YOUTH+WELL-BEING+STUDY-+TORONTO+PHASE+ONE+EXEC+REPORT.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">report</a></span><span> </span>being less physically active. It is important for children’s physical, cognitive, social and emotional development to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pasisahlberg.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ICP-Talk-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">play</a></span><span> </span>and spend time outdoors. Extra-curricular opportunities and after-school clubs support students’ interests and engagement, yet availability of these activities is at risk.

<strong>Deteriorating mental health:<span> </span></strong>Many students have experienced deteriorating<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/wp-content/uploads/IpsosSurveyCovidMentalHealth.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">mental health</a></span>, including anxiety, feelings of loneliness and social isolation. Students are spending more time on screens than is advised by the Canadian Paediatric Society, which is of major concern with continued reliance on online learning.

<strong>Overstretching adults:<span> </span></strong>Parents, educators and support staff have stepped up to navigate challenges and support students’ learning in new ways, but they are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/teachers-worried-about-their-health-quality-of-education-as-they-deal-with-covid-19-1.5129666" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">overstretched</a></span><span> </span>with<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oise.utoronto.ca/lhae/UserFiles/File/Gentle_Reopening_of_Ontario_Schools-2020.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increasing demands</a></span>.

Back-to-school will continue to be bumpy unless we seize this moment to address the current issues. The short-term consequences of not fully investing in our education system will be continued disruption. The long-term consequences may be a generation of students with reduced future opportunities, which also negatively effects wider social and economic development. Positive educational outcomes connect to future health, happiness, employability, income, community engagement and reduced criminal behaviour.

This is the government’s fork in the road for education plans. It is a deciding moment in history when a major choice is required. The government can continue with directive, reactive, short-term decisions and current plans. Or it can shift to a collaborative, respectful and supportive partnership with the education sector and families to co-develop proactive plans to deal with issues together over the long haul of the pandemic. It is this second choice that is needed. The government must fulfil its mandate to the people of Ontario by listening carefully to the voices, experiences and expertise of all involved in our education system who know what is best for students and follow through with action to ensure that we do not have a “generational catastrophe.”

Our students’ futures are at stake. Together, we can create the path ahead for a better Ontario.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Carol Campbell</span></a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on Campbell<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about World Teachers' Day</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00/15721622934"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Gratitude to a Teacher!"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/97651299@N00" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">Carol (vanhookc)</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:</span>
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
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<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Guppy-School-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare-Art3-ScreenShot-300x91.png" alt="Article title-School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare" width="913" height="277" class=" wp-image-762" />
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<div class="clear"><span style="color: #0000ff;text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></div>
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For the three months between March Break and the summer holidays, more than two million children across Ontario were at home instead of in school. Most of them will be back in their classrooms this September, although it is not yet clear how that will change if COVID-19 infection rates rise again. But as educators and policy-makers adapt to new ways of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">educating children while maintaining public health</a></span>, serious consideration also needs to be given to the key roles schools play in the lives of children beyond academic achievement. Specifically, our school system is critical in the development, protection and safety of youth who have experienced abuse or neglect. In-person classes are an irreplaceable part of Ontario’s child protective ecosystem; therefore, any ministerial decision about<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ten-things-to-consider-when-sending-students-back-to-school/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">keeping schools open</a></span><span> </span>cannot be narrowly focused on education and public health outcomes but must also consider child welfare outcomes.

There have been rising concerns about child protection and safety during the pandemic. Child welfare professionals across Canada are reporting an estimated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/london/child-abuse-reporting-ward-1.5537747" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">30 to 40 per cent decrease</a></span><span> </span>in reports of child abuse and neglect to Children’s Aid Societies since physical distancing measures were implemented, but it would be a mistake to assume that means children are safer. Some American states are seeing fewer calls to child welfare services as well, but they have also seen more drastic instances of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2020/04/30/child-abuse-reports-coronavirus/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child abuse</a></span><span> </span>entering their health-care systems.

Canada’s declining reports of child abuse must be contextualized with other social indicators, such as the rise in domestic violence during the pandemic, that would<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-increase-in-child-abuse-a-big-concern-during-covid-19-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">suggest abuse itself is not actually declining</a></span>.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/domestic-violence-rates-rising-due-to-covid19-1.5545851" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Federal consultations</a></span><span> </span>have shown a 20 to 30 per cent increase of domestic violence in some regions, resulting in a higher number of calls to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/coronavirus/advocates-scramble-to-help-domestic-abuse-victims-as-calls-skyrocket-during-covid-19-1.4923109" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shelters, transition houses and social services</a></span><span> </span>– which have not always been able to respond, as they are already operating at capacity or closed because of the pandemic. In many instances, adult and child victims of domestic violence are forced by public health measures to isolate themselves with abusers. For young children, even witnessing this violence may lead to long-term physical and mental risks, including lower life expectancy, obesity, mental health issues and recurrence of violence in their adult relationships.

Furthermore,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Recession-Child-Maltreatment.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">economic downturns</a></span><span> </span>can be a time of elevated risk, and many families today are facing pressure from<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/claims-report.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">high unemployment</a></span><span> </span>and the eventual end of government-issued financial support such as the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/opening-the-chequebook-assessing-covid-19-income-supports/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)</a></span>. Increased anxieties from these pressures could result in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2020/04/15/2016460/0/en/CCSA-Finds-Canadians-Under-54-Drinking-More-While-at-Home-Due-to-COVID-19-Pandemic.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">increased substance use</a></span><span> </span>and mental health challenges, both of which are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.oacas.org/2020/03/ontarios-premier-research-study-on-child-abuse-and-neglect-has-released-its-findings/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">commonly seen in caregivers</a></span><span> </span>being investigated for abuse in Ontario.

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<strong>Getting kids help when they need it</strong>

In Canada, we lack the data to make any definitive judgements about the prevalence of child abuse or maltreatment during the pandemic. Traditional points of access and data collection, such as schools and community organizations, have been closed during the pandemic without the capacity for assessment or data reporting. Assessment and support cannot be done remotely: educators and child welfare workers need to be able to assess children in a private face-to-face setting that is not likely achievable over the phone or video conference while parents are in the house. But kids can’t wait for final data to prove their reality, especially in the midst of a global pandemic. They need to have access to service hubs, social support, educational stimulus and stable, caring adults that they can see every day – all of which for many at-risk children are available principally through in-person public education.

Within the complex child welfare system, Children’s Aid Societies are one of the largest legislated players and they directly intersect with our education system in many ways. In 2018,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">32 per cent of referrals</a></span><span> </span>to Children’s Aid came from schools, making them the largest reporting body in the province for instances of maltreatment. Between school closures and a lack of real-time learning, fewer children have had immediate access to educators who would be able to flag potential maltreatment and provide direct support or report it to an appropriate child welfare agency. Every Ontarian, including professionals who work with children everyday,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/90c11?_ga=2.163734391.914386550.1590956000-1072421571.1567464866" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">has a legislated duty</a></span><span> </span>to report suspected instances of child abuse to a provincial child welfare body, most commonly a local Children’s Aid Society. Teachers are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.oct.ca/resources/advisories/duty-to-report" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">trained and reminded</a></span><span> </span>by the College of Teachers that if they have reasonable grounds to suspect the occurrence or risk of emotional, physical or sexual abuse through obvious physical indicators such as bruises, scrapes and burns, or more subjective social indicators like radical shifts in a child’s behaviour, they have a legal responsibility to report it. Approximately 80 per cent of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/Ontario%20Incidence%20Study%20of%20Reported%20Child%20Abuse%20and%20Neglect%202018.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">cases are closed</a></span><span> </span>after the initial investigation without any additional intervention or follow-up. Yet, too often, serious incidents are uncovered and resources are deployed to address them, including connecting children and families to community supports, mental health care, counselling, social services and guidance.

It is important to remember that although Children’s Aid can offer this support, it is not immediately welcome for many marginalized communities, especially Black and Indigenous communities, which have been overrepresented in the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/interrupted-childhoods" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">child welfare and foster care systems for decades</a></span>. As all groups with a child-centred mandate continue to plan for September, we need to use this momentum and opportunity to rebuild trust between our educators, child welfare workers and families, by emphasizing community-based services in addition to provincially run child protection services.

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<strong>A place for development and stability</strong>

Schools play a key role in the protection and development of children and are embedded within a publicly funded education system that begins when a child turns six years old. Their financial and social permanency within our society, government and children’s lives means they have the ability to withstand social and economic pressures in ways that other supports may not, making them the ideal place to centralize services. In addition to offering academic learning, experts say that promoting the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">wellbeing of children is part of the “core business”</a></span><span> </span>of schools. In many instances, schools help fill gaps in access, such as breakfast programs that feed children a nutritious meal before they start their day, or community programs that run during lunch periods. They are ideally positioned to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/resiliencelitreview.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">support positive child development and resiliency</a></span><span> </span>through offering access to supportive adults and peer networks. The Ministry of Education recognized in a 2016 engagement paper that schools have a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wrdsb.ca/wp-content/uploads/Engagment-Paper.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">unique role to play</a></span><span> </span>in student wellbeing because kids spend their formative years in a classroom, which gives school staff a window to observe a student’s needs over time and provide support. Since March, many children have had this window into their lives shuttered, which poses problems for children who are at risk.

To go a step further in understanding the role of the classroom in our society, the ministry needs to consider the full scope of an educator’s role as a caring adult for children. Teaching has become more than a “show-and-tell” recital of equations and concepts – it is critical for children’s development, and helps set them up to lead healthy lives. There is a myriad of evidence-based studies that indicate when teachers are actively engaged in children’s lives, students are more likely to thrive academically, take on more responsibility, persevere in the face of hardship, and build healthier relationships with their peers and into adulthood. Classrooms are also critical in assessing and supporting mental health challenges.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://cmho.org/teacher-resources/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Children’s Mental Health Ontario</a></span><span> </span>says that 20 per cent of all students in an average Ontario classroom suffer from some form of mental health challenge, which does not take into consideration the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.sickkids.ca/PDFs/About-SickKids/81407-COVID19-Recommendations-for-School-Reopening-SickKids.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">exacerbated impact</a></span><span> </span>of COVID-19 on children’s mental health. Schools are already commonly used as hubs for assessing and facilitating the delivery of formal mental health services, in addition to their everyday role in providing a supportive environment for kids to learn. The need for these mental health services will be greater this fall than ever before.

The centralized assessment and support role that schools play for children will be more important than ever this year as the impact of the pandemic on children’s mental health, wellbeing and safety come into full focus. A return to in-person classrooms must include an inclusive, collaborative response from child welfare workers, educators and community resources. All relevant ministries must work together to ensure a safe, healthy and supportive return to school in the fall by equally prioritizing critical child welfare outcomes and the role education plays in protecting children.

<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/braelyn/">Braelyn Guppy</a> is the Marketing and Communications Lead at the Ryerson Leadership Lab.</em>
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</article><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on Guppy<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about Children's Aid Societies</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06/48931986626" style="color: #0000ff">"Children's Aid Society"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/10485077@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">edenpictures</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<del><strong>Additional Class Readings/Media</strong>:</del>

<del>First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span></del>

<del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span>"</span></strong>:</del>

<hr />

<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong>:</span>
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Education-Lysack-National-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers-Art4-ScreenShot-300x109.png" alt="Article title-National childcare system must support childcare workers" width="908" height="330" class=" wp-image-763" />
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></div>
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<em>Published as part of a collaboration between First Policy Response</em><em><span> </span>and the<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Toronto Star</a></span>.</em>

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With last month’s federal budget, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland declared her commitment to a Canada-wide childcare system not just as Canada’s first female finance minister, but also as a working mother.

Freeland’s conviction may come from her own experience, but the principles outlined in Budget 2021 reflect an understanding of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s childcare crisis</a></span><span> </span>as a double-whammy for women and the economy. With childcare fees in Canada among the most expensive in the world, many women can’t afford to work, while many others spend nearly all their after-tax income on childcare.

But it’s not yet clear if the new childcare plan will go far enough to support another group of working women: the professional early childhood educators (ECEs) who work for poverty wages, often in poor conditions. Dozens of ECEs who recently<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.childcareontario.org/risingup_stories" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">shared their experiences</a></span><span> </span>spoke about working long hours with no benefits, sometimes working multiple jobs to make ends meet.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.</em></div>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">In a</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aeceo.ca/survey_report_forgotten_on_the_frontline" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">new survey</a></span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> </span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">of Ontario ECEs from the Association of Early Childhood Educators Ontario and the Ontario Coalition for Better Child Care, 43 per cent say they have considered leaving the sector since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.</span>

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The problem is the free market. Compensating ECEs more fairly would drive up childcare fees beyond what most families can afford, pushing even more tax-paying women out of the workforce.

Without significant government investment, we cannot resolve the tension between the cost of childcare and the wages of childcare workers. For decades, Canada’s market-based childcare system has been pitting the interests of working women against those who work in childcare, and the pandemic has laid bare the cost to Canadian families — and our economy.

Freeland has promised to reduce childcare fees to an average of $10 per day, which will address affordability for parents. But she hasn’t explained where ECE wages or working conditions might fit into that $10-a-day plan.

Canada can’t realize Freeland’s childcare vision without a robust workforce strategy, beginning with addressing the immediate ECE retention crisis.

First of all, direct operating funds are necessary to stabilize childcare services in the aftermath of the pandemic, as many centres have been forced to close their doors and lose out on user fees because of public health guidelines. The federal government recognized as much when it provided Safe Restart funds for childcare to the provinces last fall. This funding must be continued, and in some provinces, expanded while a full workforce strategy is developed and implemented.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, the new federal childcare legislation should require provinces to take a three-pronged approach to an ECE workforce strategy:

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<ul>
 	<li><strong>Establish provincial wage grids</strong>, similar to those for teachers, that recognize differentiated staffing levels. These should provide a minimum of $25 per hour for one-year college certificate-qualified educators, increasing appropriately for ECEs with diplomas, bachelor’s degrees and additional qualifications.</li>
 	<li><strong>Increase educational requirements for ECEs</strong>to a two-year diploma, and eventually require a bachelor’s degree as the minimum qualification. This will strengthen program quality and provide parity between those working with young children inside and outside the school system, which will help with ECE recruitment and retention. As the national childcare system grows, requiring thousands of additional ECEs, provinces should expand the capacity of their post-secondary systems to provide flexible full-time, part-time and online programs for new and upgrading students and reimburse tuition for successful graduates.</li>
 	<li><strong>Establish decent work standards to support pedagogical practices<span> </span></strong>that strengthen children’s well-being and development. This includes paid planning time, paid sick time, ongoing educational opportunities, engagement in communities of practice, career laddering that supports ECEs in transitioning to leadership roles, and cross-over with kindergarten programs. Decent work and ongoing professional learning will support ECEs to critically interpret provincial curriculum frameworks and practise ethically in their contexts.</li>
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Without a doubt, ECEs are the heart of the childcare system; without them, there is no system. Women’s economic empowerment can only be realized through policy that aligns the interests of working parents with those of childcare workers. The well-being of children, the quality of the care they receive, and the ability of parents to work all depend on the essential childcare workforce. Canada’s families and economy can’t thrive unless ECEs do.

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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Monica Lysack</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/early-childhood-educators/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-281 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATORS</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on Lysack<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "National childcare system must support childcare workers’</span>"</strong>:

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<strong>Please click on this photograph below to learn more about early childhood education</strong>:

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<span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06/9009267170" style="color: #0000ff">"Early Childhood Education play 11"</a></span><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/21187388@N06" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">University of the Fraser Valley</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license" style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</a></span>

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<del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span></del>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><del><span class="date-info">JUNE 18, 2021<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| I</span></span><span class="category-info">N<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" class="" role="link" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" title="View all posts by LISA WOLFF" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">LISA WOLFF</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" title="View all posts by TERENCE HAMILTON" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">TERENCE HAMILTON</a></span></span></span></del></div>
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<div><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></del></div>
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<del>When Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the first glimpses of the government’s post-pandemic priorities in April’s federal budget, the commitment to building a national network of<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-you-build-a-canada-wide-childcare-system-fund-the-services/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare</a></span><span> </span>was welcome news to millions. Parents and guardians have struggled to balance work and life priorities while caring for the needs of their children.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Childcare operators and staff</a></span><span> </span>have struggled to keep their doors open through severe staff shortages, workplace outbreaks and strict public health protocols.</del>

<del>While the pandemic brought the issue of childcare to a boiling point, it did not create this crisis — it only highlighted the vulnerabilities in<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/non-profit-child-care-should-be-key-part-of-national-plan/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s patchwork programs</a></span>. Simply put, early learning and childcare was not a national priority before the outbreak of COVID-19, but it should become one of the pandemic’s most important lasting legacies.</del>

<del>A timely new UNICEF report,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.unicef-irc.org/reportcards/where-do-rich-countries-stand-on-childcare.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Where do rich countries stand on childcare?</em></a><em>,</em></span><span> </span>compares how rich countries support families from childbirth through the preschool years. These countries have similar levels of wealth but use different combinations of parental leave and support for childcare to help parents care for their children. The report ranks each country on seven indicators grouped into four dimensions: the duration and remuneration of parental leave, and childcare affordability, quality and access. Across all dimensions, Canada ranks a disappointing 22nd out of the 41 countries with comparable data.</del>

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<blockquote><del>The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</del></blockquote>
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<del>Ranking in the middle among our peer countries, Canada’s early learning and childcare “system” is exclusive in every sense — it leaves out many children and families and tends to disproportionately benefit the most affluent. Countries at the top of the league table manage to offer inclusive parental leave of sufficient length and pay, and broad access to affordable, high-quality organized childcare — giving all parents choice in how to take care of their children. Those at the bottom of the table delegate childcare to the private realm by investing in neither substantial leave nor childcare options.</del>

<del>Most rich countries offer early learning and childcare in the year before primary school. In Canada, most provinces and territories offer full- or part-time preschool, earning Canada a middle rank of 16th, with 97 per cent enrolment. Canada’s rank falls below the average among rich countries, but it is the availability of affordable care before preschool where Canada falls furthest behind. Canada’s average enrolment rate for ages 2 to 4, at 53 per cent prior to the pandemic, was well below the average of more than 70 per cent. The rate<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://oneyouth.unicef.ca/sites/default/files/2019-06/UNICEF_ResearchBrief_CanadianCompanion_EN-FINAL_WEB.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ranges</a> </span>from just 34 per cent in Newfoundland to 73 per cent in Quebec. This leaves a policy gap for Canada’s families between the end of parental leave (for those fortunate enough to take it) and the start of preschool, with many families struggling to fill the gap.</del>

