Chapter 7. “I helped them to help the country”: Lack of State Support for Precarious-Status Older Chinese Immigrants

Canada and other immigrant-seeking countries are currently recruiting working-age individuals who can make a direct contribution to the economy through the labour force. Meanwhile, the older parents of immigrants often stay behind in their countries of origin, either by choice or because of the difficulties in obtaining immigration status. Canada has long  allowed individuals with permanent status to apply to sponsor for their parents, but the program was criticized for the high income required of sponsors and the extreme dependence the status imposed on their parents (Gal & Hanley, 2012; Walsh & Hassanali, 2010). Parents often come to Canada to be reunited with their children, but also to help them by providing childcare for grandchildren and performing household tasks (Ferrer, 2015). Chinese parents are acutely aware that their contributions enable their children to study or work, indirectly contributing to Canada’s economic and social wellbeing. However, rhetoric and policy around the sponsorship of parents and grandparents frame them as burdens on the Canadian health and social service system (IRCC, 2013).

The already-limited sponsorship program was “paused” in November 2011: instead of applying for permanent residency under the family sponsorship program, parents of Canadian permanent residents or citizens can now come to Canada only as long-term tourists on the so-called “Super Visa,” a two-year tourist visa renewable for up to 10 years (Chen & Thorpe, 2015; IRCC, 2011). The program was reinstituted in January 2014 under an annual quota system: the first 10,000 applications received each year are processed. Additionally, the sponsorship period (during which sponsored individuals are excluded from government income-security programs) was increased to 20 years instead of 10 throughout Canada with the exception of Quebec (IRCC, 2013). Under this system, many families rushed to complete their applications, only to miss out on the annual quota and a massive backlog was created (Ferrer, 2015). In January 2017, the sponsorship program was changed to operate on a lottery system that randomly selects 10,000 potential sponsors from eligible applicants, who are then invited to submit a full application (IRCC, 2018b). Almost 100,000 families apply annually to sponsor their parents or grandparents, so these quotas fall critically short of demand (Scotti, 2017). As a result, families are separated and struggle to maintain relationships and provide care.

To be allocated a Super Visa, parents or grandparents must convince immigration officers that they will leave Canada willingly at the end of the visa: this typically requires demonstrating ongoing ties to the home country, the temporary nature of their trip, adequate family finances to cover all needs while in Canada, and the “overall economic and political stability of [their] home country” (IRCC, 2018a). Their adult child/children must also demonstrate that they meet a minimum income threshold (equivalent to the low-income cut-off for the family size, including the parents arriving on a visa) to support their parents while they are excluded from income-security programs. One important difference between sponsorship and the Super Visa is exclusion from Medicare: parents must demonstrate that they have purchased private medical insurance for the duration of their visit, and affirm their good health through a medical exam (IRCC, 2018a).

In this context, migrants including parents and grandparents have a “precarious immigration status” – their legal status denies them the permanent right to stay in Canada and often enforces dependence on a third party (e.g., an employer or family members) (Goldring, Berinstein, & Bernhard, 2009; Hanley & Shragge, 2009). Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (C.a.I. Canada, 2001) thus creates a continuum of precarious statuses from the most insecure – undocumented migrants (those smuggled or trafficked into the country or having overstayed a legal visa), refugees (claimants, accepted or refused), and temporary residents (e.g., student and temporary foreign worker visas) to the most secure – sponsored family members (permanent residents whose status depends on their sponsor). This chapter focuses on older Chinese adults, who often fall into the categories of sponsored family members and long-term visitors.

Canadian policies have important repercussions for the immigrant Chinese community (Chen & Thorpe, 2015). Given China’s one-child policy, many young Chinese adults emigrating to Canada leave their parents behind without any direct support for them, as many do not have siblings to help support their parents back home (Gui & Koropeckyj-Cox, 2016). This particular confluence of Canadian immigration policy with Chinese family policy creates a situation in which the stakes for family reunification between adult children and older adult parents are particularly high. The lack of settlement and social support for precarious-status older adult migrants (whether sponsored, on Super Visas, or undocumented) – in contrast to those available to younger immigrants heading into the paid job market – suggests an underappreciation of their contributions to Canadian society, whether in terms of family caregiving, household support, or community contributions (Chen & Thorpe, 2015; Da & Garcia, 2015).

