Chapter 2. Social Exclusion: A Lens for Understanding Aging in the Context of Migration

Migration is a relatively recent consideration in social gerontology, and migration studies often overlook aging (Torres, 2012). Despite the important presence of im/migrants^[1] across the country (StatsCan, 2017), relatively few studies have focused on aging and migration. Existing literature finds that older im/migrants experience health disparities (Gee et al. 2004; Kobayashi & Prus, 2012), structural racism and institutional discrimination (Ferrer et al. 2017; Sahraoui, 2020), and barriers in accessing care (Arora et al. 2018; Ciobanu & Hunter, 2017). Im/migrants also have higher rates of insecure employment and poverty than the Canadian-born population. It is safe to assume that this trend persists or even becomes more pronounced among aging im/migrants (Grenier, Phillipson, & Settersten, 2020). Aging is structured and experienced differently, and unequally, at the intersections of migration and aging. Discrepancies correspond with policy structures and institutional practices related to income, health, housing, and care.

We explore the merits of thinking through social exclusion as a conceptual framework to better understand the experience of aging within the context of migration. It can help to situate the analysis of structural, institutional/organizational, and relational issues as they affect the lives of older im/migrants. The concept serves as a critical analytic framework to identify key issues and discrepancies, inform directions for advocacy, and suggest policies and practices that promote and facilitate the meaningful inclusion of older im/migrants and their communities.

Definitions and Approaches: Social Exclusion among Older People and in Late Life 

The study of older people’s social exclusion began in the late 1990s, spurred by demographic trends on aging, shifting family forms, neighbourhood and community change, and the impacts of increasing individualization and austerity measures (Scharf & Keating, 2012; Walsh et al. 2017).^[2] Thinking about the importance of place and social networks, researchers focused on how the places one lives, in connection with social relations, could produce exclusion, particularly for poor and/or marginalized groups.

Although the concept of social exclusion was traditionally concerned with issues of economic disadvantage (Levitas, 2007; Silver, 1994), it is now better understood as a multi-dimensional concept that includes barriers and/or poor access to social and material resources, as well as persistent poverty, social inequalities, unequal health and social outcomes, and the nonrealization of civil, social, and political rights (Arber, 2004; Ballet, 2001; Berghman, 1995; Burchardt et al. 1999; Martinson & Minkler, 2006).^[3] In social gerontology, social exclusion is a framework to identify risks experienced by older people across the life course, as well as disadvantage over time as one ages (Dannefer, 2003). The study of exclusion explores how disadvantage and/or unequal aging vary according to age, socioeconomic status, gender, race and/or ethnicity, disability, health conditions, and place (e.g., urban deprived or rural remote) (Scharf & Keating, 2012).

Walker and Walker define exclusion as “the dynamic process of being shut out, fully or partially, from any of the social, economic, political, and cultural systems which determine the social integration of a person in society” (1997, 8). Walsh and colleagues outline how “old age exclusion involves interchanges between multi-level risk factors, processes and outcomes” that are “amplified by old-age vulnerabilities, accumulated disadvantage … and constrained opportunities” (2016, 93). They highlight how social exclusion leads to “inequities in choice and control, resources and relationships, and power and rights” across a range of domains, and finally, that social exclusion “implicates states, societies, communities and individuals” (Walsh et al. 2017, 93). Three additional features of social exclusion are relevant to older im/migrants’ experience: ‘First, that exclusion can be accumulated over people’s lives, contributing to increased prevalence of social exclusion in later life; second, that mechanisms and dimensions of social exclusion serve as tipping points for precarity, as well as opportunities to get out of exclusion; and third, that some groups are more susceptible to social exclusion than others’ (Walsh, Scharf, & Keating, 2017; see also Grenier, Phillipson, & Settersten, 2020).

