Chapter 16. Aging in Third Places: Community Spaces and Social Infrastructure for Older Immigrants

According to the 2016 Canadian Census, seniors (aged 65+) accounted for 21 percent of the total population of Canada, and almost one-third (30 percent) of the total senior population were immigrants (Statistics Canada, 2021). By 2046, the senior population is expected to make up about 20 percent of the total population in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), an increase from about 15 percent in 2020. Moreover, the senior population in suburban regions of the GTA is expected to increase by 97 percent (Government of Ontario, 2021). The GTA has attracted the largest share of immigrants to Canada, and more than 56 percent of immigrants have settled in suburban areas (Vézina & Houle, 2017). Given the intersecting processes of aging, migration, integration, and suburbanization, senior immigrants experience social isolation differently than their Canadian-born senior counterparts (Sadarangani & Jun, 2014).

Some scholars working in the field of gerontology have explored social isolation among senior immigrants, including challenges related to sense of loss, living arrangements, dependence, and family conflict (Johnson et al. 2019;). These studies have primarily focused on social, economic, and political factors ranging from acculturation to interpersonal relationships with family and within the home. Scholars tend to neglect the important roles of space and place and how they may contribute to social isolation, especially among senior immigrants. For immigrants, social, economic, and political inclusion processes are fundamentally embedded in space and place, so it is imperative to understand the spatial needs and social lives of senior immigrants within the context of the public realm, and how places affect their experiences of social isolation and connectedness.

Gerontological studies of the senior population have focused on “aging in place” – referring to seniors living and aging at home rather than moving into a long-term care centre (Vanleerberghe et al. 2017). Many scholars view “aging in place” as reinforcing the autonomy of seniors within the home environment (Boldy et al. 2011). However, some scholars are now starting to conceptualize “aging in place” in conjunction with a senior’s attachment to their environment outside the home. Some seniors feel at home in their surrounding social and physical environments; these familiar environments can be physically functional, supportive, and networked, and socially and emotionally imbued with memories and experiences (Pani-Harreman et al. 2021; Van Hees et al. 2017). However, some seniors are less familiar and comfortable in their surrounding environments. Sadarangani and Jun (2014) explored how senior immigrants can experience “aging out of place,” specifically due to the physical and emotional experiences of aging in foreign environments and the associated challenges such as limited language proficiency, financial constraints, and acculturative stress.

Individuals who immigrate at an older age tend to have more depressive symptoms in their new environment, which leads to poorer psychological wellbeing (Guo et al. 2019). Senior immigrants also have different cultural needs in terms of space, care, and services, and face challenges including limited mobility and interactions with others, poor access to culturally appropriate foods, different cultural values and norms regarding aging and death, and lack of community inclusivity (Nyashanu et al. 2020). More research is needed to investigate the intersectional experiences of senior immigrants and their relation to space and place beyond the home.

This chapter explores the role of third places and community spaces as forms of social infrastructure. Oldenburg (1999) defined third places as places outside of the home and workplace that are conducive for social interaction and engagement. To date, most studies have explored the importance of third places in facilitating and promoting social connectedness and community-building. Relatively few have focused on ethnic third places that meet diverse cultural needs (Zhuang, 2017), and specifically how senior immigrants experience social spaces outside of the home and workplace as a way to combat social isolation and foster connectedness.

The following discussion draws from secondary data, ethnographic observations (including two organized walking tours), and previous case studies of third places conducted via interviews and shopper intercept surveys to explore two research questions in the context of the GTA: (1) What are the ethnic-oriented third places that provide community spaces and social infrastructure for senior immigrants? (2) Considering the role of a third place in shaping the aging experiences of senior immigrants, what are the implications for municipalities building culturally appropriate social infrastructure to support senior immigrants’ social connectedness? We begin by discussing previous research about third places that can help senior immigrants combat social isolation and build connectedness, followed by four case studies. We conclude with policy implications for municipalities to help them (re)invest in ethnic third places that can foster a supportive and inclusive environment for healthy aging.