People of Chinese origin make up the second-largest racialized population in Canada: as of 2016, about 5 percent of the Canadian population was of ethnic Chinese origin (StatsCan, 2017a). In 2016, Metropolitan Montreal had a Chinese population of 108,755, or about 2.7 percent of the city’s total population (StatsCan, 2017b). The following discussion focuses on the experiences of Chinese older adults living with precarious immigration status in the West Island, a suburban area of Montreal. Based on the 2006 census, this area had a large population (n = 1050) of Chinese persons aged 55 or older; this is about 13 percent of the total population of older Chinese persons living in Montreal (StatsCan, 2011). We examined how precarious immigration status intersects with the experiences of older Chinese persons as family caregivers.

Chinese Older Immigrants in Canada

Northcott and Northcott (2010) identified six main barriers facing Chinese older adults when accessing health, social, and settlement services in Canada: language, cultural, economic, transportation, social, and weather. Other scholars have identified other barriers including service barriers (Lai & Chau, 2007a; 2007b) and policy barriers such as sponsorship regulations (Koehn, Spencer, & Hwang, 2010). Together, these interwoven barriers lead to high levels of social isolation and affect quality of life among older Chinese immigrants. In our broader study, we explored language, cultural, transportation, and weather barriers; the discussion in this chapter focuses specifically on the themes most directly relevant to precarious immigration status: economic, social, and service barriers.

Among economic barriers, Northcott and Northcott (2010) identified several subthemes: poverty, lack of employment, lack of access to certain social benefits due to immigration status, and high financial dependence on children. Dempsey (2005) found that sponsored parents have a low incidence of being employed and a high incidence of receiving Old Age Security (OAS) and the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) upon completion of the sponsorship period (10 years in Quebec and since 2013, 20 years in the rest of Canada) (Dempsey, 2005; IRCC, 2013). During the 10-year waiting period for access to OAS, older immigrants who are unable to work are therefore completely economically dependent on their children, and this is a common situation among older Chinese immigrants (Brotman, 1998; Da & Garcia, 2015). The problem is compounded if relationships break down: compared to older immigrants in general, older Chinese immigrants are known to have high rates of poverty (Dempsey, 2005), with length of residency in Canada having no correlation to poverty level (Troung, 2006). Access to OAS and ability to overcome language and other barriers to employment have the strongest effects in terms of reducing poverty and dependence on their children (Koehn, Spencer, & Hwang, 2010; Troung, 2006). Moreover, when older adults have less economic dependency, they feel they are making more of a contribution to their family (Wellesley Institute, 2008).

Northcott and Northcott defined social barriers as “social isolation, lack of ‘weak ties,’ familial roles, and relationships which function as either a facilitator or a barrier to integration, lack of support for family caregivers, and systemic racism, sexism, and ageism” (2010, 41). Even when living with their families, sponsored older immigrants may feel extremely lonely and isolated from much-needed services and support (Koehn, Spencer, & Hwang, 2010). Language barriers are often a main reason for social isolation among older immigrants (Tam & Neysmith, 2006), while childcare and other forms of daytime domestic labour often isolate minority older adults from services and communities (Rittman, Kuzmeskus, & Flum, 1998). Surprisingly, even Chinese older adults living in large Chinese communities can experience high degrees of social isolation (Chau & Lai, 2011). Finally, weakened cultural values and loss of independence and status can lead to social isolation and intergenerational conflict (Northcott & Northcott, 2010).

With regard to service barriers, older immigrants often report low levels of social participation (Fong & Ooka, 2006). Among Chinese older adults, family and kin are often the most immediate and main resource for support; those who live with their adult children tend to access formal services less (Tsai & Lopez, 1998). Overreliance on family and kin can lead to reluctance to use local formal services (Northcott & Northcott, 2010). Older Chinese immigrants often report a lack of professionals who speak their language as a main reason for not accessing formal services (Lai & Chau, 2007). The complicated logistics of accessing service delivery can also reduce confidence in using them (Lai & Chau, 2007).

To address such service barriers, Northcott and Northcott (2010) emphasizes the need to develop culturally safe and linguistically appropriate services, including hiring practitioners from the ethnic community and providing culturally and linguistically appropriate informational materials. For example, clinicians and service providers serving older Chinese immigrants should assess the acculturation level of each client and their knowledge of the local system before providing services (Kuo, 2010). Practitioners should also collaborate with supportive family members (Tsai & Lopez, 1998) and engage in community education and training in cross-cultural communication skills (Lai & Chau, 2007b). However, while measures of cultural competency are important, the current emphasis on language barriers and solutions in services for ethnic minority older adults can neglect issues related to underlying racism (Brotman, 2003).