<del>Affordability is the main reason for unmet childcare needs across wealthy countries, but it matters more in some countries than others. Canada ranks 21st among rich countries for the affordability of childcare. It is especially expensive for two-earner couples at the Canadian median income level, for whom Canada’s affordability ranking falls to 28th of 34 countries. However, Canada is among the most affordable countries for single parents with low incomes.</del>

<del>The federal commitment to partner with provinces and territories to work toward a universal system of childcare holds the promise of a policy that will not only help families and children recover from the pandemic but also provide a good start for children in the years to come. However, we have unfinished policy business for young children and their families. In<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-private-sector-call-to-action-gender-equity-in-the-post-covid-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">parental leave</a></span>, Canada ranks 23rd among rich countries. Although incremental progress has given parents more time and flexibility, the limited eligibility of the Employment Insurance system and the low rate of pay leaves out far too many infants and their parents. Across rich countries, the average woman is paid two-thirds of her average earnings while on leave; 14 countries pay the full amount of their average earnings. In Canada, parental leave paid 52 per cent of the recipient’s average wage in 2018, making it unaffordable for some to take longer leave time and reducing family income in these critical early years.</del>

<del>Canada’s ranking in the fundamental child and family policies of parental leave and childcare reflects limits in federal, provincial and territorial policy priorities rather than available resources. The myth of scarcity in Canada is prevalent — a belief that investing more in children is unaffordable for the country. Even among child-policy advocates and service leaders, the dialogue often centres on a false dichotomy: if we invest more in one kind of child policy, such as income benefits, there is no funding to improve in others, like childcare. The 2021 federal budget promise for childcare is a generational leap forward but it is still a small fraction of the overall budget and is not the largest social-policy expenditure earmarked within it.</del>

<del>Canada is one of the world’s 15 richest countries, but ranks 30th in children’s well-being, suggesting that its current family-friendly policies are failing to achieve the best outcomes possible. According to OECD spending data, Canada invests less than the average in parental leave, childcare and income benefits for families with children: three early-years policies that, when inclusive, give children the best start in life and better, more equitable outcomes. We must do better.</del>

<del>UNICEF Canada, along with our partners Children’s Healthcare Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and the Pediatric Chairs of Canada, led an unprecedented, collective approach to identify shared priorities to measurably improve the well-being of children, youth and families. The Inspiring Healthy Futures initiative engaged more than 1,500 youth, parents, researchers, educators, advocates, policymakers, service providers and community leaders.</del>

<del>The consensus? The state of children is not good enough for them, for us, or for Canada.</del>

<del>It is time to invest a fair share of Canada’s wealth and recovery in the generation whose futures will be defined by our priorities today.</del>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" role="link"><img width="40" height="40" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Lisa-Wolff-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Lisa Wolff" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/lisa-wolff/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial;color: #0000ff">Lisa Wolff</a></span><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Director of Policy &amp; Research for UNICEF Canada.</span></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" role="link"><img width="39" height="39" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Terence-Hamilton-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Terence Hamilton" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><del><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/terence-hamilton/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Terence Hamilton</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Domestic Policy Specialist for UNICEF Canada.</span></del></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-related" data-related-layout="layout-1"><del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/childcare/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-244 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDCARE</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Hamilton and Wolff<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</span>"</strong>:</del>

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<del>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Alternate link</strong>: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span></del>

<del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: </span>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:</del>

<hr />

<del>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></del>

<del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: Childcare</span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on First Policy Response<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan"</span></strong>:</del>

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<strong>Education II (Post-Secondary)</strong>

<strong>Class Readings/Media</strong>:

<del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?</span></del>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><del><span class="date-info">JULY 28, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></del></div>
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<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></del>

<del><span>When colleges and universities shut their doors earlier this year in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it had a profound and immediate effect on students, </span><span>staff</span><span>, instructors and faculty, and the institutions themselves. Now with a new school year set to start in a few short weeks, post-secondary institutions are quickly adapting to new ways of teaching and supporting students both on-campus and remotely, but no one is understating the challenges that remain.</span></del>

<del><span>We asked 20 experts from across the post-secondary spectrum: “</span><i><span>What issue are you most concerned about when it comes to resuming classes, and how should we deal with it?” </span></i><span>Their answers touched on everything from the challenges remote learning poses to students from marginalized groups, to the health and safety of vulnerable staff, to the onerous pressures facing international students.</span></del>

<del><span>This is the first of two expert compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the second one <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" role="link">here</a>.</span></del>

<del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Rahul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra: In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></span></a></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Christopher" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Chirstopher Conway: Career college students face unique challenges</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Brenda" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith: Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Nicole" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis: Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Carlo" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles: International students will suffer most from tuition hikes </a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Pierre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr: Canada must lower barriers to international students</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#JuliaC" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar and Jackie Pichette: Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities </a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Erin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight: Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed: Universities need to invest in digital communities</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Phlippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Remote-learning resources offer valuable tools for educators</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kaleb" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh: Students need support dealing with uncertainty</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Kelley" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle: Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</a></span></del>

<del>—<a id="Rahul" role="link"></a></del>

<del><span>In-person teaching must only resume when health and safety have been adequately addressed</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/OCUFA" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rahul Sapra</span></a><span> </span>– President, Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations</del></h4>
<del>The COVID-19 crisis has magnified the scale of existing challenges at Ontario’s universities and has led to increased hardship, loss and anxiety in the campus community — especially for those already marginalized before the pandemic. Despite decreasing COVID-19 cases in Ontario, there is still no indication that it is safe for students, staff, faculty or academic librarians to return to university campuses—especially in major urban centres. A variety of plans have been developed by institutions, with many focusing on emergency remote-teaching options. However, some universities are rushing the return to in-person teaching by making unilateral decisions that put the health and safety of faculty, staff and students at risk.</del>

<del>A safe, effective and sustainable return to in-person classes is not a process that a university administration can dictate unilaterally. Campuses are dynamic and complex, presenting some of the most challenging conditions for mitigating the risks of viral transmission. Faculty are particularly susceptible, as many fall into age demographics more vulnerable to COVID-19. With the latest research confirming the increased dangers of groups interacting in closed spaces, a return to classrooms, shared hallways and common washrooms is not worth the risk it poses to those in the university community.</del>

<del>How, then, do we effect a return to campus that adequately protects the health and safety of everyone? By ensuring that university administrations take their time, work through — instead of circumventing — bodies that represent campus stakeholders (senates and joint health and safety committees, to name a couple), and meaningfully consult with the campus community to make sure they get things right.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Finding creative and safe approaches to hands-on learning</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a><span> </span>– Acting President, Algonquin College</del></h4>
<del>Our top concern is maintaining a high-quality learning experience while ensuring the safety of our students and employees.</del>

<del>Algonquin College’s current plan for the fall term minimizes face-to-face instruction and promotes the delivery of remote academic instruction whenever possible. Many programs will be offered remotely and the remaining programs will be a combination of remote learning and select on-campus academic activities.</del>

<del>Physical distancing rules mean fewer students can be accommodated onsite in lab spaces designed for hands-on learning activities. For our summer pilot program and fall term, a safe return to in-person classes means developing a plan that includes guidelines for physical distancing, protocols for cleaning, rules for using personal protective equipment (PPE) where required, and mandatory online safety training for the select students accessing our campuses.</del>

<del>Hands-on training is fundamental to many college programs – so we need to find creative approaches to using and adapting our classroom spaces and to ensure safe handling of equipment. We also need to strategically deploy staff and students to maximize precaution and minimize interaction during all face-to-face learning activities. Our professors, instructors and program chairs have had to reimagine classroom labs, curriculum, safety procedures, examinations and more.</del>

<del>Providing an excellent learner experience is one of the guiding principles of Algonquin’s Academic planning during COVID-19. In those cases where the College felt it was unable to deliver on the learning goals or maintain the quality of a particular program, it made the difficult decision not to offer that program in the spring or fall terms.<a id="Christopher" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Career college students face unique challenges</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/c_c_ontario" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Christopher Conway</span></a><span> </span>– CEO, Career Colleges Ontario</del></h4>
<del>Our first priority as the province moves to resume classes is and always will be the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff. However, the challenges we face in pursuit of this commitment are as unique as our students.</del>
<del>Career colleges are subject to separate legislation and requirements that control their access to financial supports, as well as how their programs are delivered. Career college students are normally ineligible for Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding for online programs. The province has temporarily allowed online funding eligibility for OSAP during COVID-19. We believe that should always have been allowed.</del>

<del>As the province urged institutions to transition in-person classes online, career colleges were tasked to quickly build the digital infrastructure necessary to deliver online training on a temporary, emergency basis. Colleges that were unable to make the rapid transition chose to close.</del>

<del>There are approximately 45,000 career college students in more than 80 communities across Ontario. And the demographics of Ontario’s career college students are different than conventional post-secondary students. For example:</del>
<ul>
 	<li><del>57 per cent are over the age of 30</del></li>
 	<li><del>41 per cent are parents, and 1 in 10 are single parents</del></li>
 	<li><del>69 per cent are women</del></li>
 	<li><del>Half are new Canadians</del></li>
</ul>
<del>We train a diverse group, including: pilots, chefs, personal support workers, pharmacy assistants, lab technicians, dental assistants, paralegals, truck drivers, heavy equipment operators, ESL teachers, payroll administrators, pre-apprenticeship trainees and paramedics.</del>

<del>In supporting this demographic, we regularly reflect on critical factors tied to student success: program length, instructor-to-student ratios, financial mobility, and campus location to name a few.</del>

<del>We are advocating a blended approach to reopening Ontario’s career colleges upon the approval of government and health authorities. The blended delivery model incorporates a combination of online and in-person training to uphold the quality standards and delivery of college programs.</del>

<del>Notably, it would allow for the appropriate financial supports to facilitate student success and a strong, skilled workforce.<a id="Brenda" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Pandemic has amplified problems with post-secondary funding model</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/basmith" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brenda Austin-Smith</span></a><span> </span>– President, Canadian Association of University Teachers</del></h4>
<del>How to ensure safe and equitable access for students and staff is top of mind for the fall. The issues are many, from access to technology and reliable internet, to protective equipment and additional personnel to support quality remote instruction or smaller in-person class sizes. It all comes down to needing additional resources for the sector. The pandemic has amplified problems with the funding and employment model for post-secondary education.</del>

<del>The pandemic is a fulcrum. Will we accelerate on the path we are on – increasing our institutions’ reliance on private financing, the exploitation of precarious labour, and the turn toward narrow, market-oriented curriculum and research? Or will we seize the moment to fix the problems and define and advance a renewed vision for high-quality, affordable and accessible public post-secondary education?</del>

<del>We need to look urgently and seriously at replacing a broken system of private financing that condemns young people to a generation of debt, wilfully exploits international students, and leaves universities and colleges vulnerable to the vagaries of the market and far too susceptible to external shocks. We need to fix a broken employment system that has privileged hiring cheap and precarious labour over building the full capacity of the academic profession to better serve the public interest. Finally, we need to reimagine the purpose of post-secondary education beyond that of simply being a service provider and see it instead as essential to the preservation, dissemination and advance of knowledge for the benefit of all, now and in the future.<a id="Nicole" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Financial barriers of post-secondary education are not new to COVID-19</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/CFSFCEE" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nicole Brayiannis</span></a><span> </span>– National Deputy Chairperson, Canadian Federation of Students</del></h4>
<del>COVID-19 has exacerbated the financial barriers for students in accessing post-secondary education (PSE) that have long existed prior to this pandemic. Currently, thousands of students are worried about being able to return to school in the fall. In addition to skyrocketing tuition fees, as of May the unemployment rate for young people was 29 per cent. The Canadian government has failed to meet the needs of students, as they responded with poorly planned patchwork relief, rather than addressing a broken system, investing in a sustainable PSE system for the future and introducing a universal income support system for all students.</del>

<del>Over the last 30 years, Canada has shifted from a publicly funded model of PSE, to one that is publicly assisted. This divestment from education has had the greatest impact on students of minority communities, as well as directly fuelling the privatization of institutions; international students are used as ATMs, and the autonomy and integrity of graduate-level research is sacrificed. The Canadian Federation of Students unites students in fighting for universal education, through the elimination of financial and accommodational barriers for all students.</del>

<del>In working toward a universal PSE system, the immediate calls to action include:</del>
<ol>
 	<li><del>Reduction of fall tuition through greater shared investment from provincial and federal governments into post-secondary institutions;</del></li>
 	<li><del>Extension of all financial relief initiatives to include international students and students over 30;</del></li>
 	<li><del>Elimination of performance-based funding criteria for post-secondary institutions in accessing public funding;</del></li>
 	<li><del>Financial support for internet access, and creating equitable learning opportunities for students in rural communities who cannot access internet connections; and</del></li>
 	<li><del>Strict and consistent physical-distancing protocols for students and workers returning to campus.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></del></li>
</ol>
&nbsp;

<del><span>Students need financial certainty and online learning standards</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</a></span><span> </span>– President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</del></h4>
<del>Students are concerned with the financial uncertainty that continues despite classes being set to resume in September. Many have experienced barriers to employment during summer months, when they would typically work to save money: approximately<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.htm" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">35 per cent of students surveyed by Statistics Canada</a></span><span> </span>reported a delay or cancellation of their work placement because of the pandemic. While students have received some support through the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB), this is not meant to cover high tuition costs.</del>

<del>Further, a lack of transparency and predictability around Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) funding prevents students from planning for the fall semester. Through OSAP enhancements, the provincial government can ensure students are able to continue their education. This means increasing non-refundable grants, eliminating expected parental contributions, and publicizing the formula used to calculate need; it also means ensuring that the OSAP calculator and aid estimator are accurate and reliable.</del>

<del>There is also uncertainty around the quality of education as courses move online. In a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://onlinelearningsurveycanada.ca/data-appendix-2/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canadian Digital Learning Research Association survey</a></span>, 55 per cent of respondents felt online courses offered less value. Many students have negative perceptions about the quality of online learning, which has prompted a call for institutions to lower tuition. Faculty are also transitioning online rapidly, without necessary support or quality standards to guide course development. Creating standards would both support course redesign and provide students with the assurance they need. OUSA, therefore, looks to the provincial government to consult with eCampus Ontario, Contact North, experts and faculty to develop quality frameworks for online course development.<a id="Carlo" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>International students will suffer most from tuition hikes</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/carlo_handy" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Carlo Handy Charles</span></a><span> </span>– Vanier Scholar, Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation Scholar, and PhD Student in Sociology, McMaster University</del></h4>
<del>Tuition hikes are the most important concerns for international post-secondary students when it comes to resuming classes in September.</del>

<del>Since the COVID-19 outbreak, the federal government and post-secondary institutions have implemented relief measures, such as the Canada Emergency Student Benefit (<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/benefits/emergency-student-benefit.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CESB</a></span>), remote work and online learning, to allow students to complete their programs on time while facing the arduous socioeconomic impact of the pandemic. However, many international students have not been able to access relief measures because they do not meet<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/mun-international-students-emergency-help-1.5623591" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">eligibility criteria</a></span>. In addition, they are facing incredible tuition hikes amid the pandemic.</del>

<del>As I co-wrote in a recent article for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/july-2020/tuition-hikes-exacerbating-existing-challenges-for-international-students/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Policy Options</a></span>, several Canadian universities are<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/windsor/uwindsor-international-student-frustrated-fee-increase-covid19-1.5560899" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hiking tuition fees</a></span><span> </span>for international students who are enrolled for the summer 2020 session and the 2020-21 academic year. While domestic tuition fees in Ontario are frozen for another year, international tuition has increased up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/10000104-the-university-of-guelph-is-hiking-tuition-for-international-students-amid-covid-19-and-they-aren-t-happy/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">15 per cent</a></span>. These tuition hikes have not only exacerbated<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-worrying-about-social-ties-and-finances-during-coronavirus-137983" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">existing challenges</a> </span>for international students as foreign nationals in Canada, but have also exposed their<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://theconversation.com/canadas-changing-coronavirus-border-policy-exposes-international-students-precarious-status-134011" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">precarious status</a></span>.</del>

<del>If policymakers and university administrators do not reconsider these tuition hikes, many international students will be forced to either take on extra jobs in order to survive during their studies in Canada, or drop out of their programs altogether. Such actions will have a significant impact on<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/education/assets/pdfs/ies-sei/Building-on-Success-International-Education-Strategy-2019-2024.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Canada’s incredible effort</a></span><span> </span>to attract international students to fund its universities and fill their programs.</del>

<del>As the pandemic significantly affects international students, reconsidering and/or freezing international tuition for the next year would allow many of them to continue their studies. Like many Canadian families who have lost their jobs due to the pandemic, international students’ families may also be struggling in their home countries to financially support them during their studies in Canada. By reconsidering these tuition hikes, Canadian institutions will show with concrete actions that they care about the wellbeing of international students beyond the billions of dollars these students bring yearly to Canada’s national economy.<a id="Pierre" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Canada must lower barriers to international students</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/pcyr001" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Pierre Cyr</a></span><span> </span>– Vice-President of Public Affairs, FleishmanHillard HighRoad</del></h4>
<del>Federal and provincial governments need to work in partnership with the post-secondary sector to ease the travel restrictions in place to permit international students to come to Canada. While accommodations have been made for<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-crisis-be-an-opportunity-for-canadas-migrant-farmworkers/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">temporary foreign workers</a></span>, there has yet to be a clear plan to assist hundreds of thousands of international students.</del>

<del>Some key figures:</del>
<ul>
 	<li><del>In the last decade alone, Canada’s international student population has tripled;</del></li>
 	<li><del>In 2019, Canada’s international student population increased by 13 per cent;</del></li>
 	<li><del>Canada is now the world’s third-leading destination of international students, with a staggering 642,000 foreign students.</del></li>
</ul>
<del>We must keep in mind that we are in a global competition for international students. They are not only an important source of revenue for our post-secondary institutions, they are also a key pillar in ensuring we continue to draw the brightest minds from around the globe. International students give Canada a competitive edge in terms of research, entrepreneurship and innovation.</del>

<del>Other countries, like Australia, are proposing the notion of a “secure corridor” to ease some of these difficulties for international students, while ensuring strong public health measures. If they act faster than us in formalizing these measures, Canada risks losing tens of thousands of international students in upcoming semesters.</del>