Social exclusion is relative to the society and time within which people live. It can change over time and may have effects that reach across generations (Scharf, Phillipson, & Smith, 2005; Walsh, Scharf, & Keating, 2017). Although slight differences exist between the leading models  in gerontology, domains of social exclusion genereally consist of exclusion from material and financial resources, social relations and/or negative cultural constructs, civic activities and participation, institutional or political processes, basic services and/or amenities, meaningful relations, and neighbourhoods (see footnote for further detail).^[4] Three sources drive older people’s social exclusion: structural drivers that operate at a national or supranational level; environmental drivers related to living environments; and individual drivers, including low socioeconomic status in early life, disruptions to personal and social networks, and/or migration (Scharf & Keating, 2012). We explore examples of the individual (micro), organizational/institutional (mezzo), and structural (macro) processes and dynamics that create and sustain social exclusion among im/migrant older people. Although we do not provide direct examples of the environmental or place-based processes, we assume that they operate in the background context of each story.

Identifying Social Exclusion among Older Im/migrants: Examples from the Macro, Mezzo and Micro levels 

We have created composite cases to illustrate social exclusion in action. They reflect trends and components of life stories that reveal the challenges that older im/migrants encounter with systems and structures. The examples correspond with the macro, mezzo, and micro levels, and for each level of interaction, we begin with a fictionalized vignette to situate the discussion. We have chosen one main issue to highlight at each level, but of course, there are others.

Macro Level Example: Ageism in Canada’s Immigration Policy

Elena is a graphic artist working for a marketing firm in Argentina. At 47, she has never had children of her own. She has spent the past 10 years caring for her aging father. As an only child, her “family” is a close network of friends, most of whom emigrated to Canada because of the successive economic shocks in the country. When her father passed away last year, Elena decided  to join her friends in Canada. However, despite her skills and her plan to work for at least another 20 years, her age means that she cannot accumulate enough points to immigrate, so she is separated from those most important to her.

 

Canada has followed international trends that institutionalize ageism by excluding older adults from independent migration (Dolberg, Sigurðardóttir, & Trummer, 2018),  assigning them the cultural stigma of social burden (i.e., the idea that older people are a financial drain on the system) (Zou & Fang, 2018). Canada’s immigration system is overwhelmingly weighted toward recruiting immigrants who will make economic contributions through either major investment or, more often, participation in the labour force as a skilled worker (Guo, 2015).

Since 1967, Canada has assessed potential immigrants using a complex “points system” that takes into account factors known to influence an immigrant’s success in the labour market: language ability; college or university education; work experience in an in-demand field; temporary experience as a student or worker in Canada; and pre-existing family connections in the country.^[5] Chronological age is used as a crucial eligibility criterion. A person aged 18-35 years is accorded the maximum 12 points, after which they lose a point every year until they get 0 after age 47. Given that a successful application requires 67 out of a possible 100 points, the likelihood of being selected as an immigrant declines sharply from the age of 40 onward. Quebec’s age weighting is even more severe, with 0 points accorded at age 43.^[6] The emphasis on age and “employability” thus renders immigration for people over age 40 extremely difficult.

Aadi’s daughter left Mali to do a master’s degree in Canada and became a Permanent Resident after her graduation. She recently married, and is excited to have children. She worries, though, about being able to handle the care of her future children when both she and her husband have to work to make ends meet. She wonders if her father would agree to join them in Canada as a sponsored parent. Aadi, aged 50, is healthy and active and loves the idea of coming to Canada to help look after his grandchildren. With 28 years’ service in Mali’s public sector, he will soon be eligible for a pension that would allow him to live modestly and comfortably in Mali. However, the pension will not go far in Canada and he is worried about becoming a financial burden to his daughter or losing autonomy over his spending decisions.

Unable to independently immigrate to Canada, older migrants with children or grandchildren in Canada may use the family reunification stream to join their family members as permanent residents.^[7] This requires that Canadian citizen or permanent resident children commit to family sponsorship, which entails the child submitting the application for their parent’s immigration and a legal commitment to provide for them financially, backed up by proof of a relatively high income (e.g., a family of four seeking to sponsor one parent or grandparent must show tax returns with around $70,000 income a year for three years prior to the sponsorship).^[8] Upon arrival, the sponsored older immigrant has all the rights of a permanent resident except for last-resort income security (i.e., welfare or social assistance) for 10 years in Quebec and 20 years in the rest of Canada. Should something happen to the sponsored older person’s family financial support — the family’s breadwinner becomes unable to work, or sponsorship breaks down because of elder abuse, for example —  they would be forced to sue their family before accessing welfare or else their sponsor would be indebted for any welfare they received.