Documenting the Lives of Suburban Chinese Older Adults

Montreal’s West Island has gradually become a hub for the Chinese population, which is drawn to the area’s anglophone public life. However, the West Island is located far from the traditional Chinatown neighbourhood in downtown Montreal, which has two well-known Chinese health and social service organizations: the Montreal Chinese Hospital and Chinese Family Services of Greater Montreal. For some older Chinese adults, especially newcomers with significant language barriers, the West Island can seem very far away, and travelling to Chinatown by public transportation often takes up to an hour and a half and involves multiple transfers from bus to metro.

This area and its understudied population required a needs assessment, so we collected first-hand information about the particular needs of this population on the West Island. Our study population included eight Chinese older adults (55 and older) with no health problems impeding communication, precarious immigration status (sponsored or visitors), and who had arrived in the last ten years (minimum six months in Canada). We also included three adult children living with their immigrant older parents. We included both older immigrants and older long-term visitors because they are likely to experience similar challenges. Three interviewees were visitors in the process of applying for sponsorship through their children.

We recruited study participants through resources within the West Island Chinese community: an immigration consulting company, social gatherings of Chinese older adults in a public park, the home of one older adult, two schools, a community organization, and a local soccer club. We arranged individual meetings with directors, activity organizers, and team leaders to explain the research subject, objectives, and procedures. We also asked community leaders to share a flyer about the study with their contacts (verbally at activities or by e-mail) and to include the information in newsletters and on information boards. Community partners played an important role in encouraging their members to overcome any hesitation or distrust to participate in the interviews, and also provided useful suggestions in revising the interview format and wording of questions, as well as adding essential information to the consent form.

Data Collection

Older adults and adult children each participated in one semi-structured qualitative interview (about one hour each) to collect demographic information and used open-ended questions to explore psychosocial wellbeing and quantitative questions to explore opinions on health and social services. The following sections discuss the responses to open-ended questions exploring: (a) living arrangements; (b) difficulties and changes compared to life in China; (c) caregiving responsibilities; (d) social participation; (e) transportation; (f) conflicts with adult children and coping methods; and (g) psychological wellbeing.

Given the low level of English proficiency among most respondents, interviews with older adult participants were conducted by the first author entirely in Chinese, and those with adult children were conducted primarily in Chinese. English was used only for certain terms without Chinese equivalents.

Data Analysis

Transcribing from another language into English can be problematic because it requires two filters: translation and transcription (Padgett, 2008). To reduce inaccuracy caused by filters, the first author designed all questions in Chinese to prioritize understanding by Chinese participants, instead of translating them from English to Chinese. A translated version together with the Chinese version was shared with the other authors and for ethics approval.

When coding and analyzing, we paid special attention to four of the six elements of narrative approach provided by Labov and Waletzky (2003): abstract, orientation, complicated action, and evaluation. We summarized each interviewee’s life story chronologically, framed by interview questions. To ensure coding accuracy, the research team coded the interviews twice with a one-week interval between coding. No major differences emerged between the two rounds of coding. After coding and summarizing were completed, we reorganized the themes into different categories (main themes) and levels (subthemes).

Limitations

Due to the limited number of interviewees, we were unable to thoroughly explore the influence of gender on provision of care to family members. The results would have been more generalizable if more male older participants and younger adult participants were included. Additionally, because of our focus on a specific geographical area, the results may not be applicable to other areas with significant concentrations of older Chinese immigrants – even within the greater Montreal area.

Intersecting Identities among Caregivers on the West Island

Language, transportation, economic dependence, social isolation, and access to social services all emerged as important interview themes, but these have already been explored thoroughly in the literature. Therefore, we focused on the themes most directly related to precarious immigration status and the main reason these Chinese older adults came to Canada: to support their children and grandchildren. The following discussion explores the themes of heavy daily tasks, intergenerational conflict, and self-identification.