<del>The immediate and longer-term impacts of continuing to attract international students to Canada are particularly relevant as we consider our approaches to economic recovery.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Institutions must set reasonable health guidelines, help international students</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a><span> </span>– Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</del></h4>
<del>Our universities and colleges can manage the physical requirements that come with returning to class in a COVID-19 environment. Though changes must be made, especially for a system that has students frequently attend different physical classrooms, the barrier to maintaining social distance is not insurmountable. However, there are two concerns: the willingness of students to follow these guidelines, and the overall loss of international students and the revenue they bring.</del>

<del>The best preventive measures are only effective if there is compliance. The student population has lost out on not just education for the past several months, but the student experience, too. Expecting younger students to give up some of the most enjoyable, formative years of their lives for a virus with declining infection rates is not reasonable. Universities and colleges will need to structure reasonableness into their limitations, including a careful return of student experiences such as intramurals, especially as residences re-open.</del>

<del>More importantly, there is a high level of uncertainty surrounding the future of international students. Before the borders reopen, the federal and provincial governments should look at employment rules, visa statuses and course requirements to create a temporary<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/high-skilled-immigrants-are-stuck-in-limbo-can-we-help-them-work-remotely/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">easing of restrictions</a></span><span> </span>to encourage more international students. Post-secondary institutions have, rightly or wrongly, built themselves on the inflated revenue brought by international students. The pandemic should encourage these institutions — especially those in more remote communities — to diversify their income streams, but in the meantime going from reliance on international tuition to none whatsoever is not feasible or practical.<a id="JuliaC" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Online learning must be accessible to students with disabilities</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/HEQCO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Colyar</a></span><span> </span>– Vice President, Research and Policy</del>
<del><a href="https://twitter.com/Jackie_Pichette" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Jackie Pichette</span></a><span> </span>– Director, Policy, Research &amp; Partnerships, Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario</del></h4>
<del>The abrupt move to online and remote course delivery at Ontario colleges and universities in March brought accessibility issues to the foreground. At HEQCO, we’ve been particularly interested in how this transition has affected accessibility, particularly for students with disabilities.</del>

<del>Research indicates that students with disabilities are less likely to persist to graduation, and those who do persist take longer to finish their degrees. In the current environment, these trends could be exacerbated. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://blog-en.heqco.ca/2020/07/jackie-pichette-and-jessica-rizk-three-recommendations-for-accessible-remote-learning/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">HEQCO study</a></span><span> </span>conducted this spring clearly indicates that the COVID-19-induced shift to online courses has presented difficulties for students. Students with disabilities were more likely to report experiencing challenges once courses moved online, in contrast to their previous experiences with in-person and online courses, as well as in contrast to students without disabilities.</del>

<del>HEQCO’s study also focuses on how faculty and staff members developing online courses for the fall term can help address some of the challenges identified by students. For example, faculty can communicate course requirements and organization upfront so that students are empowered to make choices that fit their needs. Another suggestion is to embrace<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://udlguidelines.cast.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Universal Design for Learning</a></span><span> </span>principles across disciplines in order to support student motivation and ensure challenging, engaging learning opportunities for all students. Faculty can also encourage all students to practise skills that can help them be successful regardless of the learning environment — time management, organization, digital literacy and self-efficacy. We look forward to publishing more detailed findings from the study in early fall.</del>

<del>As the start of the new academic year comes into view, ensuring access and success for students with disabilities should be a priority and an ongoing commitment. We hope the lessons learned over the past several months help support success for all students in the post-pandemic future.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Indigenous students in remote communities need additional supports</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</del></h4>
<del>While the shift to a virtual model of education eases some concerns related to potential transmission of COVID-19, it also creates new challenges. One of the largest issues is student/learner support in a virtual capacity. Yukon University encompasses a network of 13 campuses across the territory, and many of these campuses are in very small, sometimes remote communities with limited access to technology. Yukon communities are all situated in the homelands of Indigenous nations, and Yukon University connects directly with Yukon First Nations to establish priorities and processes to best support Indigenous learners. Connectivity, safe learning spaces and access to devices that meet the needs of courses and programs are issues that arise with the virtual model, and these impact Indigenous students and communities profoundly.</del>

<del>Indigenous learners can encounter additional barriers related to funding, housing, cultural access, language and family responsibilities. Supporting students is a broad and holistic concept, and when learning becomes virtual, the support must, too. Assistance to learners in accessing technology, devices and internet would be a valuable initial step in making support possible. Financial assistance programs, device loan programs and increased awareness about the disparity of student resources would all help to ease this pressure. Cultural supports such as mentors and Elders can provide a valuable connection point for Indigenous students, particularly those living away from their home communities.</del>

<del>As an institution, YukonU has redirected resources toward student supports, including creating a new diverse and flexible helpline/online platform called Connect2YukonU. Through Connect2YukonU, students can get information about everything from academic advising, funding and technology to counselling sessions and virtual Elders-on-Campus. These pivots in programming were designed to ensure support is accessible to all learners. Acknowledging the significance of the entire student experience and the importance of wellness, support and access can help students navigate and succeed regardless of the learning platform.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Online classes put Northern and rural students at a disadvantage</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span><span> </span>– Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</del></h4>
<del>It is becoming increasingly likely that most post-secondary courses will be online this fall.</del>

<del>However, this does not inclusively engage all Northern Ontarians.<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Nearly 121,000</a></span><span> </span>dwellings in Northern Ontario have bandwidth speeds below the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s target downloading and uploading speeds (50/10 mbps).<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.northernpolicy.ca/upload/documents/publications/briefing-notes/rosairo_workfromhome.20.07.08.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">And almost 38,000</a></span><span> </span>of those dwellings only have access to a fixed internet connection, which isn’t stable and can be weakened by weather conditions and physical obstructions.</del>

<del>Rural areas of Ontario’s northern regions are disproportionately affected by the lack of digital infrastructure. As an example, downloading basic documents from an email at Lac La Croix First Nation can take<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/lac-la-croix-slow-broadband-1.5082885" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">an hour</a>.</span> How, then, are rural students in Ontario’s north supposed to easily access and participate in online classes this fall?</del>

<del>The federal government promised up to<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/nrc/infrastructure-infrastructures-internet-en.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">$6 million</a></span><span> </span>to ensure all Canadians have access to internet of an adequate speed by 2030, but it is unlikely that developments on this will be made in time to help online learners this fall.</del>

<del>In the meantime, post-secondary institutions themselves should survey how many students are living in rural areas without quality internet access and what their course enrolments are. To allow rural students to actively participate, post-secondary institutions could require their instructors to pre-record online lectures, allow lengthy time windows to submit assignments, and not place high emphasis on Zoom class participation. Concessions like these need to be made for rural students to fully participate in online higher education.<a id="Erin" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Without universal internet access, least advantaged students will fall further behind</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/OpenMediaOrg" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Erin Knight</span></a><span> </span>– Digital Rights Campaigner, OpenMedia</del></h4>
<del>Access to affordable, high-quality home internet for post-secondary students is the top barrier to a successful return to post-secondary classes this fall semester. Online course delivery will be heavily<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/6935364/coronavirus-canadian-university-fall-classes/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">utilized</a></span><span> </span>by post-secondary institutions. But that entire system relies on the assumption that all students have sufficient<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/fall-education-online-1.5568199" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">home internet connectivity</a></span>. Which, sadly, just isn’t true. One in 10 Canadian households does not have any home internet connection. And countless more rely on grossly insufficient connectivity that leaves them unable to participate in the video calls, streaming and downloads needed to support a full digital course load.</del>

<del>With limited or no access to campus facilities (e.g. libraries), post-secondary students without affordable access to quality broadband are falling behind their peers each day. The<span> </span><a href="https://www.cira.ca/resources/state-internet/report/gap-between-us-perspectives-building-a-better-online-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">least connected</span></a><span> </span>— low-income, rural/remote, Indigenous students — are already among those most likely to be experiencing other educational disadvantages. But the digital divide is expediting these problems at an alarming rate. This means a failure to access affordable, quality home internet for all students will only further exacerbate existing inequity in post-secondary education when classes resume.</del>

<del>To ensure all students are able to participate fully and equitably in online post-secondary education, we need universal connectivity. The federal government actually promised this goal back in March 2019. But to date, there’s been no actual action. Press releases and promises are useless to a student who can no longer attend school – they need results.</del>

<del>It’s clear to see the future of education is online. For many, it presents an incredible opportunity and provides a safe learning environment during the pandemic. But until the groundwork of universal connectivity is reality, online learning provides yet one more barrier to equitable access to post-secondary education in Canada.<a id="Marium" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Universities need to invest in digital communities</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/nur_marium" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Marium Nur Vahed</a></span><span> </span>– Member of Governing Council, University of Toronto</del></h4>
<del>The undergraduate university experience facilitates the growth of a student’s network, knowledge and identity. University life during a pandemic feels contradictory: how can students realize an expansive university experience when community health and safety depend on the reduction of social circles?</del>

<del>Many universities have communicated plans for an online or mixed delivery of courses for the 2020-21 academic year. However, less attention has been paid to replicating the vitality of campus life online.</del>

<del>The loss of in-person community may manifest in worsening mental health for students. A<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/155/2018/03/Report-on-Student-Health-Well-Being.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">2017 report</a> </span>based on the National College Health Assessment found that 67 per cent of students at the University of Toronto felt “very lonely.” For the foreseeable future, students are likely to lose in-person peer-to-peer interaction, university events and access to communal study spaces. Under these conditions, students may experience a growing sense of isolation.</del>

<del>To address this, the next step should be to construct digital communities to support students as they navigate online coursework. There are many meaningful steps that universities can take:</del>
<ul>
 	<li><del>Facilitating peer-to-peer connections, including between international and domestic students</del></li>
 	<li><del>Investing in student clubs, to ensure the continuity of digital events and socials</del></li>
 	<li><del>Expanding mentorship programs</del></li>
 	<li><del>Creating digital study groups</del></li>
 	<li><del>Creating classroom opportunities for collaboration and group work</del></li>
 	<li><del>Developing digital networking and job-shadowing opportunities</del></li>
 	<li><del>Hosting webinars with digital breakout sessions</del></li>
</ul>
<del>Community is significant to students’ wellbeing and learning experience. The creation of a digital student community is a vital consideration as universities transition to online learning.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Educators must rethink approaches to help students learn remotely</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</span></a><span> </span>– Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</del></h4>
<del>Online teaching is easy enough, but online learning is elusive. For most people in most contexts, learning is a social process; being online – even in a Zoom meeting with a screen full of faces – is a very asocial milieu. It is isolating, artificial, and intellectually sterile. In the olden days, correspondence courses had very poor completion rates, for exactly those reasons. Today’s version of the correspondence course – Coursera, which is free and has very high-quality learning materials – has the same poor completion rates. Our universities don’t have the ability to transcend this problem when teaching remotely, unfortunately.</del>

<del>There are two ways to mitigate this. The first, which involves resuming in-person classes, is to rethink large, crowded classrooms in old buildings with poor ventilation. But to do that we’d need to reimagine and rebuild our campuses, and that won’t happen overnight.</del>

<del>The second is to look carefully and critically at how we are spending our classroom time, and what students are being asked to do. Media Synchronicity Theory provides a very useful lens for this, with a very simple premise: we can separate two processes, conveyance and convergence. Conveyance is the simple transfer of information, and we see that with assigned readings as well as lecture-style delivery, where the person at the front of the room talks and the audience listens. It is one-way, and it’s foundational for learning (you can’t learn if there is no content). But it’s not the same as learning. Learning happens when conveyance is followed by convergence. Convergence is where meaning-making happens, where misconceptions are straightened out, where analogies are formed, where exceptions are identified, where usefulness and limitations are tested. And all of this requires conversation.</del>

<del>My own approach to going remote this fall is to have readings as usual, plus “watchings” – segments of my lectures put online where students watch my slides while listening to my voice. Then instead of a single three-hour class, I will divide the class into thirds and hold a one-hour class for each – creating smaller groups to discuss the material. A small group where the whole time is spent in discussion is the best way I can think of to promote convergence in a medium so poorly suited to it.<a id="Phlippe" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Educators can draw on remote-learning resources</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</span></a><span> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</del></h4>
<del>The COVID-19 pandemic forced the post-secondary education (PSE) community to go online last winter with little to no preparation. This resulted in many students experiencing low-quality remote teaching. The impact could be felt in a survey of PSE students from across the country. About two-thirds of the 1,000 respondents to a<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.casa-acae.com/students_are_still_worried_covid19" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent survey</a></span><span> </span>commissioned by CASA do not think they will get the same quality education in a remote environment as they would in person.</del>

<del>Teaching personnel can’t be blamed for the past winter semester — in the best-case scenario, they only had two weeks to prepare for a complete paradigm change in their education environment. But thankfully, they have now had four months to prepare for the fall semester and many tools have been made available. Among those, BCCampus and eCampus Ontario offer many opportunities for exchange with educators experienced in remote teaching and provide a lot of online material. One of the most interesting tools they created is their open educational resources (OER) library. OERs often take the form of government-funded, free, accessible and adaptable textbooks. Combined with best-practice sharing, they can be a great way to build a fall semester class that would be accessible to everyone in these harsh times.<a id="Kaleb" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Students need support dealing with uncertainty</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaleb-zewdineh-53359313b/?originalSubdomain=ca" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Kaleb Zewdineh</a> </span>– Class of 2020 Graduate, Ryerson University</del></h4>
<del>COVID-19 raised fundamental problems with students’ academic experience. During the shutdown, universities had numerous challenges in offering appropriate responses to student concerns, keeping students in a state of uncertainty.</del>

<del>The problem is especially urgent for low-income students. Many of them were already relying on assistance programs and support services before the pandemic, including loans for laptops and textbooks, Wi-Fi, meal plans and private tutoring. To many of these students, including myself, the greatest problem related to resuming classes will be how to adapt to the new, post-COVID-19 learning models without a clear understanding how to access those supports. If these supports are delivered online, what happens to students without stable network access?</del>

<del>Related to this, post-secondary institutions urgently need to revamp their mental health services for students, particularly for low-income students, as they deal with these uncertainties.<a id="Kelley" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Schools must manage students’ expectations as they face dramatic changes</span></del>
<h4><del><a href="https://twitter.com/VicCollege_UofT" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Kelley Castle</span></a><span> </span>– Dean of Students, Victoria University, University of Toronto</del></h4>
<del>Universities are now operationalizing public health guidelines, but they also need to focus on deliverables and communications around three aspects of student life:</del>

<del>Student experience: Despite new interactive curricula, Zoom programming, and inventive counselling and advising, the student experience this year will be very hard hit. For those living and learning remotely, there will be an obvious loss of community, and a pedagogical and academic loss. For those on campus, there will be social distancing, masks, few common spaces, dining restrictions and constricted classroom discussion – not the ideal convivial, developmentally supportive, inter-disciplinary life. Different anxiety levels and compliance habits around COVID-19 will also have a palpable effect in classrooms and residences.</del>

<del>Student supports: Universities have moved the needle in providing holistic support services, weaving together mental health, accessibility, career education, equity and other learning supports. We will face both increased demands for care and a diminished ability to meet those needs. Many students will be remote learners. This will be a large hurdle for providing personal counselling, advising, referrals and assessments – especially for students who are abroad. This will be exacerbated for students for whom home is sadly less supportive and for students with physical and mental health issues taxed by COVID life.</del>

<del>Student safety: We are focused so much on university compliance with public health guidelines that we are not sufficiently attending to the problem of student compliance. At least two unsettling scenarios are possible: i) Students will strictly follow the university’s public health guidelines, in which case, student experience will be constrained; or ii) Students will not follow guidelines and rules, in which case we will have a system that is less safe. This isn’t a punitive or policing issue – students may just be unable to comply. This seems plausible, given what we have seen in other congregate living facilities and group socializing settings, both of which apply to university residences.</del>

<del>Despite all of this, I do not think it will be a bad experience. In fact, it may in many ways be a valuable one. But it will be different, and communications and expectations need to reflect this.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></del>

&nbsp;

<del><span>Preparing students to succeed in post-pandemic labour market</span></del>
<h4><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span><span> </span>– CEO and co-founder, Riipen</del></h4>
<del>The health and safety of students is the number one priority when it comes to resuming classes. Beyond this, I am most concerned about how we continue to prepare students to succeed in a post-pandemic<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/colleges-have-key-role-in-rebuilding-post-covid-19-workforce/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">labour force</a></span>. Over the past few months, we saw the cancellation of thousands of student placements and internships. Young people were among the most affected by changes in the Canadian labour market. According to Statistics Canada, the youth unemployment rate rose to 29.4 per cent in May, up from 16.8 per cent in March. Young people who have kept their jobs since the onset of COVID-19 have experienced steep reductions in their working hours. Underemployment is a very serious issue for post-secondary education. From<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.burning-glass.com/wp-content/uploads/underemployment_majors_that_matter_final.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">research</a></span><span> </span>done by Burning Glass and Strada, we know that many students who graduate into underemployment will continue to be underemployed for up to 10 years after graduation. If we don’t manage this well, the shortage of opportunities for young people today will impact this cohort of students for years to come. To deal with this, post-secondary education needs to stay closely connected with post-pandemic recovery. Schools need to work with off-campus stakeholders to align education and employment opportunities.</del>

<del>Post-secondary institutions do more than just educate our students — they are also key providers of talent for the workforce. We have just seen a giant shift in how “talent” will be defined moving forward. In my opinion, COVID-19 served as a catalyst for many of the “Future of Work” trends we were already seeing pre-pandemic. In the recovery period, we will see an increased emphasis on competencies such as digital skills, critical thinking, adaptability and other human skills. It is our job to ensure that students have the skills and practical experience that will truly help them stand out during these challenging times.</del>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"></a></del></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Sapra et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education?’</span>"</strong></del>:

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<del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?</span></del>
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<div class="uncode-info-box font-118612 alpha-anim animate_when_almost_visible font-weight-500 text-uppercase start_animation"><del><span class="date-info">AUGUST 4, 2020<span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="category-info">IN<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" class="" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span></span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol"><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span><span class="author-wrap"><span class="author-info">BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">VARIOUS CONTRIBUTORS</a></span></span></span></del></div>
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<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></del>

<del><span>Canadian colleges and universities are still coping with the fallout of COVID-19, which forced them to adapt mid-semester to online learning models and rapidly develop new plans for the school year that starts next month. We asked a variety of experts — including administrators, advocates, faculty and policy specialists — to look ahead to how the changes to the sector will play out over a longer timeline. We sent them all the same question: “</span><i><span>How will post-secondary education be different two years from now as a result of COVID-19?” </span></i><span>Thirteen of their answers are below.</span><i><span> </span></i></del>