To make matters worse, Canada has severely restricted access to this program in the past decade (Ferrer, 2015), admitting only 22,000 in 2019, leaving 43,000 families waiting (IRCC, 2020). Instead, older migrants are encouraged to access the SuperVisa for parents and grandparents, a 10-year tourist visa that allows older migrants to come and go from Canada relatively freely (maximum 2 years consecutively in Canada) but without providing access to any social benefits such as public health insurance (private insurance being prohibitively expensive for many families), the right to work, or access to income security.^[9]

Canadian immigration policy is clearly based on the assumption that older migrants are a burden to our social welfare system, particularly in terms of health and income security. Older migrants’ contributions in the labour force, as community members, or within their families as caregivers, emotional supports, or household managers are dismissed.

Mezzo Level Example: Implications of Discrimination, Deskilling and Low Wages for Older Im/migrants

Duy graduated near the top of his nursing class in Vietnam and expected to continue his career in Canada. But life was so expensive when he immigrated that he could not afford to invest in the process to be recognized as a nurse here. To make ends meet, he took a job as a personal care worker and has struggled to support his family this way for the past 25 years. As he approaches his sixties, he finds this job increasingly physically difficult. His back aches all the time and he has emotional challenges related to a recent workplace incident of violence by a patient with high level care needs. He’s worried about retirement because, as a low-wage earner, his pension will be meagre and he won’t get the full OAS because he has not lived in Canada long enough. His kids are starting university, so he wants to keep working to support them, but he wonders how much longer he can hack it.

 

Despite Canada’s stringent selection of skilled workers, many newcomers find that the job market does not recognize or value their training, skills, and experience once they arrive. Needing to quickly find employment to support their families, too many skilled im/migrants find themselves trapped in manual labour positions that do not reflect their capacities, and in ways that are heavily racialized and gendered (Creese & Wiebe, 2012; Guo, 2015; Teelucksingh & Galabuzi, 2010). Over the life course, this discrimination has health, financial and social implications (Ferrer et al. 2017).

While there are structural aspects to im/migrants’ difficulties in the Canadian labour market, such as the difficulties of having international training or experience recognised by Canadian professional orders, employers’ behaviour remains an issue (Esses, Bennett-AbuAyyash, & Lapshina, 2014). Employers discriminate by dismissing job applicants with “foreign-sounding” names (Eid, 2012). Employers dismiss or discount international education and experience in search of candidates with Canadian training and/or experience (Esses, Bennett-AbuAyyash, & Lapshina, 2014). Language is another major barrier — employers discriminate against spoken accents or insist on perfect written English or French even when it is really not necessary for the job (Creese, 2010; Oreopoulos, 2011). One of the most insidious forms of discrimination occurs when employers seek a candidate who “fits in” with the existing team. This often veils racism and xenophobia, with employers unwilling to work across diversity (Sakamoto, Chin, & Young, 2010).

The result is that im/migrant workers find themselves disproportionately in low-wage, precarious, and physical work, for example, in factories or as caregivers. Im/migrants, often with high levels of education and unused to such physical labour, have higher rates of workplace injury when they take on such jobs (Bohle et al. 2010; Côté et al. 2015). As they age in Canada, workers in these jobs often accumulate physical strains and injuries, making them physically unwell at younger ages than people engaged in less strenuous work (Premji et al. 2014; Premji, 2018). For im/migrants who expected professional and financial advancement by moving to Canada, there are also the physical and mental health effects of the weight of heavy disappointment, even shame, related to their drop in socio-professional standing (Guruge, Thomson, & Seifi, 2015; Premji & Shakya, 2017).

Lorena worked as an accountant in the Philippines but after immigrating, found that Canadian employers weren’t willing to hire her. When she was 28, she was hired by a sock factory and, although the pay was not great, the job was steady and the employer was decent. After she had worked there for 23 years, the factory owner suddenly died, and his son took over. The son wants to modernize operations, which mostly means increasing production quotas and harassing workers who didn’t meet them. Lorena can’t keep up, and feels like these unreasonable quotas are a veiled way to push older workers – who apart from working at a somewhat slower pace, also get paid slightly more than new hires – to quit. She and her “old timer” colleagues are resisting the changes. She’s not enjoying her job anymore, but she knows that as a 51-year-old, her prospects on the job market are slim. Not only is her professional training far behind her, but she’s considered too old to do manual labour.