Third Places: Presence of Community Spaces and Social Infrastructure for Senior Immigrants

Third places are spaces in the community beyond the home (a first place) and workplace (a second place) that are conducive for social interaction (Oldenburg, 1999). They can include coffee shops, restaurants and pubs, public squares, shopping centres, and libraries; they are community spaces that provide a public or semi-public (e.g., commercial establishments) venue for people to engage in civic conversations and the building of social and cultural connections. Third places support the development of social infrastructure, meaning physical spaces, services, institutions, or programs, for example public libraries, schools, playgrounds, parks, athletic centres, and swimming pools, as well as sidewalks, courtyards, community gardens, community organizations, and commercial establishments (Klinenberg, 2019).

Scholars have confirmed the value of investment in social infrastructure because of its role in mitigating forms of social and urban inequalities (Klinenberg, 2019). However, Lo and colleagues (2015) stressed that growth of vulnerable populations in GTA suburbs is outpacing the capacity for establishing social infrastructure, which is consistent with empirical evidence from other places such as Australia (Wear, 2016). Given the growing trends of aging and processes of immigrant settlement in suburban areas (Li, 2009; Zhuang & Chen, 2017; Zhuang, 2015, 2019), more research is needed to explore the implications of (or the lack of) social infrastructure in suburban areas and how these affect the social connectedness of senior immigrants in the public realm.

Previous research has confirmed that third places provide health benefits through space and place (Campbell, 2017; Finlay, 2019). Having a space outside of the home, such as at senior centres, builds and bridges social interaction through third places (Hutchinson & Gallant, 2016). Although studies tend to consider the importance of third places as a form of beneficial social infrastructure, studies that focus on seniors broadly (Alidoust et al. 2019; Campbell, 2017; Fong et al. 2020), as opposed to a focus on senior immigrants, may overlook processes of acculturation.

Aging in third places has been discussed in the broad sense (Alidoust et al. 2019; Campbell, 2017; Fong et al. 2020), but few studies have investigated use of a third place among senior immigrants or and how it shapes their aging experiences (Cerin et al. 2019). More research and policymaking is needed to promote culturally relevant social infrastructure for immigrant seniors (Johnson et al. 2019). To date, most scholars have not conceptualized public and semi-public spaces used by older immigrants as third places, but some studies have explored and evaluated the implications of these spaces. Many scholars have found noted that organized meeting spaces can encourage community participation among senior immigrants and thus foster wellbeing (Jang et al. 2015; Kim, 2013; Koehn et al. 2016; Mand, 2006; Park et al. 2020). More specifically, they have identified the valuable role of ethnic community centres (Cerin et al. 2019; Chung & Seo, 2017; Kim & Silverstein, 2021), religious institutions including churches (Heikkinen, 2011; Kim et al. 2012; Wright-St.Clair & Nayar, 2019), or temples (Slade & Borovnik, 2018), and community gardens (Hartwig & Mason, 2016; Li et al. 2010) (that enhances wellbeing and mitigates loneliness and isolation. These and other places such as health services, libraries, grocery stores/supermarkets, recreational facilities, and affordable public transport serve as important public spaces to promote “regular engagement in physical activity, healthy eating and socialising” among senior immigrants (Cerin et al. 2019, 1). Together, these findings reveal the vitally important role of third places in shaping sense of belonging for senior immigrants at the local scale – and should motivate governments to develop more inclusive and supportive social infrastructure for senior immigrants.

The following discussion presents four case studies in the City of Toronto and its inner and outer suburbs. It explores the role of ethnic-oriented third places in shaping the aging experiences of senior immigrants, focusing on functional and physical spaces in both urban and suburban contexts and how they are imbued with social and cultural meanings and promote a sense of belonging by serving the needs of senior immigrants.