<del><span>This is the second of two compilations from First Policy Response on the topic of post-secondary education. You can find the first one </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link"><span>here</span></a><span>.</span></del>

<del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Paul" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson: </span></span><span style="color: #0000ff">Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></a></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Andre" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté: Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Mitchell" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson: More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Dana" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson: Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Duane" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair: Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Gladys" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi: COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Jen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte: Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philippe" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel: Governments should step up to improve access to online education</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Colin" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness: Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Philip" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos: Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it </a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Julia" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira: It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar: Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </a></span></del>

<del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/#Helen" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde: New approaches to education must focus on student well-being</a></span></del>

<del>—<a id="Paul" role="link"></a></del>

<del><span>Top issues for universities include upskilling, equity and international students</span></del>
<h4><del><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PaulHDavidson" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Paul Davidson</a></span> – President, Universities Canada</span></del></h4>
<del><span>Two years from now, we can expect to see more robust and more sophisticated use of online education. This will be coupled with a recognition of the increased value of face-to-face instruction and campus life.</span></del>

<del><span>Universities will also draw on the lessons of moving online to be able to increase offerings in the upskilling and reskilling space to meet the needs of those displaced by the pandemic.</span></del>

<del><span>There will be continued attention to equity, diversity and inclusion to help universities “build back better,” including attention to those students most seriously impacted by COVID-19. While “we are all in this together,” the impacts of the pandemic have illustrated long-standing inequities.  </span></del>

<del><span>There is a potential for international students to become even more important to Canada’s higher education ecosystem, drawing on how Canada distinguished itself from competitor countries. We anticipate a period to recover existing markets and also continue to diversify source countries.</span></del>

<del><span>There is also a recognition that the fiscal capacity of provinces will be significantly constrained, and that there is a risk post-secondary education will once again be pitted against other priorities such as childcare, health care and long-term care.<a id="Andre" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Higher education sector must respond to changing business model and student needs</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andr%C3%A9-c%C3%B4t%C3%A9-8935659/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">André Côté</a></span><span> </span>– Public affairs consultant, former advisor to the Ontario minister for higher education and employment services</strong></del></h4>
<del><span>Higher ed institutions were already facing headwinds before the COVID-19 crisis: Limited growth in domestic enrolments. Flat, falling and, in some cases, increasingly performance-based provincial operating grants. Students and employers questioning job readiness at graduation. Now, the crisis is catalyzing more existential challenges to the pre-COVID “business model” — massively disrupting the experience for </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://thoughtleadership.rbc.com/the-future-of-post-secondary-education-on-campus-online-and-on-demand/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">two million students</a></span><span>, closing borders on </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-universities-colleges-face-potential-budget-crunch-as-they-assess/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international students</a></span><span>, and requiring large-scale operational restructuring. How institutions (and governments) address these challenges will impact how post-secondary education looks in 24 months.</span></del>

<del><span>Still, as important public trusts, there’s a bigger test for PSE institutions: how they adapt to the urgent needs of Canadian learners and workers sideswiped by this crisis. The scale of disruption in the Canadian economy and job market is unprecedented. The job losses and hardship have been heavily concentrated: among low-wage and precarious workers, women, students and younger workers, immigrants, and hard-hit sectors like retail, hospitality and tourism. The damage to certain industries will take years to recover, if ever. Many of the jobs will never come back; many others will be profoundly changed.</span></del>

<del><span>Equipping these Canadians with the knowledge, skills and capabilities for re-employment will be an essential factor in the recovery — for households, for the economy and for the country. Rapidly deploying the education, (re-)training and upskilling opportunities calibrated to the demand in this new labour market will require innovation, adaptation and partnership in PSE and workforce systems — and with employers and policy-makers. It will need to happen at extraordinary speed and scale. </span></del>

<del><span>In a </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/a-policy-makers-recovery-agenda-for-higher-education/'" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recent piece</a></span><span> for FPR, myself and a number of co-authors from across the country took a first stab at a recovery agenda for policy-makers and post-secondary leaders. We make no claim that ours is the definitive list of needed interventions or solutions. I do believe, however, that it signals a level of urgency and boldness that we haven’t yet seen from PSE in meeting this generational moment. Let’s up our game.<a id="Mitchell" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>More mid-career students will need skills training and credentials</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/MitchWDavidson" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Mitchell Davidson</span></a> – Executive Director, StrategyCorp Institute of Public Policy and Economy</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>The COVID-19 pandemic will serve as a wakeup call to post-secondary institutions by accelerating trends that were already slowly developing, primarily the need to tailor post-secondary education to the employment market. First, post-secondary institutions will likely see an influx of mid-career workers returning, particularly at the college level. This will force the adoption of programs that speak to employers’ needs while understanding students’ time and monetary limitations. Mid-career students have mortgages, bills to pay and families to feed. Therefore, they need quicker programming without the electives and filler that other younger students may desire. A move to micro-credential programming is both needed and necessary.</span></del>

<del><a href="https://strategycorp.com/2020/06/the-future-of-ontarios-workers/" role="link"><span><span style="color: #0000ff">Eighteen percent</span></span></a><span> of college students already have university degrees, meaning that students are voting with their feet in order to secure skills for employment. Universities would do well to recognize this trend and accelerate their plans to become employment- and skill-centric. That means further distancing themselves from restrictive faculty practices like tenure and developing new courses and fields outside of the social studies. The efficacy of a university degree fades when there are more applicants for fewer jobs (ie. in a recession) and differentiating skills will become more important than ever. Post-secondary institutions will need to recognize employers need both hard and soft skills and adapt their programming accordingly.<a id="Dana" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Post-pandemic labour market will require on-demand learning and soft-skills training</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/GreatDanez" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Dana Stephenson</a></span> – CEO and co-founder, Riipen</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>I think post-secondary education will expand its offerings beyond what we see today. Continuing Education was already one of the fastest-growing demographics for post-secondary schools. As a result of COVID-19 and its impact on unemployment rates, many people will be looking to make career changes and develop skills that are more aligned with the workplaces we have today. In a challenging labour market, people will be looking for ways to become more competitive, and furthering their education has always been a great pathway for this. I believe post-secondary schools have a massive opportunity in the mid-career reskilling and upskilling space but these learners require a different type of flexibility. As the sector adapts, I think we will see more modular and on-demand learning that enables students to access the skills they need when they need them. We will also see an increase in micro-credentialling, giving people the ability to stack their educational qualifications based on their unique backgrounds and future plans. </span></del>

<del><span>We will see students of all ages start to demand more career readiness skills and human skills training from post-secondary institutions. COVID-19 changed the way employers value skills like adaptability, problem-solving, teamwork and communication. We were already seeing a shift in post-secondary education to providing more of this type of training, and I think post-pandemic, this will become more important than ever. </span></del>

<del><span>Lastly, I think we will see a growing demand for online education. Although many learners have found that online classes take away from the on-campus experience, others have seen that it gives them the flexibility to study from anywhere and at any time. This pandemic forced all of us to become more comfortable interacting in a virtual world, and with improvements to remote learning, I believe that many students will prefer this option in the future.<a id="Duane" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Colleges can use pandemic experience to become more flexible</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/DuaneMcNair" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Duane McNair</span></a> – Acting President, Algonquin College</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>COVID-19 has already caused a transformative shift in post-secondary education. Remote learning has altered the relationships students and employees have with their institution. Colleges and universities were pushed into transformative change – almost overnight – once campuses were closed in March and their winter terms moved entirely online. We were challenged to try new things in order to best meet the needs of our learners and employees remotely.</span></del>

<del><span>At Algonquin College, we rapidly adapted our programs, courses, instructional approaches, academic-support strategies and supports in order to deliver a high-quality remote experience. This meant experimenting, discovering new approaches, and establishing new best practices that could stay with us short-, medium- and long-term. This entire process accelerated Algonquin College’s work to enhance and personalize our learners’ college experience and give our students maximum flexibility – be that in a physical or a digital space.</span></del>

<del><span>For example, we had to come up with unique ways to deliver the majority of our student support services, campus services and events virtually. Even when things become somewhat normalized again, and the majority of the College community returns to campus, many of the lessons learned during the pandemic will potentially allow for more flexible delivery of some college experiences and services.</span></del>

<del><span>Looking to the future, Algonquin College will continue to create an environment that responds to individual learners — meeting them when, where and how they wish to achieve their educational goals.</span></del>

<del><span>Personalization, flexibility and innovation will remain foundational to our goals – both inside and outside the classroom – </span><span>as we adapt to new realities post-COVID-19. </span><span>The pandemic has proven that institutions have the ability to quickly make wide-scale and far-reaching changes. Those are truly valuable lessons; they could allow for the next two years to be a dynamic period of experimentation, reinvention and creativity in the field of post-secondary education.<a id="Gladys" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>COVID-19 has shown that post-secondary institutions need to reach more vulnerable youth</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/OGladysO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Gladys Okine-Ahovi</a> </span>– Executive Lead, Canadian Council for Youth Prosperity</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>Academia is not typically known to be nimble, but COVID-19 has pushed post-secondary education far beyond its comfort zone of bricks and mortar and opened a door to tremendous opportunities for allyship and championship for stronger and more resilient communities across Canada.</span></del>

<del><span>The pandemic has exacerbated inequities and inefficiencies that have long challenged Canada’s post-secondary system to be one that leaves no one behind. Institutions will be held to account to ensure learning is accessible, affordable and provided in culturally safe and respectful environments.</span></del>

<del><span>Offerings will be dynamic and competitive on a global scale, as the pandemic has thrust learners into a space where they can access education from around the world through their phones and tablets. It must have creativity, collaboration and adaptability as its guiding principles. These soft and evergreen skills are vital for students, formally (in curriculum, regardless of field) and informally (through the student experience). </span></del>

<del><span>Post-secondary institutions will be a lifeline for young people, extending their reach into more remote/rural communities to reach those who are further away from traditional learning and training environments. COVID has shown us how quickly and easily large segments of our population can be separated from the workforce. Two years from now, they should have established pathways to bring vulnerable youth into the fold so that they, too, can gain the soft skills that enable them to pivot in an ever-changing world of work </span><span>—</span><span> skills that help level the playing field. Fast change is possible. COVID has opened the door.<a id="Jen" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Remote learning might help remote Indigenous communities — but they need support first</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/YukonUniversity" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Jen Laliberte</a> </span>– eleV Coordinator, First Nations Initiatives, Yukon University</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>The shift to the virtual realm prompted by COVID-19 doesn’t have a defined end date. There is no certainty in planning for a future beyond COVID-19, as we are still in the early stages of this pandemic, and timelines for vaccines and herd immunity are unknown. This could mean the “new normal” of online meetings, classes and lecture continues well past this semester, and perhaps even well beyond two years. </span></del>

<del><span>As institutions, post-secondary and otherwise, move to adapt and innovate programs and services, new investments in technology and infrastructure will also shape the path moving forward. Online delivery means students in rural or remote locations can potentially access the same programs and services as their counterparts in urban centres, as long as the technology to support them is available. This could have profound impacts on smaller Indigenous communities being able to retain more young people, and help students pursue their educational goals without leaving their families, communities and cultural connections. </span></del>

<del><span>But there are barriers to online learning as well, so while this is a moment of opportunity, it is not without challenges in implementation and delivery. Ideally, in two years, there will be more broad acceptance of the necessity for internet and technology access for all students, and government and institutional support to make that happen. </span></del>

<del><span>The abrupt impact of COVID has demonstrated that it is possible for institutions to show incredible flexibility and innovation. This provides a path for the future, where options are diverse and students can be supported to learn in ways that work best for their communities, nations, families and selves. New partnerships can also be forged to work collaboratively toward common vision and goals. In Yukon, self-governing First Nations are directing education in innovative ways, creating opportunities for post-secondary connections and possibilities. Though we may not know what learning models and platforms will be available two years from now, we can be dedicated to continued adaptation and responsiveness. Post-secondary institutions should always be learning, too.<a id="Philippe" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Governments should step up to improve access to online education</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/PhilLeBel20" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philippe LeBel</a> </span>– Policy and Research Analyst, Canadian Alliance of Students Associations</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>The main change COVID-19 will have on the post-secondary education community will be that most people who had not tried remote teaching before will now have experienced online learning. Hopefully, if everyone is able to properly prepare for the upcoming fall semester, it will be a good experience for most people. </span></del>

<del><span>We see a similar phenomenon happening in the workforce. Recent studies have revealed that many companies are planning to have more full-time remote employees, even after the end of the crisis. And employers, like employees, seem to find advantages to working remotely. </span></del>

<del><span>In the PSE community, we will surely see a similar tendency for remote learning. For different reasons, students, educators and administrators may enjoy this new way of teaching. It will be important for policy-makers to take this into consideration. Many tools can be provided by all governments to improve access to PSE. From grants to accessible educational material, not to mention universal high-speed internet access, the PSE policy-makers of today will have to get the country ready for tomorrow.<a id="Colin" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Classrooms and residences need contagion-resistant redesigns</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/UofT_dlsph" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Colin Furness</a></span> – Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>I’m hoping that in two years, school will look nearly the same as it did before COVID-19. Everything we are discovering about online learning tells us that it is not great. Because I have studied the intersection of people and technology, I already knew that, but it has not been a widely held view – even at the venerable Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, there has been a remarkable (and dismaying) embrace of technology in learning because it is assumed to represent an improvement.  </span></del>

<del><span>It is my belief (or at least my hope) that the discourse around the benefits of remote learning will change to recognize that learning is a social process, and it’s social in a way that can’t be replicated adequately on a computer screen. Physical campuses with physical classrooms and labs and social interaction form the best environment for learning. Universities already know how to do that reasonably well.</span></del>

<del><span>I think (or at least hope) that we will see a shift in how we design new buildings, classrooms and workspaces to be resilient to contagion – smaller crowds and better ventilation. Residences also form a significant piece of post-secondary education for many students, and they need to be rethought, too – private bathrooms, separate entrances and the ability to modulate from large dining halls when needed. This kind of redesign will only happen in the long run, but I’m hopeful that what we have experienced will embed a new wisdom among architects and institutions about what constitutes smart design, with a new emphasis on resilience and small gatherings, instead of reliance on technology and large classes.<a id="Philip" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Advantages of on-campus education may be limited to those who can afford it  </span></del>
<h4><del><span><strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/POreopoulos" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Philip Oreopoulos</a></span> – Professor of Economics and Public Policy, University of Toronto</strong></span></del></h4>
<del><span>Online learning offers potential advantages. For example, I can record videos of lectures that, with the help of a pause button, come across to the student as fluid and to the point. Students can watch these videos and we can spend our classroom time focused on active dialogue, answering questions and working through problems. We save in commute time, and the chat box seems to generate more active participation than a large class. </span></del>

<del><span>Technology for facilitating online is booming, and the pandemic has produced an active discussion about how best to learn in a virtual environment. After iterating and with discussion and research, we are bound to become very good at providing high-quality lectures and smoothly run virtual classrooms. </span></del>

<del><span>And yet, there is something about online learning that seems to drain student motivation and interest in a way that in-person education does not. Most students prefer to have a routine to their learning that includes face-to-face interactions with instructors and classmates. Two experimental studies </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669930?seq=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">both</a> <a href="https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20161057" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">revealed</a></span><span> that students taking a class online did significantly worse on the final exam than students taking the same class in person. Attendance and participation rates were appreciatively higher in the face-to-face case. Students seem to find it difficult to motivate themselves without social interaction. </span></del>

<del><span>Online learning is on order of magnitudes cheaper to provide than face-to-face. Finding ways to motivate students to focus and self-learn while using online learning could provide better instruction and facilitate greater learning. I worry, however, that a two-tier system could arise from the pandemic: those who can afford it will prefer on-campus and in-person learning because of the education and learning experiences gained from outside the classroom, but also for its consumption value. Those who cannot may end up pursuing a second system of high-quality online learning that offers higher education at a vastly lower cost. If employers come to value these programs, then perhaps this second tier will still generate high returns and create greater access. But it may also increase inequality.<a id="Julia" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>It’s time to rethink work-integrated education for a remote-learning world</span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><a href="https://twitter.com/julezzpereira" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Julia Pereira</span></a> – President, Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>We anticipate that within two years, online learning will be more prevalent than it was prior to COVID-19. This has the potential to be a positive shift that enhances the accessibility and affordability of post-secondary education across the province, creating more opportunities to diversify learning and prepare students for a shift to an increasingly online workforce. However, the benefits of increased online learning cannot be realized without a strong foundation to support quality of and access to online learning. By creating this foundation, we can ensure that post-secondary institutions can offer affordable, accessible, high-quality online learning two years from now. This will require quality assurance standards and review mechanisms to guide the expansion of online learning. To improve access, we also need to expand and strengthen internet and broadband connectivity, particularly for students in rural and remote communities. </span></del>

<del><span>Furthermore, this pandemic has forced employers and institutions to rethink work-integrated learning opportunities such as co-op placements or practicums. Throughout COVID-19, these opportunities have been offered through alternative delivery methods that still provided students with an opportunity to engage in meaningful work. These solutions have supported innovative and enhanced ways of learning, and moving forward, they can ensure that students in remote or rural areas are still able to pursue work-integrated learning. To support these opportunities, the provincial government should re-invest $68 million in the Career Ready Fund over three years to incentivize employers to create more job opportunities for students and recent graduates.<a id="Hilary" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>Students need new alternatives to develop marketable skills </span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/hagar_hilary" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Hilary Hagar</a></span> – Policy analyst, Northern Policy Institute</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>Due to COVID-19, higher education is likely to continue online in the coming years. While this allows learners to complete their studies remotely, some of the benefits students get from post-secondary learning will be lost.  </span></del>

<del><span>For most new graduates to get work in their fields, they need more than just their degree or diploma. The soft skills graduates learn from study abroad experiences, experiential learning and leadership in extracurriculars, for example, all go a long way in job competition.</span></del>

<del><span>The heightened hurdles for students to gain work experience this summer and the lack of opportunities to develop soft skills in post-secondary settings could mean new graduates will have fewer marketable skills, and will suffer in the labour market.</span></del>

<del><span>Of course, there was a federal</span><span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/backgrounders/2020/06/25/canada-student-service-grant" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">plan</a></span><span> to address summer experience for students. While the Canada Student Service Grant (CSSG) has become associated with </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/we-charity-student-grant-justin-trudeau-testimony-1.5666676" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">controversy</a></span><span><span style="color: #0000ff">,</span> it’s students that are disadvantaged. As we enter the last month of summer break, there does not appear to be a solution.</span></del>