In a labour market where, at least in the past 20 years, there has always been another newcomer in line to take up such a job, earning a slightly higher salary and asserting rights can pose a risk to one’s employment. Despite one’s skill and knowledge, insisting on taking breaks and resisting unreasonable production quotas can lead older workers to be squeezed out so that unscrupulous employers can hire cheaper, less assertive new recruits. Unfortunately, older workers in general, and especially those in the manual labour market, have a very hard time finding employment after age 45 (Fournier et al. 2018). Canada’s pension regime already leaves many im/migrants facing retirement and old age in poverty (Coloma & Pino, 2016; Ferrer, 2017) but if im/migrant workers find themselves laid off or fired in later life, they may find themselves permanently unemployed at a time when they need immediate income and would benefit from continued contributions to their pensions. Such economic exclusion is also associated with other challenges such as first-time homelessness (Buffel & Phillipson, 2011; Grenier, 2021; Lunt, 2009). For im/migrants who arrive in later life, for example, sponsored parents and grandparents, finding employment can be near impossible even if they are still below retirement age, leaving them completely economically dependent on their sponsors.

Micro Level Example: Family Dynamics Shaped by Dependent Migration

After Greece’s financial crash when she was 67, Dimitra’s private pension lost almost all value. She found herself in a very difficult financial situation at the same time that her son, who had emigrated to Canada some years ago, started to have children. Dimitra’s son sponsored her to immigrate to Canada. She sold her house for what she could and gave the money to her son for a down payment on a bigger home in the suburbs. Now that she’s in Canada, she looks after her son’s three children before and after school while her son and daughter-in-law work. Things are going well with her son’s family, but sometimes she feels trapped. Without any income of her own, the possibility of going home to visit friends and other family seems like an imposition on her son’s family. She resents that she has to ask them for pocket money.

The macro and mezzo levels of social exclusion can have implications for the dynamics within im/migrant families. Many older im/migrants are deeply involved in providing care to their younger family members, looking after young children, and cooking and cleaning while their adult children work outside the home (Ferrer, Brotman, & Grenier, 2017). They may find themselves financially dependent on their children while their role as an older person and their lifetime of knowledge are often discounted within the Canadian context (Gal & Hanley, 2012). If they im/migrated as older adults, they are often socially isolated due to language, cultural, and information barriers (Tong et al. 2020).

While many older im/migrants cherish close relationships with their grandchildren, sometimes the sheer weight of caregiving responsibilities socially isolates them from those outside the family. Grandchildren growing up in Canada do not always speak their heritage language and there can be communication barriers with grandparents. In the worst scenarios, Canadian-born family members may even judge older relatives for their accents, and assume their less-than-fluent English or French indicates lack of education or knowledge. There can also be a cultural clash between older im/migrants and younger relatives raised in Canada (Hossen, 2012). Taking the older im/migrant’s caregiving role for granted can be another source of hurt or conflict.

In many cultures, older people are respected as knowledge holders, but when an older adult joins a child in Canada, the expected roles of authority can be reversed, with the child having more knowledge and experience of the local context than their parent. This change can create tensions and conflict in a family (Hossen & Westhues, 2013). Unfortunately, when older im/migrants have precarious status that depends on their family members, it may be hard for them to express their feelings for fear of repercussion.

Amar, 62, runs a small family business in Egypt and enjoys more free time as he slowly turns the business over to his older daughter. Since his son immigrated to Canada, Amar misses him a lot so he wants to visit more often and maybe even retire in Canada. The family applied for Amar to have a SuperVisa so that he could travel back and forth more freely. Unfortunately, on one of his longer trips to Canada, Amar had a stroke, and the care he needs went above what is covered by his medical insurance. He is too unwell to travel back to Egypt. As his medical bills grow, his son in Canada is held financially responsible for them. Amar is deeply ashamed that he needs his children’s financial support, and Amar’s son and his siblings in Egypt are fighting about the financial burden of Amar’s health care.