Table 7.1 summarizes the demographic profiles of all participants. While levels of education varied greatly, seven of the eight older adults had no English or French at all, and personal incomes were very low: from $0 to a maximum of $15,000 per year. Among the eight older adults, only one earned an income in Canada through Old Age Security; the rest received income from China, either their pension or small business income. The individual with the highest income ($15,000) received an annual gift from their son as compensation for contributions to the family. Half of the older participants had an annual income of about $3600. All but one of the older adults were living with their son or daughter and their family, with no clear preference with regard to gender. All three adult children interviewed were male, while the eight older interviewees included six females and two males. Previous research has revealed that the majority of immigrant older adults are female (Durst, 2005) and that women are more likely to provide caregiving in Canada (Cranswick & Dosman, 2008).

Heavy Daily Tasks

The extended family structure is central within Chinese culture. Many visiting parents lived under the same roof with their children and grandchildren to enjoy a sense of family happiness and the love of being reunited (Tian lun zhi le, 天伦之乐). In accordance with cultural expectations of maintaining the household and taking care of grandchildren (Rittman et al. 1998), most older participants said it was natural for them to take over many daily tasks. All participants but one – who had immigrated as a business immigrant and raised his children in Montreal – reported that they had some role in caring for the families of their adult children. Daily tasks included babysitting, cooking, cleaning, grocery shopping, and gardening, and most felt these were their responsibility. Often, long-term stays in Canada began after their daughter or daughter-in-law became pregnant. One participant described a typical day as follows:

 

After getting up, I have to warm up milk and prepare breakfast for the baby. I drop her off at the daycare at 8:30 am and pick her up at around 4:00 pm. After coming back from the daycare in the morning, I wash the dishes and do the laundry every three days. I prepare the three meals for the whole family every day. I go to my [Chinese] neighbour’s home about two to three times per week. I go to IGA and dollar store etc. Around 2 pm, everything [preparation for supper] is ready. I read Chinese newspaper for a while. I take a shower in the afternoon, as I won’t have too much time in the evening. Before picking up the baby, the supper is ready. I keep it warm. I only have to cook a soup before the supper. (Participant # 4, Female older immigrant)

 

As illustrated by this excerpt, this participant was so busy with daily tasks that she was unable to take a shower at a time convenient to her. Another older woman participant commented on the length of her day: “I got up at 7 am. It will last until 7 pm.” Babysitting was common and participants reported that this caregiving work was most intensive before the child began going to daycare. Comments from older adults included having “to take care of the baby from opening my eyes in the morning till closing my eyes at night” or “taking care of kids, every day of 365 days.” Despite their busy schedule and long hours, almost all older participants also reported positive aspects of these roles, such as responsibility, joy, and happiness. One said:

To take care of kids is tiring. But at its essence, it is enjoyment and happiness. It is also responsibility. I feel the responsibility is on top of the other two … I feel I got lots of joys when I accompanied my granddaughter acting out cartoon stories and dancing together. But responsibility is still the top principle. Sometimes you have tiredness and even painfulness following the joys. I have to admit that it is more tiring to look after a child than to do real work. (Participant # 2, Male older immigrant)

Koehn, Spencer, and Wang (2010) found that Chinese older adults enjoyed such responsibilities for a number of reasons: they love their grandchildren, it keeps them busy, and/or it allows them to fulfill a role that they value. Our results were consistent with these findings, and one interviewee noted that she “was brought up with little sense of family ties … had never thought about being exempted from the work of taking care of kids.” However, she also commented that the more she helped, the more her son and daughter-in-law were spoiled, so she was careful to not overdo it. Sometimes the parents of both adult children in a couple took turns visiting Canada to share these heavy responsibilities, and sometimes older adults came with their spouse and shared the tasks. For example, one husband would take a walk with the grandchild while the wife cooked or did laundry.

Because of their heavy daily task load, interviewees often reported that they did not get enough personal time. A few reported a fixed hour-by-hour daily schedule of household and childcare tasks, commenting that their personal time was squeezed into a short period of time, either after lunch or after supper before sleep:

[I worked] until 6:30 when my son comes back. We will say, “Finally you are back.” (I am) very tired. A two-year-old baby is the most tiring. In the evening (after the baby goes to bed), I have my own time … I have thought about having some of my own time. For example, every Thursday I started to plan my weekend. (Participant # 2, Male older immigrant)

 

I don’t have much time for myself now. It is impossible to sit to read for two hours. (Participant # 4, Female older immigrant)

 

Of these two participants, the older man seemed to have a bit more time for himself, at least during the weekend; he focused more on playing with his grandchild and taking her for walks, while his wife prepared food and cleaned the house. This reflects the general trend that women are more likely to do housekeeping tasks than men, and the gendered nature of the distribution of caregiving tasks between men and women in Canada (Cranswick & Dosman, 2008).