<del><span>Post-secondary leaders should consider ways to engage students beyond Zoom classes. Supporting students’ remote co-ops and offering remote work-integrated learning opportunities are potential options. Perhaps non-profits that could have benefitted from CSSG volunteers could partner with education institutions so students can receive course credits to volunteer during the semester. The federal funds allocated to the CSSG could be directed to post-secondary institutions to help facilitate these opportunities and pay students for their contributions. Not only will this make institutions more competitive, students will benefit post-graduation.<a id="Helen" role="link"></a></span></del>

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<del><span>New approaches to education must focus on student well-being </span></del>
<h4><del><strong><span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://twitter.com/helenism101?lang=en" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Helen Tewolde</a></span> – Director of Policy and Programs, The Law Foundation of Ontario</span></strong></del></h4>
<del><span>It was abundantly clear even before the pandemic that the</span><span> </span><span>workforce — and the education, skill development and training that learners require for it</span><span> </span><span>—</span><span> was rapidly changing. The pandemic has simply necessitated a faster response to this reality.</span></del>

<del><span>In two years, public policy related to post-secondary education will have likely advanced to responding more directly, and with greater coordination, to the role of post-secondary education in a world of increasingly precarious and unpredictable work. Post-secondary actors will thus have to define a high-quality education and training experience through the lens of overall well-being. It is no longer about tracking numbers, like how many complete a course or graduate, but about the </span><i><span>significance </span></i><span>of such milestones on the life chances of all learners.</span></del>

<del><span>Government and post-secondary institutions will have developed and adapted to newly emerging performance indicators related to: student learning and experience; skill development, particularly digital skills (and this is for everyone </span><span>—</span><span> administrators, students and faculty alike); the use of instructional design tools and techniques to create easy-to-navigate online formats; and the availability and applicability of resources such as disability and mental health supports, as well as more mainstream services for faculty and students.</span></del>

<del><span>Quality through well-being will be defined by the extent to which faculty, with the support of administrators, are able to convey the significance of whatever is being taught and learned: connecting it in a relevant way to personal life-skill development and to work opportunities that sustain livelihoods. This does not mean a loss of learning in the humanities and social science, just that creativity is the name of the game. Leveraging the skills and experiences of students themselves, who are mostly “digital natives” and have a fresh and unique vantage point, will support in the development of new approaches.</span><span> </span></del>

<del><span>Significant regional, socioeconomic and individual-level differences in digital access and opportunity will only be exacerbated post-pandemic. New approaches for post-secondary systems to sensitively respond to these variations will hopefully be shared across the system to ensure an optimized quality experience and well-being for all.</span></del>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></del></div>
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<div class="molongui-font-size-19-px molongui-text-align-justify molongui-line-height-10"><del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span></span></del></div>
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</article><del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on Davidson et al.<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?’</span>"</strong></del>:

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<del><span style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.80225em;font-weight: bold">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?</span></del>
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<div class="date-info"><del>FEBRUARY 19, 2021 <span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>IN<span style="color: #0000ff"> <a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/equity-covid-19/" role="link" title="View all posts in Equity + COVID-19" style="color: #0000ff">EQUITY + COVID-19</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/children-youth-education/" title="View all posts in Children, youth + education" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">CHILDREN, YOUTH + EDUCATION</a></span><span><span class="date-info" style="font-size: 1em"> </span><span class="uncode-ib-separator uncode-ib-separator-symbol" style="font-size: 1em">| </span></span>BY<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" title="View all posts by MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">MOJGAN RAHBARI-JAWOKO</a></span>,<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" title="View all posts by SARA ASALYA" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">SARA ASALYA</a></span><span> </span>AND<span> </span><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" title="View all posts by ALKA KUMAR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">ALKA KUMAR</a></span></del></div>
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<div class="background-inner"><del><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></del></div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><del><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">The global COVID-19 pandemic has massively disrupted post-secondary education, forcing teaching, support services and institutional programming to migrate to </span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">online platforms</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">. Last March, in the middle of a semester, post-secondary students across Canada were suddenly told to relocate from their campuses and dormitories; almost a year later, with a second, more deadly wave ravaging Canada, it is difficult to speculate when a return to in-person operations will be possible.</span></del></div>
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<del>The pandemic has exposed <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e09162ecf041b5662cf6fc4/t/5e7cda8faf0ca67eba4a5f89/1585240719341/Dismantling+Systemic+Racism+in+Canadian+Post-Secondary+Institutions-+Arab+Students%E2%80%99+Experiences+on+Campus.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">pre-existing fault lines</span></a> rooted in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://ufv.ca/media/assets/race-antiracism-network-ran/Henry-et-al_RaceRacializationIndigeneity_CanadianUniversities_2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">systemic racism and discrimination</a></span>; underlined the <a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/covid-19/impact-covid-19-in-racialized-communities/racial-inequity-covid-19-and-education-black-and" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">persistence and pervasiveness of associated barriers</span></a>; and had a notable negative impact on vulnerable students’ academic success and general sense of belonging. Research so far has revealed the disproportionate negative effects of the pandemic on both <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/200512/dq200512a-eng.pdf?st=A7RN-KzR" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">post-secondary students</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/researchers-investigate-how-racialized-groups-are-faring-during-the-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">racialized groups</a></span>. There is no doubt, then, that racialized students are paying a heavy price. Given that the reverberations of this ongoing pandemic will continue well into the future, further research is needed on the experiences of racialized post-secondary students to understand pandemic-related impacts and inequities in more depth.</del>

<del>The imminent question is, what can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</del>

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<blockquote><del>What can post-secondary institutions do to mitigate the harms caused by deficits in real inclusion for racialized, Indigenous and Black students? Such problem-solving must not just happen as a short-term COVID response; rather, this inflection point in history should be taken as an opportunity to make sustainable, systemic transformations.</del></blockquote>
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<h2><del>Inequitable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic</del></h2>
<del>The pandemic has been harmful for post-secondary students, staff and faculty across the board. A <a href="https://toscipolicynet.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/tspn_impact_of_covid-19_grad_students_in_canada.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">study by the Toronto Science Policy Network</span></a> found that almost 75 per cent of graduate students have experienced worsening mental health. An <a href="https://ocufa.on.ca/assets/OCUFA-2020-Faculty-Student-Survey-opt.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations poll</span></a> of 2,700 students, faculty and academic librarians revealed fewer opportunities to earn income during the pandemic. Family care demands, work-life balance and general well-being and mental health were other key stressors for both students and faculty.</del>

<del>Marginalized students are at even higher risk of experiencing stress, anxiety and depression. Historically, the “achievement gap” between various student groups has led to differential retention rates and academic inequities for Canada’s post-secondary students. The hasty shift to online learning has starkly highlighted the deep divide between students who have access to resources (<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">reliable internet connections</span></a>, food and general support systems) and those who do not. A report from Ryerson University’s <a href="https://brookfieldinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/TorontoDigitalDivide_Report_final.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship and Ryerson Leadership Lab</span></a> found that 38 per cent of Toronto households do not have internet that meets Canada’s download speed targets; 49 per cent of those who were not connected to the internet said the cost was the main reason for not having it; and more than a third of those worried about paying internet bills were low-income, newcomer, single parent, Latin American, South Asian and Black residents. As school, work and access to critical services have been forced online, those with limited or no internet have faced major consequences.</del>

<del>The COVID-19 pandemic has regrettably revealed that institutional and systemic racism have persisted in post-secondary institutions’ policies and practices. In an <span style="color: #0000ff"><u><a href="http://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/news_centre/letter-universities-and-colleges-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">open letter</a></u></span> to post-secondary institutions, the Ontario Human Rights Commission shared examples of racism, discrimination, xenophobia and increased violence and fear students had experienced within Ontario post-secondary settings during the pandemic, eroding their basic human rights to safe educational spaces. “These experiences are not new, as racism is ingrained in our society and institutions, but have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” the Newcomer Students’ Association <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/2020/12/20/nsa-statement-in-response-to-ohrc-letter-to-universities-and-colleges-on-racism-and-other-human-rights-concerns/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">responded in a statement</a></span>. “Reliance primarily on virtual platforms for learning and socializing has led to racialized students feeling doubly isolated, marginalized and discriminated against.”</del>

<del>The current situation is troubling as it confirms that Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies within post-secondary institutions are failing to address the diverse needs and experiences of racialized students. As we wrote in a <a href="https://www.hilltimes.com/2021/01/04/open-letter/277214" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">recent op-ed</span></a>: “Without comprehensive race-based data, equity policies within Canadian universities have limited impact in adequately addressing discrimination and racism.”</del>

<del>The challenging circumstances of the pandemic offer an <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10494820.2020.1813180" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">opportunity to reimagine post-secondary</span></a> institutions to address existing problems with race and ethnic representation, explore solutions for diversity and equity, and critically examine and meet the immediate and long-term needs of marginalized students, staff and faculty through institutional reform.</del>

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<h2><del>Systemic change through Inclusive Excellence</del></h2>
<del><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.436" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Critical and Indigenous scholars</span></a> have described how Canada’s long and <a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/decolonizing-education" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">enduring history of colonialism</span></a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1081961" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion</span></a> has informed all its institutions, and post-secondary institutions are no exception. Students from historically marginalized communities regularly experience <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/90007872?seq=1" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">exclusion, discrimination and marginalization</span></a>. This often takes the form of: racism, racially motivated <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10447-018-9345-z" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">micro-aggressions</span></a> and “<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/i-cant-breathe-feeling-suffocated-by-the-polite-racism-in-canadas-graduate-schools/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">psychological gaslighting</a></span><u>,</u>” whereby their experiences are denied, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036573" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">overlooked or undervalued</span></a>; scarcity of <a href="https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfrontlineworkers/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social and academic support</span></a>; <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180118785382" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">social isolation</span></a>; and lack of meaningful representation.</del>

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<del>The existing disconnect between diversity and educational excellence prevents post-secondary institutions from adequately supporting diverse and differentially prepared students to succeed. More than ever, attention must be paid to marginalized students’ intersecting identities, socio-economic status and access needs, academic engagement and success. Consequently, post-secondary institutions must adopt <a href="https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/covid-19-is-hurting-phd-students-mental-health/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">responsive strategies</span></a> to meet the needs of racialized students.</del>

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<del>Within the Canadian post-secondary context, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/a-strategic-moment-for-canada/article31019860/?page=all" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">changing demographics</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/12452/al%20Shaibah_Arig_201409_PhD.pdf?sequence=1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">multiculturalism</a></span>, increased recruitment and retention of <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/when-international-students-succeed-we-all-do/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">international and racialized students</a></span> and faculty, and the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have increased focus on EDI. Moreover, political attention to equity, aligned with <a href="https://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/whats_new-quoi_de_neuf/2018/letter_to_presidents-lettre_aux_presidents-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">new mandates for research funding</span></a>, have triggered <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-a-Diversity-Culture-Shift-in-Higher-Education-Comprehensive-Organizational/Chun-Evans/p/book/9781138280717" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">senior administrative leadership</a></span> within research-intensive universities to articulate goals and demonstrate achievements through <a href="http://www.chairs-chaires.gc.ca/program-programme/equity-equite/action_plan-plan_action-eng.aspx" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">EDI action plans</span></a>. However, achieving genuine equity, diversity and inclusion has been a complex task as there are <a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1066634ar" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">different ideological approaches to equity</span></a> — including fairness, inclusion and redistribution of resources.</del>

<del>Instead, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/MakingExcellenceInclusive2017.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">best practice</a></span> has shown that effecting systemic change in post-secondary entails an <a href="https://www.aacu.org/sites/default/files/files/mei/williams_et_al.pdf" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Inclusive Excellence (IE) framework</span></a>. IE builds on EDI by mandating educational excellence to be fundamentally and inextricably connected to inclusion efforts in four key ways:</del>
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 	<li><del>Strict focus on student academic and social development;</del></li>
 	<li><del>Purposeful development and utilization of resources to enhance student learning and achievement potential;</del></li>
 	<li><del>Recognition of the benefits of diversity; and</del></li>
 	<li><del>Holistic engagement of diversity in teaching and learning and all operations.</del></li>
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<del>As Canadian post-secondary leaders look toward post-COVID restructuring, we urge them to develop an IE framework that incorporates five key considerations: <em>environmental factors</em>, such as shifting demographics and political dynamics; <em>organizational culture</em>, to ensure <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Creating+the+Multicultural+Organization%3A+A+Strategy+for+Capturing+the+Power+of+Diversity-p-9780787955847" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">broad institutional support</a></span> for IE in <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://edchange.com/publications/Rethinking-Culture.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">teaching</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000037" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">operations</a></span> and the working environment; <em>broader adoption of diversity</em>, from <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1057109ar" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">recruitment</a></span> to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13562517.2018.1465405" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">learning outcomes</a></span>; <em>expanding the ways in which educational excellence is measured;</em> and <em>expanding institutional accountability structures, mechanisms and measures </em>to include real consequences for non-compliance.</del>

<del>The key elements of the IE framework are that it is grounded in a comprehensive approach and holistic perspective; and that it uses the principles of excellence to move from gathering insights about gaps and challenges in the higher education ecosystem, to creating an action plan to advance equity, diversity and inclusion. Its emphasis on building institutional strategies for achieving EDI goals makes it well suited to addressing challenges in the post-secondary sector, both from a short-term perspective to deal with COVID-triggered inequities, and from a long-range systems lens to effect policy changes.</del>

<del>For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.inclusion.ca/article/why-race-based-data-matters-in-health-care/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">why race-based data matters in health care</a></span>; an IE approach would acknowledge that it matters equally in education and start collecting data to monitor whether the institution is actually becoming more equitable and diverse. It could include processes to make transparency and accountability measures actionable and enforceable, with financial consequences built in for defaulters. Certainly, there are potential dangers in relation to <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://rsc-src.ca/en/race-and-ethnicity-data-collection-during-covid-19-in-canada-if-you-are-not-counted-you-cannot-count" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">data misuse</a></span>, and safeguards must be put in place to manage these right from the start. However, for substantive and sustainable policy solutions to be implemented, robust data collection processes and systems are needed.</del>

<del>An IE-based change model works through an integrated strategic approach that engages stakeholders at multiple levels within the system. It focuses on engaging diversity in curriculum and in pedagogy to ensure that all learners with differential needs can be served optimally. And it works to eliminate barriers that limit equitable participation for racialized, Indigenous and Black students.</del>

<del>Systemic change in post-secondary institutions is generally difficult due to their complex organizational and governance structure and the discord between their espoused and enacted values. But genuine, transformational change is possible. It will require a sound IE framework with carefully crafted tools that are responsive to complex institutional dynamics and broader societal context. Such an approach will help post-secondary become systemically responsive in meeting the current and future educational needs of racialized students. As anthropologist <a href="https://www.mhpbooks.com/books/the-utopia-of-rules/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">David Graeber</span></a> so wisely says: “The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make, and could just as easily make differently.”</del>

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<div class="molongui-clearfix"><del><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Mojgan-Rahbari-Jawoko-e1614124576564-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko" itemprop="image" /></a></del></div>
<div class="molongui-clearfix"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/mojgan-rahbari-jawoko/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Mojgan Rahbari-Jawoko</span></strong></a> is an Adjunct Professor at <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://continuing.ryerson.ca/instructor-directory/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The Chang School of Continuing Education at Ryerson University</a></span> and <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/drrahbari" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Social Policy &amp; Administration, Immigration and EDI expert</a></span>.</em></del></div>
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<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><del><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sara-Asalya-e1614125086618-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sara Asalya" itemprop="image" /></a></em></del></p>
<p data-related-layout="layout-1"><del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sara-asalya/" role="link"><strong><span style="color: #0000ff">Sara Asalya</span></strong></a> is the founder and executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span> and a graduate student at the department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto.</em></del></p>

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<del><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="47" height="47" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Alka-Kumar-scaled-e1614122679576-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Alka Kumar" itemprop="image" /></a></em></del>

<del><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/alka-kumar/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff"><strong>Alka Kumar</strong></a></span> is the manager of research and policy at the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://mynsa.ca/meet-the-team/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Newcomer Students Association</a></span>, and as an adjunct consultant, she also works with organizations on projects to enhance inclusion, equity and social justice.</em></del>

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</article><del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/education/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-252 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">EDUCATION</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span></span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Rahbari-Jawoko, Asalya, and Kumar</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system?’</span>"</strong></del>:

<hr />

<del>DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)</del>
<ul>
 	<li><del>-How the Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance (OUSA) advocates for change</del></li>
 	<li><del>-What’s it like to be a student politician? (2 minutes)</del></li>
 	<li><del>-Hear more about the influence of research on student activism (1 minute)</del></li>
 	<li><del>-What’s the difference between political staff and bureaucrats? (3 minutes)</del></li>
 	<li><del>-Grants, tax credits, and the student aid context explained (1 minute)</del></li>
</ul>
<del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: student activism, political staff, bureaucrats</span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<strong><del>Quiz on DIVE: Student Aid<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "<em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em>’</span></del>"</strong>:

<hr />

<del>DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)</del>
<ul>
 	<li><del>-Evidence-based advocacy makes a difference (1 minute)</del></li>
 	<li><del>-Hear Deb Matthews on the inner workings of government (2 minutes)</del></li>
</ul>
<del><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: advocacy, government</span></del>

<del><strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)</span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span></del>

<del><strong>Quiz on <span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">DIVE: Student Aid</span><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s video "Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria"</span></strong></del>:]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>835</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 15:16:22]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 20:16:22]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:20:09]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:20:09]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v8-allarticleslinksquizzestitles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647264009]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-4-education-v8-allarticleslinksquizzestitles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Chapter 5-Indigenous Perspectives and Materials (v9-AllArticles-FormatQuizzesTitles)-LEARNING OBJECTIVES]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=847</link><pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 20:31:55 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=847</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong></span>:
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

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<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Indigenous-King-Indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises-Art1-ScreenShot-300x117.png" alt="Article title-Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises" width="795" height="310" class=" wp-image-772" />

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<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span>

<em>September marks six months since the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic of COVID-19. We’re using this milestone to take stock of the policy response so far and consider next steps as Canada continues to move from reaction to rebuilding. As part of this, First Policy Response is speaking to several policy experts to gather their thoughts on the key policy developments of these past six months, and what they think our next priorities should be.</em>

<em>This interview with Hayden King, executive director of the<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span>at Ryerson University,</em><em>is the last in our series of interview transcripts. You can read the full series<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/category/covid-19-six-months-later/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">here</a></span>. This transcript has been edited for clarity.</em>

&nbsp;

<strong>First Policy Response: What are some of the particular challenges facing Indigenous communities in Canada when it comes to COVID-19?</strong>

Hayden King: At the outset of the shutdown and the pandemic, with the awareness that this was a public health emergency, I think that communities were initially very quick to respond. I think that communities by and large had emergency response teams established, they had pandemic preparation and response plans. We saw, originally, daily and then weekly updates for band members on reserve, in communities. And then there were some more innovative solutions when we’re talking about remote communities – and I think about my own community, which is an island community. Those communities ended up coming together and gathering the resources that they had to make sure that everybody had food security. Obviously there’s this enormous challenge to deal with, but I think I would preface everything by saying how remarkable it was that a lot of communities ended up actually engaging and preparing and dealing with the pandemic. And I think to a really a large degree, that’s why we saw very few cases in communities at the outset.