Case Studies: Ethnic-Oriented Third Places in Urban and Suburban Contexts

Scarborough: Suburban Chinese Shopping Malls Where Daily Senior Group Activities Promote Healthy Living

Scarborough is one of Toronto’s inner suburbs; it has long served as a landing pad for generations of immigrants. According to the 2016 Census, immigrants in Scarborough accounted for 56.6% of the local population (vs. 51.2% city average). The influx of immigrants to the area has brought new forms of retail developments, especially Chinese indoor shopping malls. The Agincourt neighbourhood in Scarborough is the epicentre for Chinese retail developments: the first Chinese restaurant and grocery opened in 1979, and the first Chinese indoor mall in North America (the Dragon Centre) opened in 1984 (Dragon Centre Stories, 2022). Since then, approximately 20 Chinese indoor malls have transformed the conventionally homogenous suburban landscapes and catered to the growing needs of Chinese (45.8%) and other Asian (22.6%) populations in the Agincourt area (Zhuang, 2019).

Suburban indoor shopping malls are not new and for some time have been considered informal public spaces or the “‘new main street”’ (Oldenburg, 1999). However, Chinese indoor malls are designed and developed differently from mainstream malls. Typically, a Chinese mall features small independent Asian-oriented businesses that anchor restaurants or grocery stores rather than department stores. Many of them provide a mix of retail (e.g., clothing, kitchenware, jewellery, giftware), food-oriented businesses (e.g., grocery, bakery, coffee/bubble tea shop, restaurant, takeout), and personal and professional services (e.g., health clinic, hair and beauty, banking, law offices, accounting, travel, immigration, education and training) (Zhuang & Chen, 2017).

These indoor shopping spaces provide not only a large variety of options for cultural goods, foods, and services, but also needed social spaces for senior immigrants to interact and bond with each other and promote healthy living. It is not uncommon to observe regular senior group exercises taking place inside Chinese malls, such as fan dancing, tai chi, and line dancing. One of the organized senior groups is the Hong Kai Fitness and Dance Club, which was founded in 1997. It has more than 1000 members and has been in operation in 11 locations (mainly in Chinese malls and one community centre) across the GTA. The founder emigrated from Hong Kong with her family but had to stay home alone while her husband and children were at work during the day. She did not speak English well and felt distressed in the early days after her arrival. After she began to dance with other Chinese seniors in an Agincourt park, she was inspired to found a non-for-profit fitness and dance club for other Chinese senior immigrants, many of whom speak only Cantonese or Mandarin. She now organizes group exercises in Chinese shopping malls, and finds that it helps remove language barriers and makes older adults feel comfortable and welcomed. We interviewed her after she had begun leading group dance sessions with about 150 members at the Oriental Centre in Agincourt. This Chinese mall has allocated the lobby and hallway spaces on both floors for the senior group to use five days a week. The organizer explained the physical, personal, familial, and societal benefits of joining group exercises for senior immigrants.

The benefit of doing group exercise is that we are not only becoming healthier, but are also changing our mindsets. We no longer see things negatively and we tend to help out each other … It’s also worry free for our children. Otherwise, they would worry about how we spend the day while they are at work. Now they don’t need to worry at all because [they know] we have friends to take care of each other … Some senior immigrants had health problems when they first arrived in Canada, but after doing regular exercise [with us], the symptoms were gone. So I said to them, “It’s very good that you helped save the government’s health spending. It’s a charitable deed.” … Joining the club makes us a family and we help each other like family members.

A club member shared similar sentiments as she witnessed her own body change and overall health improvement:

 

I’ve greatly benefited from being a club member over the past years because it significantly helped me improve my health. Before that, my body was very weak. But after doing the regular exercise, I’ve become much healthier, physically and mentally … [Without joining the club] these seniors had to face the four walls at home every day. Here, they feel happy because they can talk to their friends and go for dim sum [and shopping] together [after the exercise].

Both interviewees commented that club members have good relationships and often share information, organize social events, and celebrate birthdays and Chinese and Canadian holidays. Because of their familiarity with the languages spoken in the Chinese malls, the business components, and the cultural practices, this environment is conducive to developing a sense of belonging and integrating into the local community socially, economically, and culturally. These privately owned shopping malls have now become vital semi-public spaces in the suburbs that facilitate and support social interaction and community bonding among senior immigrants.