Interviews with adult children revealed that they were aware of the heavy load borne by their parents; some they tried to compensate for this by taking parents out on weekends and arranging for activities:

I don’t accompany them out too often. Sometimes, when I go to do shopping, I will bring them with me. (Participant # 9, adult child)

 

I have tried to look for some activities for her. I arranged some travelling, for example to Gaspé. But she prefers to wait for her husband and travel together in the future. She does not want to travel too far. For other occasions, we bring her to friends and have a dinner there. (Participant # 4, adult child)

 

[My mother] does not have too much time for herself … I accompany her out at least twice a week. On Saturday or Sunday, we often go out. (Participant # 11, adult child)

Intergenerational Conflict

Older immigrants are known to experience intergenerational conflict (Northcott & Northcott, 2010). One of our participants commented, “it happens in every family” and others described it as “unavoidable.” We found that older participants felt lonely and isolated as a result of different living habits, different life circles, and lack of integration in the host society. All of these factors were mentioned as causes of intergenerational conflict:

There is always a generation gap existing. For example, the work and rest schedule is quite different. The choice of food and the health ideology are more or less different. (Participant # 2, Male older immigrant, )

 

For the leftovers, when we saw they wanted to throw away, we told them that we could eat them. Then my son questioned “How much money would you be able to save? If you are getting sick, how much more would you spend?” Obviously, he is right. But I just didn’t feel happy. I was doing something good for you, while you gave me this attitude. It hurt my dignity. There is no right or wrong, but the difference between two different living habits.… (Participant # 2, Male older immigrant)

 

Most older immigrant participants seemed unwilling to give up the parental authority that they would normally have in China. Northcott and Northcott (2010) described similar situations in which older immigrants experience an erosion of the power and authority that they would exercise within the “traditional” family structure in their countries of origin.

Money, or attitudes about saving money, emerged as common cause of intergenerational conflict. Older participants tended to worry more about “wasting” money than the younger generation:

 

After I came, my son-in-law insisted on buying private health insurance for me. I don’t want to buy. It is too expensive. It is not worth it. I won’t be sick. But he insisted that it would cost more in case I fell or got sick here. (Participant # 4, Female older immigrant)

Many of the older adults questioned why they should “waste” money on health insurance, especially when they are always at home. They did not want to spend money on something they did not feel was necessary. In contrast one older immigrant felt her daughter-in-law cared too much about money:

 

My daughter-in-law kept complaining to my son, “For the Internet, I have already said so many times [switch to a cheaper plan]. I am too tired of this life.” I told her that if she talked about money so much, I would leave. I told her, “If you are tired of the marriage, get divorced … In my factory in 1980, our salary was about $80/month. One watch was $120. A colleague lost his watch. His wife told him that it was OK and she should not feel pain for it since it was gone.” I found her to be more understanding and mature after my intervention. (Participant # 3, Female older immigrant)

On one hand, older adults expected their adult children not to waste or overspend money; on the other, they wanted the younger generation to check whether they had enough money and to have a certain financial independence. One commented:

 

I have a good relationship with my daughters-in-law, both here and the one in China. The one here is very smart. She won’t care how much money I spend … If there is not enough, they will give me. (Participant # 5, Female older immigrant)

All participants agreed that some degree of intergenerational conflict was unavoidable, but referred to different levels of intensity and coping mechanisms. One important coping mechanism was communicating when conflict arises. One older man referred to trying to initiate communication while also maintaining his traditional authority.

 

For this situation (of conflict), we talk it out. I tell them I am right and you are wrong. In my heart, I believe they are right. (Participant # 2, Male older immigrant)

Avoiding and ignoring were also common techniques in dealing with conflict; these might be related to the often vulnerable positions of older adults within their child’s home. Female participants reported avoiding and/or ignoring more often than males:

 

Conflicts are unavoidable. My daughter is very anxious. When there is a conflict, I just ignore it. For the biggest conflict that I ever had with her, I just did not talk to her for two days. After that, we were ok. (Participant # 7, Female older immigrant)

Fighting back was another coping method. Two participants reported fighting back: they both had strong personalities and were living alone with their child’s families because their spouses had either passed away or lived in China:

 