 

Apart from exclusion from public health insurance, older migrants on SuperVisas face additional restrictions (Ferrer, 2015): They cannot legally work, they are ineligible for any type of income security, and they do not qualify for housing subsidies. They are even excluded from many formal services that are organized for im/migrant groups, including settlement services and/or language classes. This complex web of exclusion combines so that older migrants on SuperVisas are especially vulnerable to social isolation, without the language skills to speak to people outside their community or the knowledge or resources to take advantage of what services do exist.

In the worst-case scenario, an older im/migrant’s dependence on a family member can lead to situations of elder abuse, whether financial, physical, emotional, or forced labour (Gal & Hanley, 2012). While it is always difficult for an older person to confront and/or escape elder abuse, an im/migration background can add extra layers of difficulty to potential recourse (Matsuoka et al. 2013). Facing language or cultural barriers with service providers, the older im/migrant might not have sufficient financial resources to live independently and their lack of an extended family or social network locally might make the prospect of leaving the family home untenable. In the case of a SuperVisa or family sponsorship, the breakdown of relationship with the sponsor can even put the older im/migrant at risk of losing their right to remain in Canada.

Social Exclusion as a Basis for Change: Moving to Meaningful Inclusion

The vignettes reveal how social exclusion affects the lives of older im/migrants and their families and kin networks. They also demonstrate how immigration policies and related organizational and institutional practices can affect older im/migrants and their families’ everyday lives. Older im/migrants experience contradictory social and cultural expectations, precarity, and cumulative disadvantage.

Contradictory Social and Cultural Expectations

The discourse of a “better life” at the heart of government programs and personal expectations is limited by a range of social exclusion processes. This is particularly evident in how im/migrants are blocked from access (or excluded) from social programs as well as their challenges entering the labour market according to their level of experience (and the levels of experience for which they were recruited).

At the level of care, whether access to elder care for older im/migrants themselves or grandparents’ provision of care to children, for example, aging and migration expose the contradictions that affect older im/migrants’ lives (Williams, 2010). Canadian policies locate care in the family and market domains, and public resources are limited to those only in the greatest need. While a Canadian frameworks and programs express a strong moral imperative of family and kin care, the policies under which many im/migrants come to Canada may prevent them from being with their families or kin for the purposes of receiving or providing care. In other cases, immigration policies permit older migrants to come to Canada to provide care, but exclude them from necessary health or income programs or resources that would ensure their wellbeing and/or meaningful participation in civil society.

Older im/migrants’ lives are constructed in contradictory ways across a continuum that includes being the “the ideal carers” (recruitment for programs such as live-in-caregiver), “having strong family ties” (and thus perceived as family reliant and not needing public services) (Lavoie et al. 2007), and only as “carers and grandparents” (sponsored without consideration of their own meaningful lives) (Ferrer, 2015). The framing of older im/migrants’ lives differs from the cultural constructions of Canadian-born lives, and in doing so, reveal how older older im/migrants become, using Walker and Walker’s definition of exclusion, “shut out, fully or partially, from… the social, economic, political, and cultural systems which determine social integration” (1997, 8) through policies and institutional practices.

Precarity and Cumulative Disadvantage

The vignettes of older im/migrants and their families also reveal how trajectories of disadvantage and inequality continue to accumulate and deepen as people age, and over time (Dannefer, 2003). Grenier, Lloyd, and Phillipson (2017) argue that one of the features that distinguishes precarity in later life from earlier periods of the life course, is that precarity may worsen at the moment of needing care, and becomes particularly acute for those relying on public services. Our examples related to employment demonstrate how precarious employment affects older im/migrants through workplace discrimination in access to jobs, injury over time. Insecurity mounts as older workers age and may experience further discrimination related to being older (Ng & Law, 2014) and needing their own care. Excluded from full eligibility for pensions, older im/migrants are structured into poverty. Excluded from the protections of retirement intended to offer people reprieve from continued work in later life, they are rendered financially insecure, which may lead them to having little choice but to work into later old age. A history of precarious employment can leave older im/migrants at increased risk of having to rely on public care (if they are indeed eligible) or to rely solely on their own, often very modest, individual resources in the private market.