But as the pandemic went on, I think there were some governance challenges that really started to speak to more structural issues in Indigenous policy and law. I think one of those was around governance and elections. As it happens, many communities, particularly in Ontario, were about to go and vote for new<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/feds-dig-into-the-indian-act-to-allow-band-councils-to-extend-term-during-pandemic/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Indian Act chief and council elections</a></span>. And so there was a lot of confusion initially. Communities were saying, “We can’t have an election in the middle of the pandemic.” And then community people were saying, “Well, we want to hold you accountable. We want a new chief and council.” And the Department of [Indigenous Services] . . . ultimately was left with this question of what to do. And they really fumbled the response. Initially they said, “Go ahead and have your elections. Everything will be fine.” And obviously people were uncomfortable with that – this was the height of the pandemic. And then they said, “You can have a six-month delay to the election.” And there were all these questions about, “Well, what if a community already called the election? Are people able to go back to work after they they’ve declared nominations?” All these complications that are really specific to Indian Act governance started to emerge, and it really demonstrated, I think, how inflexible and rigid Indian Act governance is. The department of [Indigenous Services] didn’t have any answers. Communities were scrambling to figure it out. At the end of the day, the department positioned itself as the arbiter of when you can have an election, and when you can’t have an election, and by what process you can have an election. And I think we’re coming up on that six-month mark and there’s still a lot of confusion around that.

So on the one hand you had communities that were really proactive and really responsive to the pandemic as a public health crisis, but then as a governance crisis, there was a lot of confusion, and the Indian Act became activated as this barrier to addressing governance in communities during the pandemic.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>“The community didn’t have any mechanism to say, ‘Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else.’</em></div>
<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Then a second area of governance challenges was around communities prohibiting visitors from entering. I’ll focus on Ontario just because that has been my focus over the last few months. There are communities like Six Nations or Alderville that non-native people frequent for shopping purposes, I guess I’ll say. And when the community said it was time to shut down, it was really difficult for non-native people to stop going to the reserve. They continued to go. And then on the other side of the country in coastal British Columbia, for instance, you had communities where yachtsmen and boaters, fishermen, wanted to come into coastal waters, visit the community. And again, you had this challenge where the community didn’t have any mechanism to say, “Stay out, we’re shutting down just like everywhere else. You need to respect that.” And I think there was a little bit of debate in the beginning – how do we enforce this? But ultimately, communities like Six Nations put up concrete barriers at every road entering into their community. Communities like mine, island communities, shut down the ferry to non-native people. So ultimately, communities again took things into their own hands, but there was this policy question around who has the authority to shut down reserves? And by what mechanism do you do that in a public health crisis? And so those were, I think, the two big challenges that emerged.</span>

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And I suppose there are other things to discuss here, like around food security and having nurses available, and should there be an outbreak, having the resources to deal with it. There were some communities that were petitioning the federal government to erect medical tents in case there were outbreaks, and there was one community that asked if the<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cuba-doctors-sco-freeland-1.5515416" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">doctors from Cuba</a></span>could come into their community in the case of an outbreak; that was a request that was denied by Chrystia Freeland at the time. So, that’s the third challenge that I would add to list of challenges at the outset.

I’ve sort of alluded to the fact that communities did find ways to address these issues on their own. And that’s been effective for awhile, but now we have the situation where we had a lull over the summer and now cases are beginning to increase. So now we have a case in Bella Bella, we have a couple cases in Squamish territory, cases are on the rise in a number of other First Nation communities. And this is the fear. The fear is that once a virus did get into communities, we’d be in a lot of trouble. So I think the relaxation period over the summer has unfortunately led to an increase in cases.

One more challenge that has been ongoing throughout this entire pandemic is around data. We don’t actually know how many cases are in communities because the Department of Indigenous Services, they release a daily list. Courtney Skye, a Yellowhead research fellow, did a<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2020/05/12/colonialism-of-the-curve-indigenous-communities-and-bad-covid-data/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">community-based research project</a></span>to figure out how many cases were actually in communities. And in some cases, province by province, it was three or four times the rate that the Department of Indigenous Services was reporting. It’s difficult to actually know where the cases are, how many cases there are. And without that accurate information, it’s really difficult to plan and prepare and respond to the pandemic.

There’s one more challenge around privacy. This is related to data. [Ontario Regional Chief] RoseAnne Archibald of the Chiefs of Ontario and Judith Sayers of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council have spoken a little bit, at least to Yellowhead, about how it’s very difficult to get the provinces to disclose where the cases are so that those communities can prepare. Because the word is that there’s cases in the neighbouring non-native community, but there’s a lack of clarity on that for communities to actually address that.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: What about broadband access, as we’ve had a shift to remote school and work?</strong>

That’s sort a perpetual problem. Internet connectivity in a lot of communities is very weak. And we’re not just talking about Northern and remote communities, you know, we’re not talking about the far north of Ontario or Iqaluit, which have poor internet at the best of days, but communities south of the 401 have limited stable internet connectivity. And this is a perpetual problem. I would like to see some proactive response right now, because the provincial government is speaking to rural counties – like the county that I’m in right now, Northumberland County – about how a solution to the pandemic for economic recovery is increasing access to the internet and the digital main street, etc., etc. And that’s great. That’s wonderful for people like me who live rurally and have bad internet, but that conversation isn’t happening to the same degree for First Nation communities. Now is a perfect opportunity to increase broadband and internet infrastructure, but to date I haven’t been I haven’t heard about those discussions.

&nbsp;

<strong>FPR: I wanted to ask you about education as well, because that is another perpetual challenge. What is the situation with getting students back in school?</strong>

As I sort of began at the outset of this conversation, communities, because of the previous legacies of infectious diseases, have been overly cautious with COVID-19. And so when the province of Ontario, for instance, decided, “OK, it’s time for school to go back,” there were a number of communities that decided that they were not going to send their students back. Six Nations is a good example of a large community with multiple primary elementary schools that has decided to delay the reopening of schools. There’s this jurisdictional wrestling match, basically, between the province, the federal government and First Nations each thinking it has the best interests of communities and students in mind, and each proposing generally divergent policy solutions for things like education. And I think we’re seeing that to some degree right now.

In terms of additional support, that hasn’t materialized at the provincial level. At the federal level, there have been ad hoc funding announcements – in some cases, quite large funding announcements. One big challenge with that is that there’s not a lot of transparency over the rationale for the allocation of the funding, sustainability of the funding. It’s sort of just like, “Here’s some cash, we’ll figure the rest out later.” And in some ways it’s sort of ironic, because First Nations have been saying, “That’s great. We’ll take it and do with it what we please.” But in other ways, the disorganized nature of it, I think, creates a lot of uncertainty for communities. No doubt some are directing it to education, but speaking of data, there’s just no clear indication of what communities are spending the resources on right now.

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<strong>FPR: Are there any other policy interventions that you’ve seen so far that have been more useful or less useful, from either level of government?</strong>

There’s been a disturbing trend – even as early as June, Alberta and Ontario were still green-lighting large-scale infrastructure projects and suspending environmental regulation of those projects. Both Alberta and Ontario basically said these projects must go ahead. And some of the first restrictions to ease were on resource extraction. So while they were allowed to proceed, and workers were able to go back to camps, the monitoring of their work was restricted in both provinces. And interestingly, we saw outbreaks in both provinces, as well as in Saskatchewan, in remote worker camps, which then spread to other communities. So there’s this sort of hypocrisy at play, that somehow it’s safe for large numbers of people to gather in close spaces as long as it’s for resource extraction, and yet it’s unsafe for the environmental monitoring that would ordinarily accompany it and require just a handful of individuals, not congregating in large spaces, to carry out. I think that there’s an agenda at work there that requires some more scrutiny.

And I think that intersects with Indigenous policy because we have these legal principles in Canada, like the<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201917E" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">duty to consult</a></span>, like<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/publications/2016/10/free-prior-and-informed-consent-an-indigenous-peoples-right-and-a-good-practice-for-local-communities-fao/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">free, prior and informed consent</a></span>– which, while not recognized by the federal government or provinces, is attempted to be enforced by First Nation communities. So what happens to the duty to consult? What happens to consultation? What happens to consent during the pandemic when industrial or resource extraction is allowed to proceed with little to no regulation? I think that’s been an under-the-radar development that is actually a big story of the pandemic that should probably be scrutinized.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>“The federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves and I’m not sure that’s been done.”</em></div>
<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">FPR: As we’re moving out of the initial phase of the pandemic and into the longer-term recovery, where do you think our priorities should be in developing policy to address these challenges?</strong>

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I think public health is the primary one. If this so-called second wave arrives – and it looks like it’s on the horizon if Ontario and Quebec are any indication – the federal government has had six months to sort out public health on reserves, to figure out how to get the adequate health-care staff, capacity, services, supplies, resources to communities, and I’m not sure that’s been done. And so more work on pandemic preparedness and figuring out the relationship between Health Canada, the First Nations and the Department of Indigenous Services Canada is really where the priority should be. Because we know if the virus gets into communities, it will have devastating consequences.

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<strong>FPR: Before you go on, can you speak a little bit more about why that is?</strong>

Well, the people that are most affected by this virus are generally people that live in overcrowded homes, lower-income folks, people with complicating health factors such as other chronic diseases – that’s true generally across the board. If you look at the demographic analysis of where COVID is hitting people in Toronto, it’s in<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">low-income, racialized communities</a></span>. So for Indigenous people – who generally live in overcrowded homes, with higher rates of chronic and infectious diseases already, often in poverty – that is just a recipe for some serious harm from this virus and disease.

But then in addition to that, we know that First Nations, and Inuit in particular, are more susceptible to the harms of infectious disease. And we can look at H1N1, we can look at the Spanish flu – some communities lost a third or half of their population due to the Spanish flu.

And of course we can look at tuberculosis and many other examples throughout the 19th century.

And without adequate [medical] training, staff, medicine. . . . Many people have spoken about the lack of clean water. How do you wash your hands? Many people have spoken about the inability to physically distance. It’s interesting because what some Dene communities did, families just went out on the land and were by themselves for four months on the land. And that’s an effective strategy, but that requires resources, that requires snowmobiles, that requires gas, that requires ammunition, and sometimes those are in short supply as well.

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<strong>FPR: Was there anything else that you were going to say in terms of policy priorities?</strong>

Yeah, I think public health is one. And then governance is another. It’s really difficult to do this sort of large-scale, consultative work in the middle of a pandemic, but as I mentioned earlier, we have this governance crisis in communities where the Indian Act really showed how cumbersome it was, in terms of the inflexibility around elections. And so, whenever this pandemic ends, or even in the midst of it, I think that communities should really be working towards figuring out their governance structures, independent of the Department of Indigenous Services and Crown-Indigenous relations. And to some degree, that is going on, but in other cases, it’s slow to start. And the federal government did attempt to push communities in this direction with the Recognition and Implementation of Rights Framework, but that was bad legislation that<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/rightsframework/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">we at Yellowhead critiqued</a></span>. So support or input from the federal government on a move away from Indian Act governance and towards something that’s a little bit more expansive in terms of self-determination would be another priority.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>“Urban Indigenous people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response.”</em></div>
<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">FPR: So far we’ve talked about Indigenous communities. Are there additional or different challenges for Indigenous people living off-reserve?</strong>

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Over 50 per cent of Indigenous people live in cities, and when the federal government announced that there was going to be support for on-reserve folks, the urban Indigenous people were saying, “That’s great, but who’s here to represent us? Who’s here to speak on our behalf?” Because national Indigenous organizations do not do a very good job of that. They focus primarily on the on-reserve folks. And so those urban people were really left out of any discussions on pandemic preparedness and response. It took a lot of lobbying from Friendship Centres and others to really try to convince the federal government to devote some resources to urban communities. . . . By and large, it’s one of the most peripheral groups in the whole discussion around COVID-19 support.

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<strong>FPR: Same question – is there anything policy-wise that you would like to see done to address the needs of the urban Indigenous populations?</strong>

You know, so much of this is structural. It’s really difficult to say, “We just need a policy preparation plan for urban Indigenous people.” Like when I’m talking about the governance issues on reserves, that’s a structural thing that is going to require significant change in the relationship, and it’s not something that can be done easily with a straightforward new direction and policy. It’s the same with public health. These are broader discussions and I think if anything, the pandemic exposes the need for those conversations. And I think the same is true of urban issues, as well. Our urban Indigenous people are really left out of most of the conversations around Indigenous issues in Canada. For many years, there’s been this Urban Aboriginal Strategy, where the Conservative government actually tried to say, “OK, the federal government will pitch in 33 per cent, the province will pitch in 33 per cent, and the municipality that you live in will pitch in 33 per cent, and if everyone agrees to the project or the proposal, then you can have your funding for your urban Indigenous project.” It was a pretty sneaky way to avoid supporting urban Indigenous people because inevitably, one of those jurisdictions is going to bow out, and that means the entire project does not proceed. After the Conservatives left office, the Urban Aboriginal Strategy was tweaked a little bit, but there is really limited policy framework for addressing the needs of urban Indigenous people. . . .

It would be nice to be able to say there’s one simple, easy solution to all the challenges. I think maybe the only area where I could say that is around the land question. If you recall, right before the pandemic there was this massive Land Back movement in Canada that started with the Wet’suwet’en preventing the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline going through a part of their territory. Then that was supported by Tyendinaga Mohawks who blockaded CN Rail lines and prevented GO trains and Via trains from passing. And that was a multi-week shutdown. I think that we were really on the cusp of this national conversation around things like free, prior and informed consent. And then, of course, the pandemic hit and that obviously sapped the energy of the movement and the attention of Canadians. But the really clear and simple demand that was made off and on throughout that movement – but really since 2007 and even before that – has been for this concept of free, prior and informed consent. So, for any project that’s happening in a community’s established or asserted treaty area or title lands, the province or the federal government has got to get the permission or the consent of the community before that development proceeds.  That’s simple, that’s straightforward, there’s a clear objective, there’s a clear rationale. And that’s one that I think could be a straightforward [policy] answer, and also remedy some of the challenges that I spoke about earlier about the suspension of environmental regulation in Alberta and Ontario.

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<strong>FPR: Is there anything you will be looking for in the throne speech?</strong>

I think with the first Trudeau government, the majority, there was this clear focus on Indigenous issues and reconciliation and the nation-to-nation relationship, and how it was the “most important relationship.” During the last campaign, I think it was clear that the Liberals couldn’t run on reconciliation – it didn’t work out for them. And since then there’s been this real lack of attention, like a glaring lack of attention to Indigenous issues. It’s remarkable, [the difference between] the first government and the second government. So I think we’ll really get confirmation with this throne speech on whether or not the “most important relationship” has been downgraded. We might hear a few references to reconciliation, but unless we’re hearing things like, robust support in transformation of public health on reserves, a real community-based alternative to the Indian Act to address the governance issues, concepts like free, prior and informed consent, which includes the recognition of treaty rights, all that sort of stuff, then I’m afraid that [the relationship] has been downgraded, if you will. And that will be concerning for the next few years.

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em>

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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/covid-19-six-months-later/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-25 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 SIX MONTHS LATER</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

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<strong>Quiz on King<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</span></strong>:

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<strong>For more information on the Six Nations, please click on this photograph below</strong>.

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02/6836781189"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Studio portrait of the surviving Six Nations warriors who fought with the British in the War of 1812 / Portrait en studio des survivants des Six-Nations qui ont combattu aux côtés des Britanniques pendant la guerre de 1812"</span></a><span> </span><span data-v-e1c1f65a="">by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/28853433@N02" target="_blank" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff">BiblioArchives / LibraryArchives</a></span></span><span> is licensed under </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC BY 2.0</span></a>

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<span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Education I (K–12) – Class Readings/Media</strong></span>:
<h2><span style="text-decoration: underline"><strong>Learning Objectives-Identifying Gaps in Ontario's Healthcare System: </strong></span></h2>
<ul>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Chronicle society’s historic relationship with pandemics, paralleling the Spanish Flu and COVID-19</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Describe the process of COVID-19 vaccine administration</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Identify infection prevention and control measures that have been/could be used during the pandemic</span></li>
 	<li><span style="text-decoration: underline">Outline the physical and psychological practices healthcare workers undertake</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="text-decoration: underline">After completing this module, the learner will have an understanding of pandemics as tragic historical events as well as how governments attempt to leverage policies to address gaps in the healthcare system. <span style="color: #000000;text-decoration: underline">By the end, the learner will be able to apply that knowledge to their own work in politics and governance.</span></span>

[caption id="attachment_773" align="alignnone" width="798"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2021/11/RLL-eOPPP-Indigenous-Levi-Vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-Indigenous-communities-Art2-ScreenShot-300x100.png" alt="Article title-Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities" width="798" height="266" class=" wp-image-773" /> <span style="color: #0000ff;font-size: 1em"></span><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a>[/caption]

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While some Canadians are anxiously awaiting their chance to get vaccinated against COVID-19, others are expressing reluctance. There may be several reasons for this vaccine hesitancy — defined by the<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/vaccine-acceptance-is-the-next-hurdle" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">World Health Organization</a></span>as purposefully delaying receiving available vaccines — but the issue is particularly complicated when it comes to Indigenous communities.

As public health authorities roll out vaccination programs regionally across Canada, it is important that Indigenous peoples are part of vaccination uptake. Their high degree of<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">socio-economic marginalization</a></span>results in disproportionate risk in public health emergencies, which may increase their vulnerability to COVID-19. Increased vaccination uptake will help individuals protect themselves, as well as build community immunity (also called “herd immunity.”)