In addition to group dancing and exercises, which tend to be more appealing to female seniors, we observed other individual and group senior activities during multiple field observations. Many seniors come to the malls regularly; they tend to arrive early in the morning and enjoy breakfast or coffee/tea in the food court, reading Chinese newspapers or watching TV news from Hong Kong or Mainland China. Several senior shoppers who participated in intercept surveys said they come alone or with their spouses or friends and often do window shopping or run errands in the mall – with more frequent visits in the winter time because of Canada’s cold climate and the lack of year-round outdoor spaces. Small groups of senior men are often found playing Xiangqi (Chinese chess) in food courts, attracting spectators who may offer tips to the winners. Overall, the semi-public spaces in these malls have promoted spontaneous interactions between seniors and created a familiar environment for them to develop a sense of belonging and ownership. Oldenburg (1999, 16 ) suggested that these types of third places are “inclusively sociable” by “hosting regular, voluntary, informal, and happily anticipated gatherings.”

Brampton East: Mixed-use Ethnic Retailing, Places of Worship, and Community Centres Help Promote Social Connectedness for South Asian and Caribbean Seniors in a Suburban Periphery

Brampton is an outer suburb of Toronto that has experienced rapid demographic growth in the past few decades. It is now richly multicultural: as of the 2016 Census, immigrants and racialized groups represented 52.3 percent and 73.3 percent of the population, respectively, with South Asians (44.3%), Blacks (13.9%), and Filipinos (3.4%) the top three minority groups. In this context, suburban developments represent the growing demographics and diversity. One example is the Brampton East subdivision along the Gore Road corridor at the city’s periphery.

The area was mainly farmland until 30 years ago, when a Hindu temple was relocated after governmental expropriation. Since then, the area has flourished and turned into a mixed-use community. The subdivision has attracted about 18,000 residents and more than 400 South Asian and Caribbean businesses clustering in four retail plazas adjacent to each other. This one-kilometre-long corridor has now become a complete community, with places of worship, community facilities, and cultural institutions, including two Hindu temples (that also serve as community centres) for East Indians and one for West Indians, one Islamic service centre, one gurdwara, two banquet halls for weddings and cultural events, and one Sikh private school. The proximity of the plaza to the surrounding residential areas provides local residents, especially seniors, with easy access to ethnic food, retailing, and services, promoting active transportation on foot or by bicycle. Several South Asian and Caribbean seniors who took part in shopper intercept surveys commented on the convenience of access, noting they often walk or cycle to the plazas for shopping, to meet friends, pray, and participate in seniors’ programs offered by their religious institutes, such as yoga, cooking, English classes, games and sports, and sightseeing trips. These community spaces also serve as third places and are very popular among senior immigrants. One religious leader commented:

 

The temple offers a lot of language classes. It’s not only for the second generation — it’s for the seniors. They are retirees from India or Southeast Asia. We offer them English-as-a-second-language classes. We arrange their free trips to Niagara Falls and other places in Canada so they can see other part of the world, not just babysit at home with their grandchildren.

A small heritage school house located directly across from one of the retail plazas has been transformed into a shared community centre. One of the groups it serves Punjabi men, and a group of about 30–40 Punjabi senior men have been using it to gather on a daily basis. Most walk, cycle, or come by wheelchair to cook meals together in the kitchen, play cards, or sit and chat about everything from politics to their families. In essence, they have brought into Canada the tradition of a Saath (meaning “togetherness” or “support”), a social gathering that normally happens in a village square, under a big tree, or in a park back home. This community centre provides an important space for these Punjabi seniors to build social connectedness through traditional cultural practices. Recognizing the spatial and cultural needs of the community, the City of Brampton has waived the venue-rental fees for this group of seniors to ensure they have free access to the space and the facility. The centre is also shared by other groups for various programs and services including senior yoga, children’s arts and crafts, and Sunday services for a church group.

This case study demonstrates the importance of a third place in supporting social interaction and connectedness among senior immigrants. In a suburban context, accessibility is key to ensuring the activation of third places and effective uses of social infrastructure. Suburban planning policies and design interventions must address the needs of senior immigrants and prioritize investments and solutions for active transportation, mixed uses, and culturally sensitive programming.