The example of chronological age as a basis for the point system is a striking example of social and systemic exclusion. Older people who im/migrated to Canada after age 40 are often structured into poverty as a result of not having accumulated enough work experience to qualify for full pension (if indeed they were eligible) (Grenier et al. 2017). The intersections of aging, racialization and low socio-economic status are known to affect women in earlier periods of the life course (Islam et al. 2015). Older women are known to be over-represented in terms of poverty in later life (Arber, 2004), and the relationship between gender, im/migration and/or racialization, and poverty is more pronounced in late life. In Canada, data tables from the 2016 census reveal that 16.8 percent of visible ethnic minority women over the age of 65 live in poverty (Statistics Canada, 2016). It is difficult to judge the extent to which decisions about the point system were connected to the composition of the pension structure, but when we pair the exclusion of immigration policy with retirement policy we see how older im/migrants, who would later be “structured into poverty” are simply excluded (or cut off) at the front end — through the point system. This raises important questions about the youth-based emphasis in immigration policy and how the emphasis on work overlooks the longer-term impacts of systems and structures over time. It ignores how mitigating later-life poverty relies on access to stable full-time employment across the life course, as well as schemes that compensate for needing care.

Policy Intersections 

Older im/migrants’ lives are structured by social policies, and through institutional and organizational practices in policy spheres of im/migration, health, income, housing, and care. The effects of one policy have spin-off effects in other policy spheres or over time as disadvantage accumulates. This problem is often acknowledged in the popular rhetoric of eliminating policy silos. However, such thinking overlooks how the solution is not only a question of working across policies but of identifying and addressing the systematic exclusion that happens relationally between policy structures, and in the lives of older im/migrants and their families. In thinking about late life, this includes, for example, how the types of im/migration pathways affect income security in later life (through employment and pension) and, thus, later, access to care (whether by family or state).

Our analysis of social exclusion and examples from community-based practice reveal the importance of creating mechanisms for meaningful inclusion across the life course and into late life. Social exclusion provides a framework to expose the systemic forms of exclusion and discrimination that affect people from im/migrant backgrounds across the life course. The illustrations reveal some of the complex ways that social exclusion can affect older im/migrants. Migration is one of the risk factors that drive exclusion through unequal access to employment, income security, health, and care. We now need to determine how the drivers and risk factors may be similar or different for those with im/migrant backgrounds—how particular im/migrant groups may experience social exclusion.

One of the next steps is to better understand the experiences of social exclusion from within the social location of im/migration— from the voices and experiences of older people with im/migrant backgrounds. Here, for example, an allied concept of precarity suggests how im/migration may be accompanied by greater risks for exclusion, and that the culmination of features such as low income, employment trajectories, and care policies may have particular impacts on im/migrant groups as they begin to need care in systems where the care may be expensive or inaccessible for a number of structural, cultural, or personal reasons (Grenier et al. 2017; Grenier, Phillipson, & Settersten, 2020). Where some of the multiple and varying trajectories that can lead into social exclusion in later life are relatively well known, we know less about how these may change over time, and in later life. This includes how time, aging, and the need for care may alter experiences of social exclusion that have been well-documented in earlier periods of the life course. Older im/migrants’ experiences of social exclusion will differ based on immigration policy, work and retirement benefits, institutional eligibility, as well as family patterns of care.

Where social exclusion provides an analytic framework to better understand aging among im/migrant groups, social inclusion and the elimination of discrimination are concepts that can be used to develop and assess policy and practice outcomes. The analysis of social exclusion needs to be paired with action to include older people from im/migrant groups, to eliminate discrimination into late life, and to promote wellbeing and justice. This would entail examining and challenging the assumptions and contradictions that exist between cultural discourses about aging, im/migration, and life-course pathways of older im/migrants; the elimination of disadvantage over time; and ensuring that policies do not create harm or injury. Achieving true social inclusion of older im/migrants requires addressing the system issues and conditions that cause risk and insecurity to accumulate as people age, and over time.

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