But it is equally important that they are given all the information necessary to make an informed decision and that their concerns are respected. Some members of Indigenous communities have legitimate<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/why-you-shouldn-t-hesitate-to-get-the-covid-19-vaccine-1.5869485" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">concerns</a></span>around medical treatments, rooted in historical trauma. “We have to be honest about where the fear comes from,” Grand Chief<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/manitoba-vaccine-first-nations-1.5866988" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Arlen Dumas</a></span>of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs told the CBC.
<h2><strong>Historical trauma and vaccine hesitancy</strong></h2>
Indigenous people have good reason to distrust government. While younger generations may not have experienced the segregated “<a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-hospitals-in-canada" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Indian Hospitals</span></a>” that were established in the early 20<sup>th</sup>century, we have certainly heard about it and experienced the intergenerational trauma that comes along with it. These hospitals focused on tuberculosis treatment, including testing of tuberculosis vaccines in the 1940-50s, but advances in treating the disease were not extended to Indigenous patients, who instead languished in the hospitals. Furthermore, in the 1940s, government scientists performed <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3941673/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">nutrition experiments</a></span> on Indigenous people without consent in some of these hospitals, as they did with children in residential schools.

If the vaccine is rolled out in a community without information that an individual understands, they may reject it, and this could trigger historical trauma based on previous experiences. Historical trauma, when triggered, can result in dissociation.

While there have been many improvements in the areas of ethical health research and culturally safe health care, historical trauma continues to present itself in health disparities. Colonization has left us with devastating inequities, including high rates of infectious disease and non-communicable disease such as diabetes, and a health-care system in which Indigenous people such as <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-atikamekw-joliette-1.5743449" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Joyce Echaquan</a></span> fall victim to systemic racism. Shortly before her death this past September, Echaquan broadcast a video on Facebook Live showing her crying out for help in her hospital bed while two nurses at the Quebec hospital insulted her. Following this tragedy, the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/introducing-joyce-s-principle-atikamekw-present-joyce-s-principle-to-the-governments-of-quebec-and-canada-815977075.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Council of the Atikamekw Nation and the Council of the Atikamekw of Manawan</a></span> delivered to the federal and provincial governments Joyce’s Principle, which demands that all Indigenous people have an equal right to the highest standards of physical and mental health care, and that the government recognize Indigenous rights to autonomy and self-determination in matters of health and social services. The Quebec government <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/quebec-rejects-joyces-principle-because-it-calls-for-recognition-of-systemic-racism/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rejected</a></span> the proposal.
<div class="textbox shaded"><em>It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond.</em></div>
<strong style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.602em">First-wave resilience, second-wave concerns</strong>

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We knew that the consequences of colonization, including pre-existing health conditions, would put Indigenous people at a higher risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Therefore governments, including Indigenous communities, have been preparing for this pandemic since the<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/other/FS-InfluenzaPandemic-EN.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">H1N1 flu outbreak</a></span>in 2009. Most communities had community emergency plans ready to implement.

Dr. Evan Adams, Deputy Chief Medical Officer of Public Health for Indigenous Services Canada (ISC),<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cpd.utoronto.ca/covid19-resource/the-future-of-indigenous-health-in-the-time-of-covid/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">said</a></span>that in spite of the social determinants of health and underlying health issues that could put First Nations at a disadvantage, COVID-19 incidence and fatality rates there were one-quarter of the national rate in the first wave of the pandemic. He attributed this to cultural veneration of the<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" role="link">elderly</a>and the swift action of leadership to shut the borders of their communities to control movement, and therefore COVID-19 incidence.

But now the number of COVID-19 cases reported in First Nations communities across the country is<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-federal-health-officials-raise-concern-over-alarming-rate-of-covid-19/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">rising</a></span>at what an ISC public health official calls an “alarming” rate. ISC reported 5,571 active cases in First Nations communities this week, the highest number so far. Case counts have been increasing by 1,753 to 2,046 a week so far this year, with Western Canada being<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/why-covid19-spreading-first-nations-western-canada-1.5879821" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">hardest hit</a></span>. We are witnessing outbreaks now in what would be considered the “second wave” of the pandemic.
<h2><strong>An equity-based approach to immunization</strong></h2>
<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/immunization/national-advisory-committee-on-immunization-naci/guidance-key-populations-early-covid-19-immunization.html#a1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">The National Advisory Committee on Immunization</a></span>(NACI) is an external advisory body to the Public Health Agency of Canada that provides medical, scientific and public health advice on the use of vaccines. As it develops its recommendations on delivering the COVID-19 vaccine, one of the factors it must consider is<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7283073/pdf/main.pdf" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">equity</a></span>. Equity seeks to increase access to immunization services to reduce health inequities without further stigmatization or discrimination. As such, the key populations NACI identified for early vaccination include those whose living or working conditions put them at elevated risk of infection and where infection could have disproportionate consequences, including Indigenous communities.

Equity also means engaging systematically marginalized and racialized populations in immunization program planning. As<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721393/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">NACI recognizes</a></span>, any immunization program should consider the needs of diverse population groups, based on health status, ethnicity and culture, ability and other socioeconomic and demographic factors that may place individuals in vulnerable circumstances.

An equitable approach should integrate the values and preferences of these populations in vaccine program planning, and build capacity to ensure convenient access to immunization services. As<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/12/28/bringing-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-black-and-indigenous-communities-distrustful-of-the-health-system-has-unique-challenges-here-are-some-places-to-start.html" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Caroline Lidstone-Jones</a></span>, chief executive officer of the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, told the<em>Toronto Star</em>, “If you engage with us effectively and appropriately, there are real ways that we can get better uptake and engagement of our population.”

There has been some progress here when it comes to Indigenous communities. Federal and provincial bodies have committed to work together on vaccination efforts with Indigenous, First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities to ensure efforts reach the most vulnerable, including the most northern communities. In Ontario, Chiefs of Ontario Regional Chief RoseAnne Archibald was appointed to the COVID-19 Vaccine Distribution Task Force. In addition, a separate sub-table was created by Indigenous Affairs Ontario and the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council, and other Indigenous organizations were invited to participate.

<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/covid-19-vaccine-northern-ontario-nan-1.5866852" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Nishnawbe Aski Nation</span></a>, which represents 49 First Nations in northern Ontario, has been working with the ORNGE air ambulance service and the provincial government to develop a plan for the distribution of vaccines to First Nations, including 31 remote First Nations in NAN. And the Indigenous Primary Health Care Council has united with Ontario’s primary care organizations to help ensure Indigenous inclusion in the vaccination rollout, and to educate health system providers about Indigenous concerns like systemic racism.

One example of an Indigenous-led vaccination initiative was a community-focused rollout day in Toronto, led by <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-elders-covid-19-vaccine-toronto-1.5873762" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Anishnawbe Health Mobile Healing Unit</a> </span>in partnership with Women’s College Hospital. It resulted in approximately 74 per cent uptake of Indigenous seniors at a retirement residence. With a vaccine that is 95 per cent effective, it has been projected that <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.19tozero.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">70 per cent uptake</a></span> is needed for community immunity.

It has been said that vaccines don’t save lives: vaccinations do. But the right to health for all people, including autonomy in decision-making, must remain at the core of vaccination rollout, for this pandemic and beyond. Respectful communication that is transparent, empathetic and proactive about curiosity, risks and vaccine availability will contribute to building trust in the science.

In the months ahead, we will see the outcomes of a conscious effort to not repeat history by working with Indigenous leadership and Indigenous organizations in the rollout of the COVID-19 vaccination.

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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</article><strong style="font-size: 1em">Keywords</strong><span style="font-size: 1em">: <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/fpr-original/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-160 tag-link-position-1" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">FPR ORIGINAL</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/inclusive-policy-making/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-117 tag-link-position-2" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INCLUSIVE POLICY MAKING</a></span>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/tag/indigenous/" class="tag-cloud-link tag-link-245 tag-link-position-3" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">INDIGENOUS</a></span></span>

<strong style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">Citation</strong><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">: Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span></span><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Quiz on Levi<span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">'s article "Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</span></strong>:

[h5p id="35"]

[h5p id="34"]

[h5p id="36"]

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<strong>Please click on the photograph below to learn more about the world's deadliest pandemic – The Spanish Flu</strong>:

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<a data-v-e1c1f65a="" target="_blank" rel="noopener" href="https://www.rawpixel.com/image/2298586/free-photo-image-pandemic-spanish-flu-epidemic"><span style="color: #0000ff">"Emergency hospital during influenza epidemic, Camp Funston, Kansas (1918). Original image from National Museum of Health and Medicine. Digitally enhanced by rawpixel."</span></a><span> </span><span>is marked with </span><a data-v-e1c1f65a="" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/cc0/1.0/?ref=ccsearch&amp;atype=rich" target="_blank" rel="noopener" class="photo_license"><span style="color: #0000ff">CC0 1.0</span></a>

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&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>847</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-11 15:31:55]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-11 20:31:55]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:21:59]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:21:59]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v9-allarticles-formatquizzestitles__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647264119]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[chapter-5-indigenous-perspectives-and-materials-v9-allarticles-formatquizzestitles]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[IMAGES,PHOTOS-OfAuthors,Misc]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1470</link><pubDate>Mon, 22 Nov 2021 13:06:45 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1470</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h1>#1 Pandemic Control Basics</h1>
"What are policy professionals saying we must do first?"
<div class="m-a-box-profile-multiauthor" data-author-type="user" data-author-ref="user-4">
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="83" height="83" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</a></span> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sean-Mullin-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Sean Mullin" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="color: #0000ff"><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/sean-mullin/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Sean Mullin</a></em></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div>"Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" role="link"><img width="115" height="115" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/CIGI-headshot-e1629748877903-115x115.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Stephanie MacLellan" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-social "><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/stephanie-maclellan/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Stephanie MacLellan</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is the managing editor of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div>"Principles and policies for a national pandemic response"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="72" height="72" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div>"How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link"><img width="75" height="75" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</em>

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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Noah-Zon-scaled-e1614101675240-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Noah Zon" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<p class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/noah-zon/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Noah Zon</span></a> is the co-founder of Springboard Policy, a public policy research and advisory firm based in Toronto. He has spent his career in public policy in the non-profit sector, think tanks and public service.</em></p>

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<h1>#2 Health</h1>
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<div>"For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system"</div>
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<a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="55" height="55" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Zahra-Bhimani-e1614101945359-150x150.png" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a>

<em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/zahra-bhimani/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Zahra Bhimani</span></a></em><em style="font-size: 1em"> is a public health research professional based in Toronto.</em>

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<div>"Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks"</div>
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<div><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/samir-sinha/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Samir Sinha</span></a> is the director of health policy research and co-chair of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.nia-ryerson.ca/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">National Institute on Ageing</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em></div>
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<div>"Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality — and of how we get sick and die"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" role="link"><img width="49" height="54" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Grace-Edward-Galabuzi-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<p class="m-a-box-title"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/grace-edward-galabuzi/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Grace-Edward Galabuzi</span></a></em><em style="font-family: Lora, serif;font-size: 1em"> is an associate professor in the Politics and Public Administration Department at Ryerson University and a research associate at the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto.</em></p>

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<div>"Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/aisha-lofters/" role="link"><img width="56" height="56" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Aisha-Lofters-e1614122429387-150x150.jpeg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Aisha Lofters" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<h1>#3 Indigenous Perspectives</h1>
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<div>"Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises"</div>
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<div><em style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/hayden-king/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Hayden King</span></a> is the executive director of the <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://yellowheadinstitute.org/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Yellowhead Institute</a></span> at Ryerson University.</em></div>
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<div>"Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link"><img width="82" height="82" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Elisa-Levi-e1614642624706-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Elisa Levi" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-title"><em style="font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/elisa-levi/" role="link" style="color: #0000ff">Elisa Levi</a></span> is an MD Candidate at the Michael G. DeGroote School of Medicine, member of Chippewas of Nawash, and Yellowhead Institute Research Fellow.</em></div>
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<h1>#4 Economy</h1>
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<div>"Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action"</div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="51" height="51" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Rinaldo-Walcott-scaled-e1614124936566-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Rinaldo Walcott" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/rinaldo-walcott/"><span style="color: #0000ff">Rinaldo Walcott</span></a> is a professor in the Women and Gender Studies Institute at the University of Toronto </em><em style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em">and the author of On Property (Biblioasis, 2021).</em></div>
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<div>"Year-End Q&amp;amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><img width="76" height="76" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Ken-Boessenkool-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/ken-boessenkool/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Ken Boessenkool</span></a> is the </em><em style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em">McConnell Professor of Practice at the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University and Research Fellow at C.D. Howe Institute. </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="http://kenboessenkool/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="font-size: 1em;color: #0000ff"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a></span></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" role="link"><img width="79" height="79" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/FPR-logo-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div><em><span style="font-size: 1em"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/policyresponse/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="text-align: initial;font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Admin</span></a>, <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.policyresponse.ca/" target="_blank" role="link" rel="noopener" style="color: #0000ff"><span class="m-a-box-string-web">Website</span></a></span></span></em></div>
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<div><strong><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/bailey-greenspon/" role="link"><em><span style="color: #0000ff">Bailey Greenspon</span></em></a></strong><em><span> </span>is the Acting Co-CEO at G(irls)20, a Canada-based, global organization advancing the full participation of young women leaders in decision-making spaces to change the status quo.</em></div>
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<div>"Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough?"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" role="link"><img width="52" height="52" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Karim-Bardeesy-scaled-e1614124204283-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Karim Bardeesy" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/karim-bardeesy/" style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"><span style="color: #0000ff">Karim Bardeesy</span></a><span style="font-size: 1em;text-align: initial"> is Co-Founder and Executive Director of the Ryerson Leadership Lab and co-director of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-content-bottom"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="45" height="45" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Matthew-Mendelsohn-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="" itemprop="image" /></a></em></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/matthew-mendelsohn/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Matthew Mendelsohn</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is Visiting Professor at Ryerson University and a co-creator, with the Ryerson Leadership Lab and the Brookfield Institute for Innovation + Entrepreneurship, of First Policy Response.</span></em></div>
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<div>"How do we navigate a return to school and childcare?"</div>
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<div>"The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe’"</div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><img width="62" height="62" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Carol-Campbell-e1614102225773-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Carol Campbell" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-meta molongui-font-size-14-px molongui-text-align-left molongui-text-case-none"><strong><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/carol-campbell/" role="link"><span style="color: #0000ff">Dr. Carol Campbell</span></a></em></strong><em> is Associate Professor of Leadership and Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. </em></div>
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<div>"National childcare system must support childcare workers"</div>
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<div class="block-bg-overlay style-color-xsdn-bg"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" role="link" style="font-size: 1em"><img width="64" height="64" src="https://secureservercdn.net/198.71.233.181/54o.e9a.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Monica-Lysack-e1614120765155-150x150.jpg" class="m-radius-circled molongui-border-style-none molongui-border-width-2-px" alt="Monica Lysack" itemprop="image" /></a></div>
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<div class="m-a-box-item m-a-box-avatar "><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"></span><em><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/monica-lysack/" style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"><span style="color: #0000ff">Monica Lysack</span></a><span style="text-align: initial;font-size: 1em"> is professor of Early Childhood Education at Sheridan College and former special adviser to the Ontario Minister responsible for Early Years and Child Care and the Status of Women.</span></em></div>
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<div>"How will post-secondary education change in the next two years?"</div>
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<div><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/author/various-contributors/" class=" molongui-font-size-27-px molongui-text-align-left " itemprop="url" role="link" style="font-family: 'Cormorant Garamond', serif;font-size: 1.26562em;color: #0000ff">Various Contributors</a></span></div>
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<div>Video–"An activist goes to (policy) school"</div>
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</div>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1470</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-22 08:06:45]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-22 13:06:45]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:38:18]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:38:18]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[imagesphotos-ofauthorsmisc__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>62</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647265098]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[imagesphotos-ofauthorsmisc]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[References (with Additional Readings) - APA Formatting]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1992</link><pubDate>Mon, 17 Jan 2022 19:26:01 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=chapter&amp;p=1992</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Readings are divided by module. Additional readings not included in the modules above are in <strong>bold text</strong> below:

&nbsp;

<em>PANDEMIC CONTROL BASICS</em><strong>: </strong>

<strong>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery</a></span></strong>

Bardeesy, K. (2020). Principles and policies for a national pandemic response. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/</a></span>

MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/</a></span>

Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). What are policy professionals saying we must do first? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/</a></span>

Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/</a></span>

<strong>Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.</strong>

&nbsp;

<em>HEALTH</em>:

<strong>Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides. <em>First Policy Response. </em><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/</a></span></strong>

<strong>Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/</a></span></strong>

Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/</a></span>

<strong>Dube, S. (2020, September 16). COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/</a></span></strong>

Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/</a></span>

Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/</a></span>

<strong>Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/</a></span></strong>

Sinha, S. (2020). Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/</a></span>

&nbsp;

<em>ECONOMY</em>:

<strong>Bardeesy, K. (2021). Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-stilla-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-stilla-mystery-after-provincial-budget/</a></span></strong>

Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/</a></span>

Boessenkool, K. (2020). Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/</a></span>

<strong>Davidson, M. (2021). Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/</a></span></strong>

Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff"> https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/</a></span>

<strong>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). Unemployment is down, but there are still issues. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/</a></span></strong>

Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/</a></span>

<strong>Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). The political staff who help take care of government during elections. <em>Policy Options</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/</a></span></strong>

&nbsp;

<em>EDUCATION</em>:

Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). How do we navigate a return to school and childcare? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/</a></span>

Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/</a></span>

Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). How will post-secondary education change in the next two years? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/</a></span>

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (7 minutes)

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff">https://divestudentaid.com/</a></span> (3 minutes)

<strong>First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtu.be/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk</a></span></strong>   <strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk&amp;ab_channel=FirstPolicyResponse</a></span></strong>

<strong>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/</a></span></strong>   <strong><span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y</a></span></strong>

<strong>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em> [Video town hall transcript]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff">https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit</a></span></strong>

<strong>Guppy, B. (2020). School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/</a></span></strong>

<strong>Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/</a></span></strong>

Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). National childcare system must support childcare workers. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/</a></span>

<strong>Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/</a></span></strong>

<strong>Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education? <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/</a></span></strong>

&nbsp;

<em>INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVES</em>:

King, H. (2020). Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/</a></span>