Parkdale: Community Garden Returns Tibetan Senior Refugees to their Agricultural Roots

Parkdale is a dense urban neighbourhood in the inner city of Toronto with high-rise apartment buildings, a busy main street with streetcars operating, and mixed residential, commercial, and institutional uses including a variety of amenities and services. Because of the large stock of rental apartments in the area and the convenient access to urban amenities, Parkdale has also long been an entry point for immigrants, who accounted for 43.2 percent of the population in 2016. Parkdale differs from other urban neighbourhoods in Toronto because it has a high concentration of Tibetan refugees who have transformed the area into an unofficial “Little Tibet.” Numerous Tibetan food and retail establishments, decorated storefronts, apartment window displays, and cultural events commemorate this cultural community’s history and heritage. Toronto is now home to about 6000 people in the Tibetan diaspora from India and Nepal, one-third of whom have settled in the Parkdale area (Logan & Murdie, 2016).

Many senior Tibetan refugees came from farming settlements in rural India or Nepal. They did not speak English and many took adult ESL classes provided by the Parkdale Public Library. When the librarian who taught the classes found out that these seniors could not afford to buy fresh vegetables, she took the initiative to acquire a vacant private property adjacent to the library and turned it into the Milky Way Community Garden together with her Tibetan students, including many seniors (Parkdale Neighbourhood Land Trust, 2022).

In 2018, we took a walking tour organized by senior Tibetan farmers, who shared how important land and nature are to them in daily life and expressed joy and pride of growing their own fresh and healthy vegetables from scratch; they are able to apply their farming and gardening skills and develop urban agriculture within the community. They associated the garden with “home” and felt satisfied with this connection to their cultural roots. In another walking tour organized by a Tibetan legal worker who was raised in the area and has been serving the Tibetan community for many years, we heard how the community garden has become a thriving communal space that makes the seniors feel comfortable, included, and engaged. The garden has since been acquired by a community land trust and is now a community-owned property that will continue to connect newcomers (including seniors) through healthy food, learning, and skills development opportunities (Parkdale Neighbourhood Land Trust, 2022). Community gardens allow senior immigrants to reflect and reconnect with their previous life experiences, while providing a physical and social space to help them cultivate new connections with their new community. Li and coauthors (2010, 794) wrote, “ gardens can be essential places for migrants to develop and maintain a new sense of self and belonging … Gardens weave together nature, thought, memory and daily practice in culturally loaded ways … Much like the display of personal objects such as family portraits, vegetables can symbolize what is important to growers.”

Thorncliffe Park: Empowering Senior Immigrant Women through Public Space Enhancement Projects in an Apartment Tower Neighbourhood

About 500,000 people in Toronto (20% of the total population) live in a unique stock of more than 1000 high-rise apartment buildings constructed during the postwar boom (Hug et al. 2013). Despite the poor building conditions and the lack of services and amenities, these apartment-tower neighbourhoods have been landing places for newcomers for decades. Thorncliffe Park is one of these tower neighbourhoods located in the inner city of Toronto, and is home to over 20,000 residents: 63.7 percent are immigrants and 79.2 percent are visible minorities (vs. 51.2% and 51.5% city average respectively). It is one of 31 Neighbourhood Improvement Areas designated by the city that aim to strengthen the social, economic, and physical conditions in local communities y investing in people, services, programs, and facilities (City of Toronto, 2018b). With very limited public spaces in the neighbourhood, many newcomers – especially women and seniors – found it very challenging to access information, resources, and services.