I will fight. I will blame and scream at them. They will leave and go to their own bedroom. They don’t want to fight back. But I follow to their bedroom and continue to fight. (Participant # 5, Female older immigrant)

 

I only hit you hard once [a big fight between the older immigrant and her daughter-in-law] and make you wake up and understand life. (Participant # 3, Female older immigrant)

When conflict arose between older adults and daughters-in-law or sons-in-law, an intervention by their own child seemed effective:

 

My daughter-in-law used the cloth to clean the table. I told her not to use that particular one. She was not happy. She raised her voice. My son intervened and asked her to apologize. I did not expect that. I would have let it go if she did not come up to me. They are educated. It won’t affect the relationship between the son and her. She apologized to me. I thought she was very nice and civilized. (Participant # 1, Female older immigrant)

 

We have a good relationship with parents. Both sides have tolerance. (…)We have a good dynamic. I deal with the conflict with my own parents. She does with her parents. Your own parents would never slap you. (Participant # 9, Adult child)

Despite these “unavoidable” intergenerational conflicts, all participants denied having any experience of abuse.

Self-identification

This section explores how older adults self-identified their own roles to clarify how and why they handled issues in particular way: the results provide a solid basis for developing required services.

Self-identification As a Helper and/or Caregiver

Interviews with older adults revealed that most took responsibility for nearly all caregiving and housekeeping tasks motivated by the goal of contributing to the family and avoiding being a burden. Chinese culture values making sacrifices for and prioritizing the younger generation (Gui & Koropeckyj-Cox, 2016). Collective thinking about one’s contribution to society – similar to the concept of prioritizing collective welfare over individual benefits – is common among older adults who lived for years under China’s socialist system (Wolf, Bennett, & Daichman, 2003). One interviewee framed herself as an indirect contributor to Canada through her support of her children’s family:

 

I feel happy when my children come back with a happy face. I help them to help the country. I reduce the burden for the country. I take care of the kids. I tell stories to the kids. When my children are concentrating on my work, I am kind of helping Canada government. (Participant # 1, Female older immigrant)

Another commented that her household and caregiving contributions allowed her adult children to “focus more on contributing to the Canadian society.”

Financial factors are another reason why some older adults remain in the caregiver role. Many older immigrants prefer to contribute to the family financially rather than feel like a burden on them (Wellesley Institute, 2008). However, Koehn, Spencer, and Hwang (2010) stressed that older adults do not always choose to come to Canada themselves. Several of our participants said they had no choice about taking responsibility as a helper:

 

Taking care of babies, I have no other choice. (My adult children) pay so much tax … They won’t have time to take care of the kids. (Participant # 8, Female older immigrant)

 

I don’t mean I don’t like here. I have no choice. It does not matter if I like it here or not. Both of my children are outside in another country. I have nobody in China. (Participant # 8, Female older immigrant,)

We found that older parents viewed themselves as helpers for the whole family; this is somewhat different from perceptions among their adult children, who made comments like “the main goal of the parents’ visit is to help (take care of) the grandchildren.” However, adult children also noted that that help from the older generation provided them with “lots of time and the convenience of learning something else.” All adult children emphasized that it is “a good chance for the kids to live with their grandparents” or for “the grandparents not being far away from their grandchildren.” These views were in contrast with the observations of their older immigrant parents:

 

They are very educated, but they do not have enough life experience. They took things for granted. (Participant # 3, Female older immigrant)

 

I vent out my bad feeling by screaming at my son. I told him, “I am not a babysitter or maid. I am your mother.” He said “I never asked you to be a maid.” (Participant # 5, Female older immigrant,)

Lack of recognition about how adult children personally benefitted from their parents’ contributions became more obvious during conflict.

Self-identification as an Outsider

Some older immigrants described being an outsider to their children’s family. One older woman said, “I reserve some opinions when we have different opinions on educating children. I always listen to them, as it is their family” (Participant # 1). Not all adult children felt this way, but interviews revealed that parents were considered a kind of burden:

 

It is very obvious that they do give us extra burden. They have their own pension in China. But everything here is on my shoulder. (Participant # 9, Adult child)

 

Sometimes, I do feel there is a burden when they live with us. Especially when there is a conflict—we have thought that it would have been better if they did not live with us. (Participant # 11, Adult child)

Some older adults viewed themselves as outsiders because they were living with a daughter’s family rather than a son’s family. In Chinese culture, it is mostly the son’s responsibility to exercise filial piety toward his parents – an indication of the traditional cultural value of men’s power and authority over women (Lai & Surood, 2009). One older immigrant who had no sons and lived with her daughter’s family did not have a strong sense of being part of her son-in-law’s family: “It is my daughter’s home. It is not my home. It is another home under another family name (the son-in-law’s name)” (Participant # 8, Female older immigrant).