Levi, E. (2021, January 21). Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities. <em>First Policy Response</em>. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/</a></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1992</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2022-01-17 14:26:01]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-17 19:26:01]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 12:02:37]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 17:02:37]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[references-with-additional-readings-apa-formatting__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>680</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>11</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[draft]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646672557]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[references-with-additional-readings-apa-formatting]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Government of Ontario funding declaration]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/front-matter/government-of-ontario-funding-declaration/</link><pubDate>Fri, 25 Feb 2022 18:40:12 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=front-matter&amp;p=2006</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<em><span>This project is made possible with funding by the Government of Ontario and through eCampusOntario’s support of the Virtual Learning Strategy. To learn more about the Virtual Learning Strategy visit: <a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://can01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fvls.ecampusontario.ca%2F&amp;data=04%7C01%7C%7C4ca0d8127db449014fda08d9cfb27eb3%7Cb3690eef00124d4286cb79c1dbac563d%7C0%7C0%7C637769187794730954%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C3000&amp;sdata=vLpaBJgOeCQP8eYcBet%2FG52eRf1uvIv38hjHeWWwHFY%3D&amp;reserved=0">https://vls.ecampusontario.ca</a>. </span></em>

[caption id="attachment_2008" align="aligncenter" width="393"]<img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2022/02/ON_POS_LOGO_RGB-300x120.png" alt="Image-Government of Ontario logo and banner" width="393" height="157" class=" wp-image-2008" /> Image-Government of Ontario logo and banner[/caption]

&nbsp;]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>2006</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2022-02-25 13:40:12]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-25 18:40:12]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-27 11:35:12]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-27 16:35:12]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[government-of-ontario-funding-declaration]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>2</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="category" nicename="uncategorized"><![CDATA[Acknowledgements]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Title page for “Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better”]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/front-matter/2038/</link><pubDate>Sun, 27 Feb 2022 16:21:19 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=front-matter&amp;p=2038</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[[caption id="attachment_2077" align="aligncenter" width="2550"]<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/dinosossi/51930067588/in/dateposted-public/"><img src="http://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/sites/305/2022/02/Ch2.Health-Cover-WithRLLLogo-CAPS-v2.png" alt="Cover illustration for the book titled &quot;Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better.&quot; Illustration includes a woman wearing a white mask and white hazardous materials suit with COVID particles surrounding her" width="2550" height="3300" class="wp-image-2077 size-full" style="color: #373d3f;font-weight: bold;font-size: 1em" /></a> Cover illustration for the book titled "Public Policy Responses to the Pandemic, and Building Back Better." Illustration includes a woman wearing a white mask and white hazardous materials suit with COVID particles surrounding her[/caption]]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>2038</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2022-02-27 11:21:19]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-27 16:21:19]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:17:13]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:17:13]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[2038]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>1</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><category domain="category" nicename="uncategorized"><![CDATA[Title Page]]></category><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_show_title]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[---Main Body-EXTRA-DELETE_ME------Mar3-7,2022---]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=3</link><pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 17:18:58 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?p=3</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>3</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-10-25 13:18:58]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-10-25 17:18:58]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-07 12:04:11]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-07 17:04:11]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[main-body__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_part_invisible]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1646672651]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[main-body]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[3. Indigenous Perspectives]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/part/indigenous-perspectives-and-materials/</link><pubDate>Tue, 09 Nov 2021 21:20:09 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=692</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>692</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-09 16:20:09]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-09 21:20:09]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-30 10:17:33]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-30 14:17:33]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[indigenous-perspectives-and-materials]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>3</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[RECENT FULL CHAPTERS-(SentAllArticlesToEXTRA,DoubleCheck)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=968</link><pubDate>Sun, 14 Nov 2021 21:08:59 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=968</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>968</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-14 16:08:59]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-14 21:08:59]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:38:52]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:38:52]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[recent-full-chapters__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647265132]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[recent-full-chapters]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[Final Paper]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/part/final-assessment/</link><pubDate>Thu, 18 Nov 2021 22:44:37 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=1203</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[<b data-stringify-type="bold">Final Paper</b>

<span class="c-mrkdwn__br" data-stringify-type="paragraph-break"></span><span>Having completed each module, write a 1,000 – 1,500 worded expository essay based on two of the twelve topics below. </span><span class="c-mrkdwn__br" data-stringify-type="paragraph-break"></span><span>Your Final Paper must analyze one level of governance (e.g., federal, provincial, or municipal) or an institution that has been active in some aspect of the response to the COVID-19 pandemic (e.g., a corporation, advocacy group, or non-profit) in relation to your chosen topics.</span>

&nbsp;

<strong>Module 1. Pandemic Control Basics</strong>:

1a. <strong>Mask mandates</strong>: How can policy makers and health care advocates promote sustainable mask mandate policies to control future COVID-19 outbreaks? In short, how do we perpetuate masking as a long-term pandemic control measure without overly burdening citizens who are already fatigued from life under COVID-19?

1b. <strong>Future vaccine doses</strong>: As COVID-19's daily impact decreases and life improves over the course of the pandemic, how can policy makers ensure continued high rates of vaccination booster shots in the long-term as well as an equitable distribution of shots across Ontario?

&nbsp;

<strong>Module 2. Health</strong>:

2a. <strong>Transmission and case management</strong>: Researchers combine traditional data collection tools and scenario modeling to identify new COVID-19 threats. What lessons have emerged from planning across government and health authorities to produce stronger COVID-19 protocols and responses during the pandemic?

2b. <strong>COVID-19's social costs</strong>: The pandemic has created massive social impacts, increasing vulnerabilities and inequalities across Ontario. How can policy makers and social actors reshape post-crisis society by promoting inclusive and sustainable governance models that also improve health outcomes?

&nbsp;

<strong>Module 3. Economy</strong>:

3a. <strong>Gendered aspects of the pandemic</strong>: COVID-19 worsened gender disparities in the labour market. How can policy makers and gender equality groups advocate for more inclusive labour policies that will improve gender equality outcomes in the Ontario labour force?

3b. <strong>Income support</strong>: The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was received positively and helped a broad range of Canadians stay financially afloat. What lessons emerged from the pandemic to guide future income supports for unexpected disruptive events like another pandemic?

&nbsp;

<strong>Module 4. Education</strong>:

4a. <strong>Digital divide in education</strong>: COVID-19's impact clearly revealed how access to online resources differed greatly depending on various student demographics (e.g., income level, race, rural vs. urban settings, etc.). How can policy makers narrow the worst aspects of the digital divide and promote more equitable educational outcomes?

4b. <strong>Online, hybrid, and face-to-face education</strong>: Many students across the K–20 landscape were forced to learn online for over a year. What lessons from the pandemic can guide future education delivery. Consider whether the future of Ontario education should be online, hybrid, face-to-face, or some combination of all three?

&nbsp;

<strong>Module 5. Indigenous Perspectives</strong>:

5a. <strong>Governmental support during the pandemic and beyond</strong>: How can policy makers, Indigenous peoples, and human rights groups advocate to improve economic, educational, and healthcare outcomes for Indigenous communities?

5b. <strong>Territorial sovereignty</strong>: What lessons from the pandemic can inform future policies regarding Indigenous territorial sovereignty? In short, what emergency power should Indigenous communities have in policing their own territorial borders during acute situations like a pandemic?<span></span>]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1203</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-18 17:44:37]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-18 22:44:37]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-01-14 14:13:55]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-01-14 19:13:55]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[final-assessment]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>6</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[References (with Additional Readings)]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/part/references/</link><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2021 13:32:40 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=1256</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[Readings are divided by module. Additional readings not included in the modules above are in <strong>bold text</strong> below:

&nbsp;

<em>PANDEMIC CONTROL BASICS</em><strong>:</strong>

<strong>Barata, P., Cukier, W., &amp; Parkin, A. (2021, June 10). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/greater-inclusion-is-a-win-win-strategy-for-the-recovery" style="color: #0000ff">Greater inclusion is a win-win strategy for the recovery</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

Bardeesy, K. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/principles-and-policies-for-a-national-pandemic-response/" style="color: #0000ff">Principles and policies for a national pandemic response</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

MacLellan, S. (2021, September 14). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff">Campaign catch-up: Focus on vaccine passports</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/campaign-catch-up-focus-on-vaccine-passports/" style="color: #0000ff"> </a></span>

Mendelsohn, M., Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mullin, S. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/what-are-policy-professionals-saying-we-must-do-first/" style="color: #0000ff">What are policy professionals saying we must do first</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>.

Mendelsohn, M., &amp; Zon, N. (2021, January 28). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-canada-can-pursue-an-inclusive-industrial-policy/" style="color: #0000ff">How Canada can pursue an inclusive industrial policy</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.<span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Orwell, G. (1968). Politics and the English language. In S. Orwell &amp; I. Angos (Eds.), <em>The collected essays, journalism and letters of George Orwell, Volume 4 1945–1950</em> (pp. 127–140). Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.</strong>

&nbsp;

<em>HEALTH</em>:

<strong>Abdelaal, N. (2021, March 11). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/online-vaccine-portals-underscore-the-urgent-need-to-close-canadas-digital-divides/" style="color: #0000ff">Online vaccine portals underscore the urgent need to close Canada’s digital divides</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response. </em></strong>

<strong>Ahmed, N., &amp; Harper-Merrett, T. (2020, November 13). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-digital-divide-is-about-equity-not-infrastructure/" style="color: #0000ff">The ‘digital divide’ is about equity, not infrastructure</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

Bhimani, Z. (2020, November 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/for-more-equitable-health-outcomes-start-with-the-health-research-system/" style="color: #0000ff">For more equitable health outcomes, start with the health-research system</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

<strong>Dube, S. (2020, September 16). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/covid-19-shows-that-racism-is-a-public-health-issue/" style="color: #0000ff">COVID-19 shows that racism is a public health issue</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

Galabuzi, G.-E. (2021, February 24). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/systemic-racism-is-at-the-heart-of-economic-inequality-and-of-how-we-get-sick-and-die/" style="color: #0000ff">Systemic racism is at the heart of economic inequality – and of how we get sick and die</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

Lofters, A. (2021, February 22). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontarios-health-care-system-must-develop-an-anti-racist-response-to-covid-19/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario’s health-care system must develop an anti-racist response to COVID-19</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

<strong>Morris, G., Salti, S., &amp; Sultana, A. (2020, May 1). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/foreign-trained-doctors-are-untapped-resource-in-pandemic-fight/" style="color: #0000ff">Foreign-trained doctors are untapped resource in pandemic fight</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

Sinha, S. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/underfunded-long-term-care-system-is-still-vulnerable-to-covid-19-outbreaks/" style="color: #0000ff">Underfunded long-term care system is still vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

&nbsp;

<em>ECONOMY</em>:

<strong>Bardeesy, K. (2021). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-governments-priorities-for-rebuilding-are-stilla-mystery-after-provincial-budget/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario government’s priorities for rebuilding are still a mystery after provincial budget</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

Bardeesy, K., &amp; Mendelsohn, M. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/did-this-weeks-economic-policy-statements-go-far-enough/" style="color: #0000ff">Did this week’s economic policy statements go far enough</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>.

Boessenkool, K. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/year-end-qa-ken-boessenkool-on-income-support/" style="color: #0000ff">Year-end Q&amp;A: Ken Boessenkool on income support</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

<strong>Davidson, M. (2021). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/ontario-budget-tackles-immediate-recovery-challenges-but-falters-on-long-term-vision/" style="color: #0000ff">Ontario budget tackles immediate recovery challenges but falters on long-term vision</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

Greenspon, B. (2020, May 28). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/economic-shutdown-leaves-young-women-behind/" style="color: #0000ff">Economic shutdown is leaving young women behind</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response.</em><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>Lange, F., &amp; Skuterud, M. (2021, June 22). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2021/unemployment-is-down-but-there-are-still-issues/" style="color: #0000ff">Unemployment is down, but there are still issues</a></span>. <em>Policy Options</em>. </strong>

Walcott, R. (2021, February 23). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/race-based-covid-19-data-needs-to-lead-to-political-action/" style="color: #0000ff">Race-based COVID-19 data needs to lead to political action</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

<strong>Wilson, P., &amp; McNair, M. (2020, June 12). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/june-2020/the-political-staff-who-help-take-care-of-government-during-elections/" style="color: #0000ff">The political staff who help take care of government during elections</a></span>. <em>Policy Options</em>. </strong>

&nbsp;

<em>EDUCATION</em>:

Banerji, A., Goodyear-Grant, E., Mengesha, T., Schiffer, J., Kidder, A., Moussa, M., Stuart, L., Pascal, C. E., Glogowski, K., Payne, C., Bischof, H., Sakowski, N., White, L., Ferns, C., &amp; Powell, A., Dijkema, B., Munday, A., Varmuza, P., Van den Berg, A., &amp; Vander Velden, S. (2020, June 25). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-school-and-childcare/" style="color: #0000ff">How do we navigate a return to school and childcare</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>.

Campbell, C. (2020, October 5). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/the-choice-for-education-change-school-plans-or-face-generational-catastrophe/" style="color: #0000ff">The choice for education: Change school plans or face ‘generational catastrophe</a></span>.’ <em>First Policy Response</em>.

Davidson, P., Côté, A., Davidson, M., Stephenson, D., McNair, D., Okine-Ahovi, G., Laliberte, J., LeBel, P., Furness, C., Oreopoulos, P., Pereira, J., Hagar, H., Tewolde, H. (2020, August 4). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-will-post-secondary-education-change-in-the-next-two-years/" style="color: #0000ff">How will post-secondary education change in the next two years</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>.

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Episode 3: An activist goes to (policy) school</em></a></span> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span> (7 minutes)

DIVE: Student Aid. (2006). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Episode 4: Revolution in the cafeteria</em></a></span> [Video]. <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://divestudentaid.com/" style="color: #0000ff"></a></span> (3 minutes)

<strong>First Policy Response. (2021, June 15). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXEbGjjOTLk" style="color: #0000ff"><em>A spotlight on Canada’s childcare community</em></a></span> [Video]. </strong><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/delivering-on-the-commitment-a-canada-wide-childcare-plan/   https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxCYFjB7R-Y" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em></a></span> [Video]. </strong><span style="color: #0000ff"></span>

<strong>First Policy Response. (2021, May 20). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hX2kFBQYoXSapLDYCjwUbiNT1b4upswyIODNqbwVqBo/edit" style="color: #0000ff"><em>Delivering on the commitment: A Canada-wide childcare plan</em></a></span> [Video town hall transcript]. </strong>

<strong>Guppy, B. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/school-reopening-plans-must-consider-child-protection-and-welfare/" style="color: #0000ff">School reopening plans must consider child protection and welfare</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

<strong>Hamilton, T., &amp; Wolff, L. (2021). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/canada-must-level-up-to-make-childcare-more-affordable-for-all/" style="color: #0000ff">Canada must level up to make childcare more affordable for all</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

Lysack, M. (2021, May 20). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/national-childcare-system-must-support-childcare-workers/" style="color: #0000ff">National childcare system must support childcare workers</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

<strong>Rahbari-Jawoko, M., Asalya, S., &amp; Kumar, A. (2021, February 19). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/can-covid-19-help-us-build-a-more-inclusive-post-secondary-system/" style="color: #0000ff">Can COVID-19 help us build a more inclusive post-secondary system</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

<strong>Sapra, R., McNair, D., Conway, C., Austin-Smith, B., Brayiannis, N., Pereira, J., Handy Charles, C., Cyr, P., Davidson, M., Colyar, J., &amp; Pichette, J., Laliberte, J., Hagar, H., Knight, E., Nur Vahed, M., Furness, C., LeBel, P., Zewdineh, K., Castle, K., &amp; Stephenson, D. (2020, July 28). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/how-do-we-navigate-a-return-to-post-secondary-education/" style="color: #0000ff">How do we navigate a return to post-secondary education</a></span>? <em>First Policy Response</em>. </strong>

&nbsp;

<em>INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVES</em>:

King, H. (2020). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/indigenous-communities-need-governance-overhaul-to-address-public-health-crises/" style="color: #0000ff">Indigenous communities need governance overhaul to address public health crises</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.

Levi, E. (2021, January 21). <span style="color: #0000ff"><a href="https://policyresponse.ca/vaccination-rollout-must-engage-with-indigenous-communities/" style="color: #0000ff">Vaccination rollout must engage with Indigenous communities</a></span>. <em>First Policy Response</em>.]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>1256</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2021-11-19 08:32:40]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2021-11-19 13:32:40]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-02-25 13:48:05]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-02-25 18:48:05]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[references]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>7</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[------]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=2083</link><pubDate>Thu, 03 Mar 2022 16:54:50 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=2083</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>2083</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2022-03-03 11:54:50]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 16:54:50]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:39:08]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:39:08]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[xxxx__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_part_invisible]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647265148]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[xxxx]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item><item><title><![CDATA[-------]]></title><link>https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=2086</link><pubDate>Thu, 03 Mar 2022 17:13:22 +0000</pubDate><dc:creator><![CDATA[dsossi]]></dc:creator><guid isPermaLink="false">https://pressbooks.library.ryerson.ca/pandemicpublicpolicy/?post_type=part&amp;p=2086</guid><description/><content:encoded><![CDATA[]]></content:encoded><excerpt:encoded><![CDATA[]]></excerpt:encoded><wp:post_id>2086</wp:post_id><wp:post_date><![CDATA[2022-03-03 12:13:22]]></wp:post_date><wp:post_date_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-03 17:13:22]]></wp:post_date_gmt><wp:post_modified><![CDATA[2022-03-14 09:38:41]]></wp:post_modified><wp:post_modified_gmt><![CDATA[2022-03-14 13:38:41]]></wp:post_modified_gmt><wp:comment_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:comment_status><wp:ping_status><![CDATA[closed]]></wp:ping_status><wp:post_name><![CDATA[2086-2__trashed]]></wp:post_name><wp:status><![CDATA[trash]]></wp:status><wp:post_parent>0</wp:post_parent><wp:menu_order>8</wp:menu_order><wp:post_type>post</wp:post_type><wp:post_password><![CDATA[]]></wp:post_password><wp:is_sticky>0</wp:is_sticky><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_edit_last]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[374]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[pb_part_invisible]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[on]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_status]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[publish]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_trash_meta_time]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[1647265121]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta><wp:postmeta><wp:meta_key><![CDATA[_wp_desired_post_slug]]></wp:meta_key><wp:meta_value><![CDATA[2086-2]]></wp:meta_value></wp:postmeta></item></channel></rss>