Recognizing the needs of immigrant women in particular, the Thorncliffe Park Women’s Committee was founded in 2008. The committee also includes many senior members and has led a series of initiatives to improve public spaces, create local economic development opportunities, and empower immigrant women, seniors, and youth to champion community building. One local community leader told us, “the intention of [creating public spaces and public amenities] is to provide a space for women to share information, as they need more than a green space.” Over the last decade, the committee has revitalized the central park in the neighbourhood, successfully lobbied local politicians and planning authorities for new park amenities (including the first outdoor tandoori oven in Canada), created a year-round cafe converted from a shipping container, and hosted seasonal events like Arts in the Parks, community markets, and winter carnivals. All actions were locally driven, firmly rooted in community consultation, and built upon a collaborative relationship with the city. Through continued conversations with the community, the committee has identified needs and opportunities related to economy, social interaction, and community building for all ages and cultural backgrounds.

Considering the large South Asian population in the area, the committee has prioritized the cultural and economic needs of women and seniors. One community leader interviewee explained, “We have a large [South Asian] immigrant population in Thorncliffe Park. Their clothing, jewellery and other items from home countries are generally not available from retailers.” With this in mind, the committee organized a community market in the revitalized central park for local residents to sell these items on Fridays. They also built an outdoor tandoori oven for cooking events in the park – a unique way for the South Asian community to celebrate that represents their culture and heritage. They needed to convince city planning staff of the need for these spaces and amenities, which were immediately popular. Volunteers working at the Friday market (mostly women and seniors) quickly expanded from 5 to 100, and the market now helps immigrant women and seniors connect to their community and earn supplemental income for their families. It is also a means for intercultural knowledge exchange. The year-round cafe in the park also helps address the challenges of seasonality with the other events, prolongs public activity, and provides employment, catering, and food-handling training opportunities for local women, senior, and youth members.

The success of the Women’s Committee initiatives stems from their comprehensive understanding of community needs, especially those of immigrant youth, women, and seniors. Many immigrant women and seniors see their children and family as their first priority and themselves the last. Their needs for social space and employment or entrepreneurship opportunities are often unmet: many immigrant women and seniors run home-based or informal businesses from their homes (e.g., beauty spas, hair salons, child care, catering, family kitchens, school pick-up/drop-off). However, most immigrants have limited resources and lack matching skills. Existing agencies tend to provide only traditional settlement services for immigrants, and not entrepreneurship opportunities. The Women’s Committee understands the different interests and needs of immigrant women and seniors: many want income, but are fearful to lose social benefits and are not looking for full-time jobs. They also want to balance family life, so they need flexible entrepreneurial and employment opportunities. The market and the cafe in the neighbourhood park have created opportunities beyond economic benefits. One woman told us:

When the space is being used by local people and local entrepreneurs, it will become good social space for women, for seniors. They will be able to find that space to socialize, to gather, to meet new friends, and to avoid isolation. A social space is important as it addresses mental health issues.

This kind of meaningful community engagement under the leadership of the Women’s Committee has helped immigrants including seniors to develop a sense of belonging and ownership, and a strong desire to engage in bottom-up initiatives, encouraging proactive and collective actions to challenge the status quo while cultivating strong working relationships with city staff.

Discussion

Activating Third Places: Ethnic Concentration and the Effects on Senior Immigrants

The four case studies presented above reflect how third places can be activated in both urban and suburban contexts. Third places like parks, markets, gardens, malls, places of worship, and community centres can enable senior immigrants to socialize, interact, and connect with their peers. They can help build and maintain social supports and integration, with strong positive effects on social connectedness and mitigating isolation. Our findings confirm previous research suggesting that third places can provide beneficial ethnic, cultural, religious, social, and linguistic support for senior immigrants who face challenges related to acculturation and aging (Jang et al. 2015, 2016; Kim & Silverstein, 2021; Lai et al. 2019).

By supporting the establishment of ethnic-oriented social infrastructure – manifested as shops, gardens, places of worship, markets, and traditional practices involving tandoori ovens and other food-related practices, Saath, and Tai chi – third places can help senior immigrants feel at home in a new and often unfamiliar environment. Consistent with the notion of familiarity (Koehn et al. 2020; Lewis, 2009; Slade & Borovnik, 2018), our findings suggest that the ethnic-oriented third places and social infrastructure help people maintain social contact with members of the community, especially those who share similarities in ethnocultural, linguistic, and religious backgrounds. Unfamiliarity with the new environment can exacerbate a sense of isolation and fear among older migrants in new settings, particularly in “ethnically mixed environments” (Lewis, 2009).