Another issue related to feeling like an outsider involves Canadian society: most older adult participants reported not having a strong sense of belonging to Canadian society. One said, “I feel that I am only a guest for Canada. Here is only a hotel for me. Eventually, I have to leave … I am not a Canadian … I feel like I am locked here.” We observed similar findings among both precarious-status visitors and sponsored immigrant participants, and found that those who had been in the country for a shorter time reported feeling less of a sense of belonging to Canada. This finding is in contrast to previous research indicating that 76 percent of the overall Chinese population of all ages report a strong sense of belonging to Canada (StatsCan, 2007).

Discussion

Interviews with the precarious immigrant older adults revealed that they have a very demanding life and experience three notable emotions: a sense of pride and satisfaction in contributing both to their families (and indirectly to Canadian society); a sense of happiness and love in being able to share their lives with their children and grandchildren; and a sense of frustration and sometimes anger that their heavy responsibilities leave them little time for themselves and leave them tired and isolated. Immigration status can impose financial dependence on children, and access to health, social, and community services can be very limited. We focused specifically on Chinese immigrants, but similar results are to be expected in other immigrant communities. Precarious status among older immigrants is an issue that merits more scholarly and policy attention.

Demographically, the West Island of Montreal has a comparatively large older (55+) Chinese population, which is likely higher than the 1050 reported in 2006 due to annual increases in new arrivals under family-class sponsorship and the aging of Chinese individuals who entered Canada as economic immigrants. In addition, many older Chinese visitors stay with their adult children for at least six months, including those waiting to be processed for family-class sponsorship. Our interviews with older Chinese immigrants in the West Island revealed a combination of challenges including language problems, high levels of isolation together with feelings of loneliness, helplessness, sadness, transportation barriers, low income and economic dependence, and intergenerational conflict. All these issues affect their quality of life in Canada, and existing formal services cannot address all of these needs.

Precarious immigration status is clearly not the only challenge faced by older Chinese adults, but it affects everyday life and contributes to other challenges including a heavy burden of daily tasks and intergenerational conflict. It also affects how older adults self-identify themselves and their roles within the family and Canada. Fundamentally, precarious immigration status creates a situation of legal dependency on adult children. The legal right of older adults to be present in Canada is tied to their children’s legal sponsorship – while this same sponsorship denies them any access to the kind of income security enjoyed by other Canadian residents. Cultural values encourage older adults to accept the heavy burden of family caregiving and housekeeping, but this leads to a sense of not having much choice about being in Canada, not having any real possibilities to earn  independent income, and having to compensate for the “burden” they pose to their children through economic dependency. This kind of dependency is not helpful in managing the “unavoidable” intergenerational conflict. While such tensions are common, total dependency makes for difficult situations – and if abusive situations arise, a precarious-status older immigrant is ill-placed to resist (Gal & Hanley, 2012). Finally, precarious status reinforces a person’s sense of being an “outsider.” Previous research has confirmed a sense of exclusion from Canadian society among precarious-status migrants  (Goldring, Berinstein, & Bernhard, 2009), but in the case of sponsoring immigrant older adults, this sense of being an “outsider” can extend into the family. Parents of adult children often experience a sense of being in someone else’s home when they live with an adult child. Under conditions of sponsorship, this feeling of being an outsider is underpinned by the knowledge that their children have little choice but to continue living with them, facing stiff financial penalties should the older immigrant parents leave and try to access public income security.

Overall, the experiences of Chinese older adults living in Montreal with precarious immigration status reflect a transnational dynamics of care. Many decided to come to Canada to join their adult children and grandchildren. Their adult children want to support their parents, but also need their parents’ support to care for their own children. The decision to migrate in later life is difficult, and many of our interviewees did not necessarily see migration as permanent; some were trying to travel back and forth between Canada and China. Finally, we found that older adults frame themselves as helping both their adult children and Canada: by helping their adult children support their employment by providing childcare and other household tasks, they feel they are helping Canada by reducing demands on the welfare state. This finding may extend beyond the Chinese community to other immigrant groups.

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