Our findings also confirm the importance of accessibility and spatial proximity to both physical and social infrastructure in the context of ethnic concentration. The third places in the four case studies provide senior immigrants with convenient access to ethnic-oriented foods, services, amenities, and programs. A co-ethnic community also provides social support that helps mitigate the sense of isolation and loneliness for senior immigrants (Tiamzon, 2013). These ethnically dense areas allow for social interaction and contact with others sharing similarities in ethnicity, language, and culture (Wang & Zhan, 2013).

Previous studies of social isolation among senior immigrants in the Canadian context have primarily focused on large metropolitan centres, with limited attention to the broader geographic contexts of aging and migration (Johnson et al. 2019). This is not surprising given that immigrant settlement has primarily concentrated in larger cities – and more recently, as illustrated by the case studies, in the suburban communities surrounding large metropolitan centres. However, suburbs were conventionally designed and developed with segregated land uses and are centred around automobiles. As a result, acculturation barriers are embedded in space and place. It is crucial to consider how geographic and spatial dynamics affect acculturation and aging. Based on our results, it is imperative to promote mixed uses, intensification, and spatial proximity and accessibility to third places and social infrastructure. As illustrated by the cases of Brampton and Scarborough, these in turn will create more walkable, age-friendly, and inclusive places to effectively provide senior immigrants with needed public spaces, amenities, and services that are often underdeveloped in conventional suburbs (Zhuang, 2019).

Developing a Sense of Belonging to the Local Community

What constitutes a community for senior immigrants can be subjective (Huber & O’Reilly, 2004). For example, senior immigrants who rely more on transnational ties as a form of social capital or a connection with their country of origin may feel more isolated and lonely in the host community (Heikkinen, 2011; Hepburn, 2018; Klok et al. 2017; Salma et al. 2018). The case studies presented above highlight the importance of third places in supporting the social construction of community and belonging. Senior immigrants engaged in bottom-up and community-based initiatives to convert vacant land into a community garden, revitalize a run-down public park into a thriving community space, organize group exercises to promote healthy living, and utilize community amenities to shop, learn, pray, and socialize. These actions demonstrate civic engagement and advocacy through their negotiations with city authorities, which is essential to developing a sense of connection and wellbeing among senior immigrants.

Conclusion

Our findings highlight the role of ethnic-oriented third places as a form of social infrastructure that provides accessible, familiar, engaging, and interactive community spaces for social, economic, and civic participation for senior immigrants. They also provide a space for empowerment and engagement of senior immigrants in civic affairs and community advocacy.

These findings have important policy implications for municipalities and policymakers. Despite community efforts, we observed a lack of municipal involvement or policy intervention that could facilitate and maintain these ethnic-oriented and age-friendly third places. Much of this is due to insufficient understanding and acknowledgement of the needs of senior immigrants. Despite ad hoc municipal involvements such as supporting the revitalization of public spaces in Thorncliffe Park or waiving fees for Punjabi senior men at Brampton’s community centre, we found that immigrant communities had to proactively lobby authorities to negotiate spaces, or had to develop partnerships with community organizations and the private sector to have their needs met. As a result, ethnic-oriented third places have been created, promoted, and enhanced through bottom-up community-based initiatives, rather than through pre-emptive municipal interventions. Municipalities should take more proactive actions to form community partnerships, acknowledge and prioritize the needs of senior immigrants, and develop explicit policies that address aging in third places. A first step would be to engage in asset mapping of the existing physical and social infrastructure to clarify local needs and challenges and opportunities facing senior immigrants.

More research is also needed to critically consider the role of third places as a form of social infrastructure. How can they cultivate social connectedness for senior immigrants in the context of aging, migration, suburbanization, and community planning? Municipalities play an important role in facilitating and supporting the needs of senior immigrants by providing physical and social infrastructure. Through appropriate actions, they can help mitigate social isolation and disconnectedness and foster the social, economic, and political inclusion of senior immigrants.

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